Newspaper Page Text
' ; "V ; " ,
YOL, XLY, WINNSBORO, S. C., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1888. NO. 8.
THE PRESIDENT 80LDLY DECLARES j
FOR REDUCED TARIFF TAXES.
"Xo Crusade of Free Trade"?"We Will Not
Neglect the Interest# of Labor and Workingmen"?Danger
of the Surplus?Free
Raw Material Will Promote Employment
and Wider Markets?Trusts and Pauper
Labor?A Straightforward Deliverance
that is Overflowing with Patriotic Sentiment.
? " ?1?i n rnvo.
Washington, oepiemuer ?xuo Allowing
is the President's latter of acceptance:
Washington, September 8, 1888.
Hon. Patrick A. Collins and others,
Gentlemen: In addressing to you my
formal acceptance of the nomination to
the Presidency of the United States, my
thoughts persistently dwell upon the
impressive relation of such action to the
American people, whose confidence is
thus invited, and to the political party
to which I belong, just entering upon a
contest for continued supremacy.
The \70rld does not afford a spectacle
more sublime than is furnished when
scullions of free and intelligent American
citizens select their Chief Magistrate and
bid one of their number to find the
highest earthly honor and the fall measure
of public duty in ready submission
to their will.
It follows that a candidate for this
high office can never forget that when
the turmoil and the strife which attend
the selection of its incumbent shall be
heard no more, there must be in the
quiet calm which follows a complete and
solemn self-consecration by the people's
- -?chosen President of every faculty and
endeavor to the service of a confiding
and generous nation of freemen.
The thoughts are intensified by the
light of my experience in the Presidential
office which has soberly impressed
me with the severe responsibilities which
it imposes, while it has quickened my
love for American institutions and taught
me the priceless value of the trust of
T>T/mrno AT? k WDTPA V flPPTOSHlCg.
xn.r< iuvrm^ V? r? w.
It is of the highest importance that
those who administer our government
should jealousy project and maintain
the rights of American citizens at home
and abroad, and should strive to achieve
for our country her proper place among
the nations of the earth; but there is no
people -whose home interests are so great,
and whose numerous objects of domestic
concern deserve so much watchfulness
. and care.
Among these are the regulation of a
sound financial system suited to our
needs, thus securing an efficient
agency of national wealth and general
prosperity; the construction and equip^
ment of means of defense, to insure our
j&^natioiial safety and maintain the honor
K^eath which such national safety reBfrts;
the protection of our national
still stretching beyond the needs
Bntury's expansion, and its preserv
Bor the settler and the pioneer of
HI yt^ : n ty-iynKIn^?^
Kan labor, leading to'the scrCT
mm otiA ino+. armr<v?ifttiAD of the I
r Vtuv MUM JUWW
HHHt of our workingmen; the limitaHand
checking of such monopolistic
pP&ncies and schemes as interfere with
IHTe advantages and benefits which the
^^people may rightfully claim; a generous
v regard and care for our surviving soldiers
and sailors and for the widow and orphans
of such as have died, to the end that
while the appreciation of their services
f and sacrifices is quickened the application
of their pension fund to improper
25*?- cases may be prevented; protection
against a servile immigration, which injuriously
competes with our laboring
ttwm in the field of toil and adds to our
population an element ignorant of our
institutions and laws, impossible of
assimilation with our people and danger w
ous to our peace and welfare; a strict
B and steadfast adherence to the principle
ft of civil service reform and thorough exW
ecution of the laws passed for their enf
foroement, thus permitting to our people
* the advantages of business methods in
" the operations of their government; the
guaranty to our colored citizens of all
their rights of citizenship and their just
recognition and encouragement in all
things pertaining to that relation; a firm,
patient and humane Indian policy, so
that in peaceful relations with the government
that civilization of the Indian
may be promoted, with resulting quiet
and safety to the settlers on our frontiers;
and the curtailment of public expense
by the introduction of economical
mAthndR in everv department of the
L ESTDOESTKQ THE PLATFORM.
The pledges contained in the platform
W .adopted by the late convention of the
F national Democracy lead to the advancef
.ment of these objects and insure good
I ..government, the aspiration of every true
f American citizen and the motive for
every patriotic action and effort. In the
consciousness that much has been done in
-the direction of good government by the
present administration, and submitting
its record to the fair inspection of my
countrymen, I indorse the platform thus
presented, with the determination that
if I am again called to the Chief Magistracy,
there shall be a continuation of
devoted endeavor to advance the interests I
of the entire country. !
Our scale of Federal taxation and its!
oonsequences largely engross at this'
time the attention of our citizens and |
the people are soberly considering the
neoeesitv of measures of relief.
Our government is the creation of the
people, established to carry out their designs
and accomplish their good. It was
founded on justice, ard -was made for a
free, intelligent and virtuous people. It
is only useful when within their control,
and only serves them well when regulated
and guided by their constant touch.
It is a free government because it guarantiees
to every American oitizen the tinrestricted
personal use and enjojmeit
of all the reward of his toil and of all his
income, except what may be his fair
contribution to necessary public expense.
Therefore it is not only the right but
' ' 1- -- .-~r
tll6 duly OI & ire? ill IUO juhui^Cment
of this guaranty, to insist that such
expeno should be strictly limited to the
actual public needs. It seems perfectly
dear that when the government, this
instrumentality created and maintained
by the people to do their bidding, turn*
upO'i then;, and through au ntvjr per
version of its powers, extorts from their
labor and capital tribute largely in excess
of public necessities, the creature has
rebelled against the creator and the mas'
ters are robbed by their servants.
EXPENSES TO BE MET IJY DUTIES.
The cost of the government must continue
to be met by tariff duties collected at
our custom houses upon Imported good?
and by internal revenue taxes assessed upon
t spirituous and malt liquors, tobacco and
oleomargarine. I suppose it is needless to
explain that all these duties and assessment*
I are added to the price of the articles upon
which they are levied, and thus become s
tax upon all those who buy these articles
for use and consumption. I suppose, too,
it is well understood that the effect of this
tariff taxation is not limited to the consumers
of imported articles, but that the
duties imposed upon such articles permit a
corresponding increase in price to be laid
upon domestic productions of the same
kind, which increase, paid by all our people
as consumers of home productions and eni
tering every American home, constitutes a
form of taxation as certain and as inevitable
as though the amount was annually
paid into the hand of the tax-gatherer.
