Search America's historic newspaper pages from 1756-1963 or use the U.S. Newspaper Directory to find information about American newspapers published between 1690-present. Chronicling America is sponsored jointly by the National Endowment for the Humanities external link and the Library of Congress. Learn more
Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
Newspaper Page Text
wns " :J?rmi Whatever may bo one's opinion as to the im portance that the word "God" appearing in the constitution, it would seem that if this country is good enough for this clorglyman and his asso ciates to live In, and its form of government is good enough for this clergyman and his asso curlty under, they should ho willing to as sume the responsibilities of citizenship. Responsibilities of citizenship are assumed by swearing loyalty to the constitution. This does not mean that men who take this oath approve of the omission from the constitution of all men tion of the Creator. There may be, too, in other respects amendments and improvements which a man might suggest to the constitution, but tho fact that that great article could bo improved does not justify a man in refusing to declare his allegiance to his adopted country by swearing loyalty to tho constitution of that country. Tho charge that tho constitution is an "Im moral document" is an interesting one when read in tho light of the constitution itself and the his tory of the amendments and revisions in that document. It is always advantageous to the American citizen to study the constitution, of his country. Let us take a glance through this great Btato paper, and see if tho charge that it is an "immoral document" can bo supported. In the first place, let it be remembered that tho Declaration of Independence, the greatest of all stato documents ever written in tho history of the world, did recognize the existence of God, and the signers of this declaration solemnly declared their "firm reliance on the protection of divine providence." Human slavery existed at that time and long after the Declaration of Independence was signed, and yet tho institution of slavery was wholly inconsistent with the sublime truths con tained in the declaration. Did men who, like Jefferson, hated slavery and as 'ho said, in tho presence of that institution, trembled when he remembered that God was just did men like Jefferson refuse to append their signatures to that declaration- because . it was hypocritical in tho presence of slavery and hence immoral? By no means. Jefferson and the men who believed as he did in regard to human slavery, understood that when they were framing tho declaration, they were building for eternity and they believed that this declaration would bo tho guide and model by which all future constitu tions and statutes would be shaped. . Wo have seen in our own time how tho fed eral constitution has been remodeled in order to bring it more in keeping with the declaration. Wo have seen in our own time tho institution of hu man slavery fall to the ground in the presence 'of Jefferson's "passionate chant of human freedom." Tho preamble of this "immoral document" de clares the purpose of its framers to be to "estab lish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote tho general wel fare and secure the blessings of liberty to our selves and our posterity." Is there anything im moral in that? On the contrary, does it not seek to carry out the purposes of a wise and just God, who has Himself recognized the necessity of providing law and order for frail humanity in order that justice among men may bo established? From the beginning to the end of this great constitution there is tho evident purpose of its framers to protect tho weak from the strong, to produce the greatest good to the greatest number, to seo that every man living under that constitu tion is permitted to enjoy tho inalienable right to life, liberty and tho pursuit of happiness. The provisions for representation in the law making body were framed with the purpose -of see ing that exact justice was done, and the rules for enactment of laws were shaped with the evident purpose that the interests of tho many should be preserved, and that tho selfish purposes of tho few should be defeated. Throughout, the greatest care was taken bv tho men of the colonial period, according to their The Commoner. information at the time, to provide a well ordered government in which morality and justice would bo maintained. When tho constitution was first adopted no bill of rights was Included, but it was promised that a bill of rights would bo incorporated, and tho first ten amendments to our present constitu tion were in part the fulfillment of this pledge. In this bill of rights is guaranteed the very privilege which tho men of tho Reformed Presbyterian church have of worshipping God according to tho dictates of their own conscience. Perfect religious freedom, freedom of speech and of tho press, the right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition tho government for a redress of any grievance that may exist, these are some of the guarantees in this "immoral docu ment." No soldier shall, as is the case in some coun tries, in time of peace be quartered In any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war but in a manner to be prescribed by law. This is a provision In this "immoral document." N The people are guaranteed in this "immoral document" security in their persons, liouses, pa pers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures. Provision is explicitly made in this "im moral document" for the protection of, the life and liberty of the individual and for the guarantee of the safeguards essential to a fair and impartial trial of one charged with crime. Excessive fine, cruel and unusual punishment are prohibited by this "immoral document;" and it is explicitly stated in this same "immoral document" that nothing contained therein shall be construed to deny or disparage any rights re tained by the people. And in order to make it clearly understood that tho