These results are inseparable from the
plan we have adopted for the collection of
our revenue by tariff duties. They are not
mentioned to discredit the system, but by
way of preface to the statement that every
million of dollars collected at our custom
houses for duties upon imported articles
and paid into the public treasury represent
many millions more, which, though never
reaching the national treasury, are paid bji
our citizens as the increased cost of domestic
productions resulting from our tariff
LIMIT THE RATE OF TARIFF CHARGES.
In these circumstances, and in view of
this necessary effect of the operation of our
plan for raising revenue, the absolute duty
of limiting the rate of tariff chargcs to the
necessities of a frugal and economical administration
of the government seems to be
perfectly plain. The continuance, upon a
pretext of meeting public expenditures, of
such a scale of tariff taxation as draws from
the substance of the oeoole a sum largely
in excess of public needs, is surely something
-which under a government based
upon justice, and which finds its strength
and usefulness in the faith and trust of the
people, ought not to be tolerated.
While the heaviest burdens incident to
thf necessities of the government are uncomplainingly
borne, light burdens become
grievous and intolerable when not justified
by such necessities.- Unnecessary taxation
is unjust taxation. And yet this is our condition.
"We are annually collecting at our
custom houses and by means of our internal
revenue taxation many millions in excess
of all legitimate public needs. As a
consequence there now remains in the national
treasury a surplus of more than one
hundred and thirty millions of dollars.
No better evidence could be furnished
that the people are exorbitantly taxed.
The extent of the superfluous burden indicated
by this surplus will be betUr appreciated
when it is suggested that such surplus
alone represents taxation aggregation
more than one hundred and eight thousand
dollars in a county containing fifty thousand
Taxation has always been the feature of
organized government; the hardest to re
concile with tne people's ideas 01 ireenom
and happiness. When pre;rented in a direct
form nothing will arouse popular discontent
more quickly and profoundly than
unjust and unneccessary taxation. Our
farmers, mechanics, laborers and all our
citizens closely scan the slightest increase
in the taxes assessed upon their lands and
other property, and demand good reasons
for such increase. And yet they seem to
be expected, in some quarters, to regard the
unnecessary volume of insidious and indirect
taxation visited upon them by our
present rale of tariff duties with indifference
if not with favor.
A MENACE TO PROSPERITY.
The surplus revenue now remaining in
the Treasury not only furnishes conclusive
proof of unjust taxation, but its existence
constitutes a separate and independent
jpgnace_Lo the prosperity of the people.^ _
Bfejts that" much money drawn from the
circ^k.ting medium of the country which
is neeueamtne cnanneis ui intue ?uu uusiness.
It is a great mistake to suppose that the
consequences which follow the continual
withdrawal and hoarding by the government
of the currency of the people are not
of immediate importance to the mass of our
citizens, and only concerns those engaged
in large financial transactions.
In the restless enterprise and activity
which free and ready money among the
people produces is found that opportunity
for labor and employment and that impetus
to business and production which bring in
their train prosperity to our citizens in every
station and vocation. New ventures, new
investments in business and manufacture,
the construction of new and important
works and the enlargement of enterprises
alaready established, depend largely upon
obtaining money upon easy terms with fair
security; and all these things are stimulated
by an abundant volume of circulating medium.
Even the harvested grain of the
farmer remains without a market unless
money is forthcoming for its movement and
transportation to the seaboard. The first re
suits of a scarcity of money among the people
is the exaction of severe terms for its
use. Increasing distrust and timidity is
followed by a refusal to loan or advance on
any terms. Investors refuse all risks and
decline all securities, and in a general fright
the money still in the hands of the people
is persistently hoarded. It is quite apparent
that when this perfectly natural, if not in
1x1 ~ ir. ?/vAnViA/l /IrmrAPcinn in fill
eviiauitr, auigss ia icauucu, uspiwgiuu uu
business and enterprise will, as a necessary
consequence, lessen the opportunity for
work and employment and reduce salaries
and the wages of labor.
Instead, then, of being exempt from the
influence and affect of an immense surplus
lying idle in the National Treasury, our
wage-earners and others who rely upon
their labor for support are most of all directly
concerned in the situation. Others,
seeing the approach of danger, may provide
against It, but it will find those depending
upon their daily toil for bread unprepared,
helpless and defenseless. Such
a state of affairs dees not present a case of
idleness resulting from disputes between
the laboring man and his employer, but it
produces an absolute and enforced stopuaee
of employment and wages.
A TENDENCY TO EXTRAVAGANCE.
In reviewing llie bad effects of this accumulated
surplus and the scale of tariff rates
by which it is produced, we musl not overlook
the tendency towards gross and scandalous
public extravagance -which a congested
Treasury indue ' nor the fact that
we are maintaining without excuse in a
time of profound peace substantially the
rates of thrill duties imposed in time of
war, when the necessities of the government
justified the imposition of the weightiest
burdens upon the people.
Divers plans have been suggested for the
return of this accumulated surplus to the
people and the channels of trade. Some of
these devices are at variance with all rules
of good finance; some are delusive; some
are absurd, and some betray by their reck
lc3S extravagance the demoralizing influence
of a ?reat surplus of public money
upon the judgment of individuals.
While such efforts should be made as are
consistent with public duty and sanctioned
by sound judgment to avoid danger by the
useful disposition of the surplus now rein
airiinc- in the Treasurv. it is evident that
if its distribution were accomplished another
accumulation would soon take its
place if the constant flow of redundant income
was not choked at its source by a reform
in our present tariff laws.
W(. ( (? n;,t pro'iosu t:M:ca! with these conditions
by merely attempting to satisfy the
people of the truth of abstract theories, nor
by alone urging their assent to political doctrine.
We.present to them the propositions
tnat the}' are unjustly treated in the extent
of present federal taxation, that as a result
a condition of extreme danger exists, and
that it is for them to demand a. remedy and
that defense and safety promised in the
| guarantees of their free government.
, BUSINESS AND LABOR PROTECTED.
1 We believe that the same means which
> are adopted to relieve the Treasury of the
> present surplus and prevent its recurrence
i should cheapen to our people the cost of
t supplying their daily wants. Both of these
i objects we seek in part to gain by reducing
the present tariff rates upon the necessaries
J of life.
We fulh' appreciate the importance to the
country of our domestic industrial enterprises.
In the rectification of existing
wrongs their maintenance and prosperity
should be carefully, and in a friendly spirit,
considered. Even such reliance upon present
revenue arrangements as have been invited
or encouraged should be fairly and
justly regarded. Abrupt and radical
changes which might endanger such enterprises,
and injuriously affect the interests
of labor dependent upon their success and
continuance, are not contemplated or intended.
But we know the cost of domestic
manufactured products is increased and the
price to consumers enhanced by the duty
imposed upon the raw material used in their
manufacture. We know that this increased
cost prevents the sale of our productions at
foreign markets in competition with those
countries which have the advantage of free
raw materials. We know that confined to
a home market cur manufacturing operations
are curtailed, their demand for labor
irregular and the rate of wages paid un
We propose, therefore, to stimulate our
domestic industrial enterprises by freeing
from duty the imported raw materials,
which by the employment of labor are used
in our home manufactures, thus extending
the markets for their sale and permitting
an increased and steady production with
the allowance of abundant prolits.
True to the undeviating course of the
Democratic party, we will not neglect the
ioterests of labor and our workingmen.
Tn all efforts to remedy existing evils we
will furnish no excuse for the loss of employment
or the reduction of the wage of .
honest toil. On the contrary, we propose,
in any adjustment of our revenue laws, to
concede such encouragement and advantage
tj the employers of domestic labor as will .
easily compensate for any difference that :
may exist between the standard of wages .
which should be paid to our laboring men (
and the rate allowed in other countries. .
We propose, too, by extending the markets .
for our manufacturers to promote the steady :
employment of labor, while by cheapening .
the cost of the necessaries of life we increase
the purchasing power of the workingman's
wages and add to the comforts of his home. ,
And, before passing from this phase of
the question, I am constrained to express
me opmiuu uiai w uuc iuc mivivsta ui isuui 1
should be always sedulously regarded in
any modification of our tariff laws, an ad- 1
ditional and more direct and efficient pro- <
tection to these interests would be afforded
by the restriction and prohibition of the ,
immigration or importation of laborers j
from other countries, who swarm upon our
shores, having no purpose or intent of be- '
coming our fellow-citizens, or acquiring
any permanent interest in our country, but '
who crowd every field of employment with I
unintelligent labor at wages which ought 1
not to satisfy those who make claim to (
American citizenship. <
TIIK TRUSTS DEALT WITH.
The platform adopted by the late Na- 1
tional Convention of our party contains ]
the following declaration: !
"Judged by Democratic principles, the j
interests of the neoole are betrayed when "
unnecessary taxation, trusts and combines- i
are permiited and fostered, which, while
unduly enriching the few that combine, rob J
the body of our citizens by depriving them '
as purchasers of the benefits of natural
deinm;?J by th?; T i iiiilT"'ini jm rfju7 <
declaration of its National Convention is J
sincerely made, and no member of'our ]
party will be found excusing the existence <
or belittling the pernicious results of these ]
devices to wrong the people. Under various
names they have been punished by <
the common law for hundreds of years, j
and the3r have lost none of their hateful ;
features because they have ?ssumed the <
name of trusis instead of conspiracies i
We believe that these trusts are the naJ*^ ]
offspring of a market artificiVy resected; j
that an inordinately high tarJ-J, b^^e f'ir- x
nishiug the t nnptatiou for th/^' existence, ^
enlarges the J'mit within wbioh they may ,
operate against the people and thus in
creases the extent of their power for
wrong-doing. "With an unalterable hatred 1
of all such schemes, we coum iu? unliving
of tlicir baleful operations among the ?
good results promised by revenue reform.
>TO CRUSADE OF FREE TRADE.
While wc cannot avoid partisan misrepresentation,
our position upon the question
of revenue reform should be so plainly
stated as to admit of no misunderstanding.
We have entered upon the cusadc of free '
trade. The reform we seek to inaugurate (
is predicted upon the utmost care fo? estab- ]
lished industries aud enterprises, a jealous i
regard for the interests of American labor, 1
and a sincere desire to relieve the country 1
from the injustice and danger of a condi- i
tion which threatens evil to all the people j
of the land. <
We are dealing with no imaginary dan- <
ger. Its existence has been repealehly con- :
fassed by all political parties, and pledges j
of a remedy have been made on all sides. i
Yet, when in the legislative body where ,
under the Constitution all remedial meas- ures
applicable to this subject must origi- 1
nate, the Democratic majority were at- 1
tempting with extreme moderation to re- '
deem the pledge common to both parties, I
they were met by determined opposition 1
and obstruction, and the minority refusing 11
to co-operate in the House of Representa- j 1
lives, or propose another remedy, have remitted
the redemption of their party pledge .
to the doubtful power of the Senate.
The people will hardly be deceived by J
their abandonment of the Held of legislative
action to meet in political convention and
flippantly declare in their party platform
that our conservative and careful effort to
relieve the situation is destructive to the
American system of protection. Nor will
the people be misled by the appeal topreju
dice contained in the absurd allegation that
we serve the interests of Europe, while
they will support the interests of America
They propose in their platform to thi:s
iritr.r/iotc nF nnr f-nmltrv hv T( -
CSUJj.'pV/i o CAIVy liUV*V^t.w V ? v-rv*.. w "* J
moving the internal revenue tax from tobacco
and from spirits used in the arts and
for medicinal purposes. They dcclaie also
that there should be such a revision of our
tariff laws as shall tend to cheek the importation
of such articles as are produced here.
Thus in proposing to increase the duties
upon such articles to nearly or quite a prohibitory
point they confess themselves-willing
to travel backward in the road of civi:
li/.ation and to deprive our people of tlie
markets for their goods, which can only be
gained and kept by the semblance, at least,
of an interchange of business, while they
abandon our consumers to the unrestrained
oppression of tiie domestic trusts and combinations
which are in the same platform
They propose, further, to release entirely
from import duties all articles of foreign
production (except luxuries) the like of
which cannot be produced in this country.
The plain people of the land and the poor,
who scarcely use articles of any description
' ' ?,:n,l not
uuui i;w lAvmcnuj ? *??.? a**'v ...
ready free, will find it difficult to discover
where their interests are regarded in this
proposition. They need in their homes
cheaper domestic necessaries, and this
seems to be entirely unprovided for in this
proposed scheme to serve the country.
FKEE TOBACCO AND KKEK WHISKY.