power is with the peo ple and that the men who administer govern ment have only that authority which the people gave in the constitution, it is explicitly stated that tho powers not delegated by the constitution or prohibited by it to tho states, are reserved to the states respectively or to the people. - Later this great document was amended so that the institution of slavery would be denied a place under the flag of this country, and states were denied tho right of making or enforcing any law which would abridge the privileges of citizen ship ;pr the making Of any law that would .deprive any, person of life, liberty or property without duo process of law; or to deny to any person the equal protection of the law. And the last amendment to this "immoral document" was a declaration that the right of a citizen to vote shall not be denied or abridged by tho United States or by any state on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. It may be true that there are important amend ments yet to be made to this constitution. It is not true, however, that any man living under the protection of this constitution, has the moral right to brand it as an "immoral document." The con stitution is an ordinance of civil government and vThile no mention of the Creator Is- made in that ordinance, the existence of God is recognized and men's obligations to Him are considered in tho various forms and ceremonies by which our offi cial bodies are conducted. The houses of congress are opened with prayer; the usual form of oath calls upon the Creator as a witness; presidents and governors in their messages pay tribute to tho divine being; the chaplains in our legislatures, in our penal institutions, in our army and our na vy all provide testimony that the government, based upon this constitution, is a "government of Christian people. JJJ Ex-Governor Taylor's Case. Governor Durbln, of Indiana, has refused 'to honor a requisition made upon him by the Ken tucky; authorities for ex-Governor Taylor, who is now enjoying protection in the Hoosier state. Governor Durbin gives his reasons at length, but . the reasons are all to enforce his statement that Governor Taylor would not receive a fair and im partial trial in Kentucky. This is a serious charge to be made by tho chief executive of one stato against the courts of a sisteu, state, and the weight of the objection is entirely destroyed by the fact that Governor Taylor is a -prominent member of the republican party, and is being shielded from arrest by another prominent member of the samo party. It will be recalled that Governor Goebel was shot down as the result of a political con spiracy, and it will also bo recalled that many of the republican papers throughout tho land failed to express any indignation- or condemnation of the act. Governor Taylor escaped from Kentucky before arrest and has since been a fugativo from justice. On June 13, 1900, Governor Mount, "of Ind iana, refused to honor a requisition for Taylor on substantially the same grounds as those given by Governor Durbin. Six days afterwards, on Juno 19, ex-Governor Taylor appeared at the republi can national convention. Tho papers reported that Temporary Chairman Wolcott recognized "Governor-Taylor of Kentucky," and addressing him, said: "Come to the platform, governor, they want to see you." Mr. Taylor accepted tho invita tion, and Chairman Wolcott advanced to meet him, and, according to the press reports, "the convention cheered." This is the way that the republican national convention acted toward a man at that time charged with participation in the assassination of the chtef executive of one of the states of the union. ""While the republicans are denouncing an archy they ought not to forget that among tho causes which lead up to the assassination of presi dents is the heroizing of a man charged with the assassination of a governor. No one is able to form a correct opinion as to the guilt or innocence of Governor Taylor until the evidonco is presented in "court, but an indictment rendered by a grand jury raises a presumption that cannot be over thrown by the partisan opinion of a governor, !wlio has a political Interest in the welfare of tho man under accusation. The above facts are given that the readers of The Commoner may seo how political conditions affect the action of republican leaders. President McKinley was assassinated by an anarchist whose act had no political significance and could not be traced to anything said or done by any member of the opposite party, and yet republican papers were quick to try to make political capital out of , the terrible deed, and some of them boldly charged the responsibility upon the democratic party. The Goebel assassination was purely a political act, participated in by republicans, and after an indict ment was returned against the mot prominent of these republicans, the chairman of a republican national convention invited him to the platform, republican delegates cheered his appearance, and two republican governors refused to surrender him, for trial. If a republican cannot be tried in a democratic , state, will the republicans insist that a democrat could have a fair trial in a republican state? If the reasons presented by Governor Durbin aro sound, then it is perfectly safe for a republican to kill any democratic executive and flee to aj-epubli-can state, and if democratic governors act upon the same principle, it is safe for a democrat to kill a republican official and then flee to a democratic state. Jn other words, the position taken by Gov ernor Durbin, if accepted as a precedent, invites a reign of lawlessness, and ought to alarm tho frieindAst of law and order regardless of political affiliations. JJJ Evading the Civil Service. The civil' service law in regard to the collec tion of tribute from federal employes is being very adroitly evaded by the republicans. A reader -of Tho Commoner sends in a bit of literature that was received by all the employes of one of the larger, postoffices. It is as pointed a demand for contri- V