Small compensation for this neglected
need is found in the further purpose here
aunounced and covered by the declaration
that if after the changes already mentioned
there still rernaics a larger revenue than is
requisite for the wants of the government
the entire internal taxation should be repealed,
"rather than surrender any part of
our protective system."
Our people ask relief from the undue
and unnecessary burden of tariff taxation
now resting upon them. They ore offered
?free tobacco and free whisky.
They ask for bread and they are given a
The implication contained in this party
declaration, that desperate measures are
justified or necessary to save from destruction
or surrender what is termed our protective
system, should confuse no one. The
existence of such a system is entirely consistent
with the regulation of the extent to
which it should be applied and the correc
tion of its abuses.
Of course, in a country as great as ours,
with such a wonderful variety of mteret,?)
often leading in entirely different directions,
it is difficult if not impossible to settle upon
a perfect tariff plan. JBut in accomplishing
the reform we have entered upon, the necessity
of which is so obvious, I believe we
should not be content with a reduction of
revenue involving the prohibition of im- j
portations and Hie removal of the internal j
tax upon whisky. It may be better and
more safely done within the lines of granting
actual relief to the people in their
means of living and at the same time giving
an impetus to our domestic enterprises
ami furthering our national welfare.
If misrepresentations of our purposes
and motives are to gain credence and defeat
our present efforts in this direction, there
seems to be no reason why every endeavor
in the future to accomplish revenue reform
should not be likewise attacked and with
like result. And yet no thoughtful man
can fail to see in the continuance of the
present burdens of the people, and the abstraction
by the government of the currency
of the country, inevitable distress
and disaster. All danger will be averted
by timely action. The difficulty of applying
the remedy will never be less, and the
blame should not be laid at the door of the
Democratic party if it is applied too late
With firm faith in the intelligence and
patriotism of our countrymen, and relying
upon tbe conviction that misrepresentation
will not influence them, prejudice will not
sloud their understanding, and that menace
will not intimida'e them, let us urge fie
people's interest and public duty for the
vindication of our attempt to inaugurate a
righteous and beneficent reform.
The Sharpshooters of McGowan's Brigade.
The following letter has been written
by Captain W. S. Dunlop, State Auditor
Df Arkansas, to Mr. David Moore, of
I have been engaged for some time in
writing up the campaigns of the Battalion
of Sharpshooters of McGowan's
Brigade, and have about completed the
first draft, which will have to be revised
md re-wi*itten before publication. I regret,
at every step, that I cannot recall
the names of the gallant corps, and have
concluded to write to you and every
Sharpshooter that I can hear of in order
to snpply this deficiency. I want you
to put on your studying-cap and gather
ap every name yon can, and send the
list to me, with the rank and postoffice
aaa!\ ?( or?/^
*UUiCOD U1 Caiili) 11 auu uu.v> umvu i
md circumstances of death, if dead, thatJ
[ may be able to make a roll of the 1
whole command. Every man of the J
Battalion was a hero, and his name
should be embalmed in the history of
Dur straggle. Do this, and let me hear
trom you without delay. If you remem Tej^aB^incidents
ihmpafgiis where, iti~
iiaved xrith distingu^dEu^laiiti^urf
3erformeffaT?rJ^Cof darfcg in any of
Diir numerous. fiJuU!, T would like to
Sergeaj^ K. Benson, of Branson's
jompa^> calls to see me very often. He
is a Summer, and lives in Dallas, Texas.
I>. L. K. Robertson, another member
>f the Battalion from Abbeville, is living
n Scott county, this State. I spent two
lights and a day with him last May. He
s a successfal physician and has accunnlated
a good property in Scott coun;y.
These are the only Sharpshooters 3
enow of in Arkansas; I would like to
lave a re-union of the Battalion, what
lo you think of it?
Any information responsive to the
ibove may be sent to Mr. David Moore,
Columbia, S. 0., or to Captain "W. S.
Dnnlop, Little Iiock, Arkansas.
The N'ew Cotton Bagging.
The pine fibre bap;j?ing for cotton
jales, mentioned in The Chronicle some
lays ago, seems to be growing in popuarity,
as experiments have demonstrated
.ts utility. A roil of the fibre bagging
ias been on exhibition at the Wilmington
.V. C. Produce Exchange. The Star, in
peaking of it, says: "This roll of bagging
is a sample of the latest production
)f the looms of the Acme Manufacturing
Company, of this city. It is superior in
nany respects to the first lot cf pine
fibre bagging turned out by the company,
being stronger, smoother, more closely
woven and not so dark in color as the
bagging on the bale compressed at the
Champion Company's warehouse a few
3ays ago, and for which a certificate was
given, showing that it stood all required
tests. The weight of this bagging is
said to be two pounds and a quarter to
-i-rrtWl An inforocfi-no- PvnAriTn Ant,
buo J UXU. ii.il
was made at the Exchange to test its inflammability
as compared with jute bagging.
A piece of each was ignited at the
same time with a match, and left to burn.
While the jnte fibre burned freely and
was entirely consumed, the pine fibre
burned slowly and finally the fire died
out before scarcely any of it had been
consumed. This is considered a most
important test.. The Acme Company
are preparing to increase their plant for
the manufacture of bagging, but as has
already been stated in the Star, what
they are doing now is more in the nature
of an experiment than with a view to
supplying any demand that might come I
from cotton planters this season. The
experiment?if it may be called such?
is a very important one, and is watched
with great interest all over the South."
Against General Hlierldan.
To the Editor of the Njw York Sun:
There have been a great many preans
cnnr* nf the late Philip Sheridan. It re
quires courage to face the popular wave.
The troth should be written about the
The heralds proclaim him a pious man,
or at least a religious one. The charge
is baseless. If he were a religious man
he would remember the burnings of
Catholic property in the name of liberty
anterior to the war. He had not the
slightest spark of retributive justice.
The homage paid him for his slight
snccess as colonel elevated him to a rank
nature never intended him for. His voluble
profanity endeared him to his soldiers.
General Sheridan never arose above
mediocrity. He was a typical demagogue,
whom the plaudits of an unthinking
multitude are about to create a demigod.
Except some one cried a halt, his emotional
brethren might believe hi greater
xi T T> AX "HnvAn/M?
LliHJLL L\ A WUL1 a. jl . iu.
Charleston, 111., Sept. 7.
"What are the hist teeth that come?"
asked a teacher of her class in physiology.
"False teetb, mum," replied a boy who had
just waked up on the back seat.
The justices of the Supreme Court are
all full of wisdom, but the chief justice is
HOW THE REPUBLICAN NOMINEE
VIEWS THE SITUATION.
A labored Consideration of the Tarlft' as
the Paramount Issue?Other Matters,
Mostly Very Old, Considered from a Ilcpublican
IndianatoIiIS, September 11.?The
following is General Harrison's letter
o nnrkfiTi r* "Par\TiWi/?or?
Indianapolis, Ind., September 11.
Hon. M. M. Estee and others, Committee:
Gentlemen: When your committee
visited me, on the 4th of July last, and
presented the official announcement of
my nom; nation for the Presidency of the
United States by the Republican Convention,
I promised as soon as practicable
aB communicate to you a more
formaSpceptance of the nomination.
SinooJ^t time the work of receiving
and apuressing, almost daily, large delegations
of my fellow-citizens has not
only occupied all of my time, but has in
some measure rendered it unnecessary ;
for me to use this letter as a medium of ,
i communicating to the public my views >
upon the questions involved in the cam- :
I appreciate very highly the confi
dence and respect manifested by the j
Convention, and accept the nomination j
with a feeling of gratitude and a full ,
sense of the responsibility which accom- }
panies it. i
It is a matter of congratulation that j
the declaration of the Chicago Conven- j
tion upon questions that now attract the ]
interest of our people, are so clear and j
emphatic. There is a further cause of (
congratulation in the fact that the Con- <
vention's utterances of the Democratic (
party, if in any degree uncertain or con- t
tradictory, can now be judged and inter- (
pie ted by executive acts and messages, ?
and by definite propositions in legisla- ]
tion. This is especially true of what is j
rvmnlarlv known as t.hA tariff nnestion. t
The issue cannot now be obscured. It
is not a contest between schedules, but
between wide-apart principles.
Foreign competitors of our market
have, with quick instinct, seen how one
issue of this contest may bring them ad-'santage,
and our own people are not so
dull as to miss or neglect the grave interests
that are involved for them. The
asaault upon our protective system is
open and defiant. Protection is assailed
as unconstitutional in law or as vicious
in principle, and those who hold such
views sincerely cannot stop short of an
aosolute elimination from onr tariff laws
of the principles of protection.
The Mills bill is onlv a step, but it is
toward an object that the leaders of ?
Democratic thought arid legislation have j
clearly in mind. The important question c
is not so much the length of the step as c
the direction of it. Judged by the Ex- s
ecutive message of December last, by j
the 3?ills bill, by the debates in Congress \
and by the St. Louis platform, the Dem- t
ocratic party will, if supported by the 8
country, place the tariff laws upon a
purely revenue basis. This is practical
Jree trade?free trade in the English ^
Thelegendujgon^the banner may t
not be "xree Xxauu; H'ia^ bcrthcmore c
obscure motto, "Tariff Reform;" but
neither the banner nor the inscription is t
conclusive, or, indeed, very important, g
The assault itself is the important fact. r
Those who teach that import duties e
upon foreign goods sold in our market (
is paid by the consumer, and that the a
price of the domestic competing article t
is enhanced to the amount of duty on ^
the imported article?that every million ?
of dollars collected for customs duties 1
rorvroRATita manv millions more which 1
do not reach the treasury, but are paid
by our citizens as the increased cost of
domestic productions resulting from the
tariff laws?may not intend to discredit
in the minds of others our system of
leaving duties on competing foreign
products, but it is clearly already discredited
in their own. We cannot
doubt, without impugning their integrity,
that if free to act upon their convictions,
they would so revise our laws
as to lay the burden of customs revenue
upon articles that are not j -reduced in
this country, and to place upon the free
list all competing foreign products.
I do not stop to refute this theory as
to the effect of our tariff duties. Those
who advance it are students of a maxim
and not of the markets. They may be
safely allowed to call their project
"Tariff Reform," if the people understand
that in the end argument compels
free trade in all compettng products.
This end may not be reached abruptly,
and its approach may be accompanied
with some expressions of sympathy for
our protected industries and our working
people, but it will certainly come if
these early steps do not arouse tho people
to effective resistance.
The Republican party holds that a
protective tariff is constitutional, wholesome
and necessary. We do not offer a
? J A- . lvr.4- r>1 !
nseu bceuuie tu iuvunj laico, uuo 01- >
ways with an intelligent provision as to i
the effect upon domestic production and (
the wages of our working people. We !
believe it to be one of the worthy objects
I of tariff legislation to preserve the i
I American maket for American produ- <
cers, and to maintain an American scale i
of wages by adequate discriminating :
duties upon foreign competing products, i
The effect of lower rates and larger 1
importations upon the revenue is con- 1
tingent and doubtful; but not so the
effect upon American production and
American wages. Less work and lower
wages must be accepted as the iaevitable
result of and increased offering of foreign
goods in our market. By way of recompense
for this reduction in his wages
and the loss of the American market, it
is suggested that the diminished wages
of the workingman will have an undiminished
purchasing power, and that he
will be able to make up for the loss of a
^ Ktt or> anlarrrorl fnrAlfm
ill/LUC UlUacii uj au.
market. Our workingmen have the settlement
of the question in their own
hands. They now obtain higher wages
and live more comfortably than those of
any other country. They will make
their choice between the substantial advantages
they have in hand and the deceptive
promises and forecasts of those
theorizing reformers. They will decide
for themselves and for the country
whether the protective system shall be
continued or destroyed.
The fact of the Treasury surplus, the
amount of which is variously stated, has
directed public atk tion to the conssdoration
of the method by which the national
income may best be reduced to
the level of wise and necessary expeditures.
This condition has been seized
upon by those who are hostile to protective
custom duties as an advantageous
base upon our tariff laws. They have
magnified and nursed the surplus, which
they affect to deprecate, seemingly for
the purpose of exaggerating the evil, in
order to reconcile the people to the ex
I treme remedy they propose. A proper j
reduction of the revenue does not neces- j
> sitate, and should not suggest, thei
3 abandonment or impairment of the protective
system, The methods suggested
by our Convention will not need to beexhausted
in order to effect the necassary
reduction. We are not likely to be called
upon, I tbink, to make a present choice
between the surrender of our protective
system and the entire repeal of internal
takes. Such a contingency, in veiw of
the present relation of expenditures to
revenue, is remote. The inspection and
regulation of the manufacture and sale
of olemargarine is important, and the
revenue derived from it is not so great
that a repeal of the law need enter into
any plan of revenue reduction.
The surplus no w in the Treasury
should be used in the purchase of bonds.
The law authorizes this use of it, and if
it is not needed for current or deficiency
appropriation?, the people, and not the
banks in which it has been deposited,
should have the advantage of its use by
stopping the interest upon the public
debt. At least those who needlessly
hoard it should not be allowed t j use
the fear of a monetary stringency thus
produced to coerce public sentiment
upon other questions.
Closely connected with the subject of
the tariff is that of the importation of
foreign laborers under contracts of service
to be performed here. The law now
in force prohibiting such contracts received
my cordial support in the Senate,
and such amendments as may be fonnd
necessary effectively to deliver our workLngmen
'and women from this most
iniquitous form of competition will have
my sincere advocacy. Legislation prohibiting
the importation of laborers un- '
3er contracts to serve here will, however,
ifiord very inadequate relief to our
working people if the system of prorlnfioa
i<a rlnurn Tf f.hft
products of American shops must com- ;
pete in the American market, without ;
favoring duties, with the products of <
jheap foreign labor, the effect will be 1
lifferent, if at all, only a degree, whether
;heap labor is across the street or over ;
;he sea. Such competition will soon re
luce wages here to the level of those J
ibroad, and when that condition is '
reached we will not need any laws forbidding
the importation of laborers nnler
contract?they will have no induce- J
nent to come, and the employer no in- ]
lucement to send for them. (
In the earlier years of our history, (
Dublic agencies to promote immigration <
yere common. The pioneer wanted a (
leighbor with more friendly instincts <
han the Indian. Labor was scarce and <
hlly employed. But the day of the im
nigration Dureau nas gone uj. vyniie
rar doors will continue open to proper
ramigration, we did not need to issue
ipecial invitations to the inhabitants of
>ther countries to come to our Bhores or
o share our citizenship. Indeed, the
lecessity of some inspection and limitaion
is obvious. We should resolutely
efuse to permit foreign governments to
:end their paupers and criminals to our
>orts. We are also clearly under the
iuty to defend our civilization by exiluding
alien races, whose ultimate asimilation
with our people is neither
>ossible nor desirable. The family has
>een the nucleus of our best immigraion
and the home the most potent asimilating
force in our civilization.
The objections to Chinese immigration
.re distinctive and conclusive, and are now '
o generally accepted as such that the ques- '
ion lias passed entirely l>eyond the stage i
if "argument. Lu,vvs-rcraiTug to tLiswfb- I
ect .won]d, if I should be charged with <
heir enforcemenr, be fni Lb fully executed. (
5uch amendments or further legislation^!?" "j
nay be necessary and proper to prevent <
ivasions of the laws and to stop further (
Chinese immigration would also meet my j
ipproval. The expression of the Convenion
upon this subject is in entire harmony .
vith my views. Our civil compact is a J
government by majorities; and the law '
oses its sanction and the magistrate our
espect when the compact is broken.
The evil results of election frauds do not j
txpend themselves upon voters who are J
obbed of their rightful influence in public (
iffairs. The individual or community or .
>art.y that practices or connives at election i
rands has suffered irreparable injury, and :
vill sooner or later realize that to exchange ;
he American system of majority rule for ;
ninority control is not only unlawful and !
in patriotic, but very unsafe for those who
promote it. The disfranchisement of a
iingle legal elector by fraud or intimidation :
s a crime too grave to be regarded lightly. 1
flic right of every qualified elector to cast <
)llM lieu uuuub iiuu tu iiavg n jLLv^utooij
counted must not be questioned. Every .
constitutional power should be used to
uake this right secure and punish frauds ,
ipon the ballot. Our colored people do
lot ask special legislation in their interest, .
jut onty to be inat.e secure in the common j
rights of American citizenship. They will,
icwever, naturally mistrust the sincerity '
)f those party leaders who appeal to their
ace for support only in those localities
where suffrage is free and election results
loubtful, and compass their disfranchisement
where their votes would be controllng,
and their choicc cannot be coerced.
A nation, not less than a State, is de
pendent for prosperity and security upon
;he intelligence and morality of her people.
This common interest very early suggested
aational aid in the establishment and endowment
of schools and colleges in the new
States. There is, I believe,"a present exigency
that calls for still more liberal and
iircct appropriations in aid of common
school education in the States.
A territorial form of government is a
temporary expedient, not a permanent civil
condition. It is adapted to the exigency
that suggested it, but becomes inadequate
and even oppressive when applied to fixed
and populous communities. .Several Territories
arc well able to bear the burdens and
discharge the duties of free commonwealths
in the American Union. To exclude them
is to deny the just rights of their people,
and may well excite their indignant protest.
No question of political preference of the
people of a Territory should close against
them the hospitable door which has opened
to two-thirds of the existing States. But
admission should be resolutely refused to
any Territory, a majority of whose people
cherish institutions that are repugnant to
our civilization or inconsistent with a Re?1.1:
pUUlKJAUl 1UXU1 U1 jjVlwiHJivuv.
The declaration of the Convention
against "All combinations or capital organized
in trusts or otherwise, to control arbi
trarily the condition of trade among our
citizens," is in harmony with the views entertained
and publicly expressed by me
long before the assembling of the Convention.
Ordinarily, capita^ shares the losses
of idleness with labor, but under the operation
of the trust, In some of its forms, the
wage worker alone suffers loss, while idle
capital receives its dividends from the trust
fund. Producers who refuse to join tbe
combination are.destroyed, and competition
as an element of prices is eliminated. It
cannot be doubted that legislative authority
should and will find a method of dealing
fairly and effectively with these and other
abuses connected with this subject.
It can hardly be necessary for me to say
that I am heartily in sympathy with the
declaration of the Convention upon the
subject of pensions to our soldiers and
sailors. What they gave and what they
suffered I had some opportunity to observe
i and, In small measure, to experience. They
gave ungrudginglv. It was not a trade,
but an offering. The measure was heaped
up and running oyer. What they achieved
only distant generations can adequately
tell. Without attempting to discuss particular
propositions, 1 may add that measures
in behalf of tbe surviving veterans of
the war and of the families of their dead
comrades should be conceived and executed
in a spirit of justice and of most grateful
liberality, and that in competition tor civii
appointment houorable military service
should have appropriate recognition.
The law regulating appointments to the
classified ciyil service received my support
in the Senate, in the belief that it opened
the way to much needed reform. I still
thiDk so, and therefore cordially approve
the clear and forcible expression of ibt<
Convention upon this subject. The law
should have the aid of friendly interpretation
and be faithfully and vigorously enforced.
All appointments under it should
be absolutely free from partisan considerations
and influence. Some extensions of
the classified list a-e practicable and dura
ble, and further legislation extending reform
to other branches of the service, to
which it is applicable, would receive my
approval, lu appointments to every grad?
and department, fitness, and not party service,
should be the tssential and discriminating
test, and fidelity and efficiency the
only sure tenure of office, Only the interest
of the public service should suggest re
movals from office. I know the practical
difficulties attending an attempt to apply
the spirit of the civil service rules to a.11
appointments and removals. It will, however,
be my sincere purpose, if elected, to
advance the reform.
I notice with pleasure that the Conven
tlon did not omit to express its solicitude
for the promotion of virtue and temperance
among our people. The Republican party
has always been friendly to everything
that tended to make the home life of our
people free, pure and prosperous, and wil:
in future be true to its history in this respect.
Our relations with foreign powers should
be characterized by friendliness and respect.
1UC li?llb KJL UU1 auu sjl UUi CJUJp
to hospitable treatment should be insisie'! ;
upon with dignity and firmness. Our na- ,
tion is too great, both in material strength
and in moral power, to indulge in bluster ,
or to be suspected of timorousness. Vacillation
and inconsistency are as incompatible
with successful diplomacy as they are ;
with national dignity. We should especial- '
ly cultivate and extend our diplomatic and j
commercial relations with Central aud
South American States. Our fisheries
should be fostered and protected. Tuc
hardships and risk that are necessary in- (
cidents of the business should not be increased
by an inhospitable exclusion from
near-lying ports. The resources of firm, .
Signified and consistent diplomacy are un- j
ioubtedly equal to a prompt and peaceful i
solution of the difficulties that now exist. |
Our neighbors will surely not expect in i
>ur ports the commercial hospitality they ,
jeny to us in theirs.
I cannot extend this letter by special ,
reference ".o other subjects upon which the
Jonveniion gave an expression. In respect
;o them, as well as to those I have noticed,
[ am in entire agreement with the declara- j
:ioos of the Convention. The resolutions ;
relating to coinage, to the rebuilding of the '
lavy, to coast defenses, and to public lands,
?xnress conclusions to all of which I irave i
ny support in the Senate. <
Inviting a calm and thoughtful consider- 1
ition of ttiese public questions, we submit
hem to the people. Their intelligent pariotism
and the good Providence that
nade and has kept us a nation will lead
hern to a wise and safe conclusion.
Very respectfully, your ob't servant,
A Millionaire Sued for 830,000.
In the Brooklyn Supreme Court yes- \
;erday, before Judge Pratt, Lawyer ;
jreorge J. Kilgen made the first move in (
i suit for breach of promise of marriage ,
* * Ml __ U 1. 1L J
;tm win prove mifcreeirtGg wiien me case
X'iiiea to be tried. The defendant is
2eorge_Horford, a millionaire wholesale
grocer oT UrMgepw*,?Cmm . nn.^ an
Drder of attachment was granted by
Judge Pratt against property he holds
in this city.
Miss Mary E. Murray is the fair
plaintiff who asks $50,01)0 as the price
Df her discarded affections. She also
wants $1,000, the value of certain jewelry
which he holds. She met the millionaire
three years ago and he quickly
fell in love with her. Among other
bhings he presented her with a pair of
diamond earrings and a diamond ring
valued at ?1,000. The engagement
lasted until April last, when apparently
his love began to cooL He asked her
for the diamonds in order, as he claimed,
to have them reset, and she confidingly
banded them over.
Time passed, but the jewels were not
returned. Several times she asked for
fchem, but was always put off by an
evasive answer. It wa3 evident that he
did not want to return them, so, on
August 28, she made a formal demand
for them, but he declined. Hence the
suit. The order of attachment is the
initial step. Papers ic the breach of
promise suit are drawn and will be
served in a day or two. No reason is
assigned forth6 coldness on tha part
nf tlio mil linn aitw hava that, he believed
the lady may have wished to marry him
for his money.?New York Star 13th.
A Koraance of the Blizzard.
A wedding ceremony was performed
last Sunday at No. 40 East New York
avenue, Brooklyn, which carried the
participants back to the terrible blizzard
which visited New York in March last.
The acquaintance which resulted in the
marriage was begun while the streets of
Brooklyn were tilled with snow. The
contracting parties were Miss Mary McEwen
and George Cozine of Hicksville,
On the night after the great atom,
Mr. Cozine was floundering through the
drifts in East New York avenue, when
1 ?? ? o/\nn/1a s\4 Q
11 tJ Wltrt UtlijtttCbiYC UJ vuu ovuuuo v* w
woman's voice calling for help. He made
his way to the place whence the sounds
came, and found Miss McEwen lying
helpless in the snow.
Her feet, hands and ears were frozen,
and she was so exhausted that she had
laid herself down to die Mr. Cozine,
being an anthletic young man, picked
the helpless lady up and put her upon
his back, carrying her thus to her home
at No. 40. They journey was a weary
one, but home was reached at last, and
Miss McEwen recieved the care of tender
hands. Her rescuer was a frequent caller
after that, and, it is needless to say, a
welcome one. The acquantanee rapidly
sprang into an intimacy, and as the two
young people talked over the eventful
night they found themselves regarding
each other with feelings other than grati1?
^ - ? ?' A A Txnvi/3 AVki? All
IUUC UU, U1C UJUO JLUIUU auu ouuiuavuvu vu
the other. It was a case of love, and
the ceremony of Sunday solemnized it.
The Largest Crop Ever Rained.
New York, September 12.?The cotton
crop of the United Slates for the year ended
Septemljer 1, 1888, as compiled i?y the Financial
Chronicle amounted to 7,017.707
bales, against G,513,(JG*2 hales in 1887. and
6,550,215 hales for 1880. Of the crop of
1888 there was expoited 4,638,981 bales,
while spinners took 2,230,294 bales leaving
u stock on hand of 181,225 bales. The
largest previous crop was that of 1882-83,
which amounted to 6,992,230 bales.
Clear the Track for the Comet.
Geneva, N. Y., September 12.?Professor
Brooks says that the new comet discovered
independently by Prof. Barnard
and himself a week ago is apparently
moving almost directly toward the earth.
Observations by Professor Brooks this
morning show the comet to be growing
brighter and longer. It is In the morning
TALMAUE TAKES THE SCENT.
! AGAIN ON THE TRAIL OF TROUBLED
MNNKR8 IN BROOKLYN.
His Description of a Deer Hani la the
Adirondack^1The Deer Always Mak>.a
Straight for Water and Therein Lie#
a Moral-- His Opening Sunday Sermons.
Rev. T. De Witt Talmage looked as
healthy and brown as a young farmer's
lad Sunday morning when he laced
the vast audience that greeted him on
his return to pastoral wck, after the
long summer vacation. The tabernacle
was thronged to the doors, and many
came who were forced to torn back unable
to get in. The popular preacher
was in excellent mood and gave his
audience an eloquent sermon, his subject
being "The Deer Hunt." He took his
text from Psalm xlii. 1: "As the hart
pauteth af^er the water brooks so p&nteih
my heart after Thee, Oh God."
"David, who must have some time
seen a deer hunt, points us here to a
hunted stag making for the water," said
"i have just come from the Adirondacks,
and the breath of the balsam and
spruce and pine is still on me. Adirondack^
arc now populous with hunters
and the deer fere being slain by the
score. Talking a few days ago to a
hunter I thought I would like to see
wnetner my text was accurate in its
allusion, and as I heard the dogs barking
a little way off and supposed they were
on the track of the reindeer, I said to
the hunter in rough corduroy: 'Do the
deer always make for the water when
Dhey are purtued?' He said: Oh, yes,
mister, you see they are a hot and thirsty
animal and they know where water is,
and when they near danger in the distance
they lift their antlers and snuff the
breeze and start for the Racquet, or
Locn, or Saranac, and we get into our
cedar shell boat or stand by the runaway
with rifle loaded, ready to blaze away.'
"My friends, fliat is one reason why I
like the Bible so much?its allusions are
so true to nature. I do not wonder that
this antlered glory of the text makes
the hunter's eyes sparkle and his cheek
glow and his respiration quicker. To
sav nothing of its usefulness, t.hia btsnii
Eul creature seems made out of gracefulness
"Bat only when, after miles of pursuit,
with heaving sides and lolling tongue
md eyes swimming in death the stag
leaps from the cliff into the upper
3aranac, can yon realize how much
David had suffered from his troublea,
*nd how much he wanted God when be
expressed himself in the words of the
"Well, now let all those who have
coming alter them the lean hounds of poverty
or the black honnds of persecution,
Dr the spotted hounds of vicissitude, or
the pale honnds of death, or who are in
my way pursued, run to the wide, deep,
glorious lake of divine solace and rescue.
i'he most of the men and women whom
[ happened to know at different times
liave had troubles after them, sharp,
muzzled troubles, swift troubles, aildevouring
troubles. Many of you have
made the mistake of trying to fight them.
Somebody meanly attacked you and you
attacked them: they depreciated you and :
you depreciated tbem, they pvernmArctirr?
in Wall gfceetparlance, f
to get a corner on tueiii; ur vmt- have?
i _ * i. a -A . a
tiaa a uereavemeut ana instead 01 oeing
submissive you are fighting that bereavement:
you charge on the doctors who
failed to effect a cure; or you are a chronic
Invalid and you fret and worry. The fact
is you are a dee; at bay. Instead of running
to the waters of divine consolation
uid slaking your thirst and cooling Your
body in the good cheer of the gospel and
swimming away into the mighty depths
r>f God's love, you are fighting a whole
kennel of harriers.
"Some of you might give a clip to
your pursuers; you might damage their
business or worry them into ill health;
you might hurt them as much as they
iiurt you, but after all it is not worth
while. You will only have hurt a hound.
Better be off for the Upper Saranac, into
which the mountains of God's eternal
strength look down and mirror their
shadows. As for your physical disorder,
the worst strychnine you can take is fretfulness,
and the best medicine is religion.
"A man with one long, but (jod with
bim, is better off than a Godless man
with two lungs. The realm of God's
word is one long chain of bright, refrtthing
lakes. But many of yoa have turned
your bark on relief. You are soared
with your circumstances, and are fighting
society and fighting a pursuing world.
Troubles instead of driving vou into a
cooling lake have made you lower your
bead, and it is simply antler againbi
tooth. Probably under the same circumstances
I would have done worse. But
you are all wrong. My brother, quit
the antagonism of your circumstances,
quit complaint, quit pitching into your
pursuers, be as wise as the deer will be
next spring?shed your horns.
"Tf in on SLRSPmhlv hatrouvn
Hook and Golden Grate, Sail Francisco,
it were asked that all those
that had been sometimes badly treated
should raise both their hands and fall
responses should be made, there would
be twice as many hands lifted as persons
present. Many of you would declare:
'We have always done the best we could
and tried to be useful, and why we
should become the ^jctims of malignji^^_
ment and persecution is inscrjiiable^fJo1'"111
you not know that the finer acTeer and
the more elegant its proportions and the
more beautifnl its bearing the more
anxious the hunters and the hounds are
to capture it? If there were noble stuff
in your make-up, if you were a bifurcated
nothing, you would be allowed to go
undisturbed; by the fact that the whole
pack is in full cry afier you is proof
positive that you are splendid game and
"Many who have done their beet to
make the world better have had such a
rough time of it that all their pleasare is
in anticipation of the next world. But
what is a relief for all this pursuit by
trouble and annoyance and pain? My
text gives it to you in a word of three
letters?G-o-d, the one for whom David
longed and the one whom David found.
"For Him I thirst; for His grace I
beg; on His promise I build my all.
Without Him I cannot be happy. I am
not a prejudiced witness. I hsve nothing
against this world. I have been the
most fortunate, or, to use a more Christain
word, one of the most blessed, of
men?blessed in my parents, blessed in
the place of my nativity, blessed in my
health, blessed in my temperament,
blessed in my opportunities. Life to
many has been a disappointment, but to
me it has been a pleasant surprise, and
yet I declare that if I did not feel that
God was now my friend and ever present
UC1U JL Duviuu w rt an/wmwv*. ?M?v*
Johnson says that he does not believe
tbat "all things come to him who waits,"
for he has been waiting forty years for a
fortune and it has cot come along yet