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.JL am* £$ wmP 5., ifi *r- „t» •mm#. 3a. HUITFU. SlliLI •THOltJHTKlL" .MEV "TREM1ILK" AT THE AUVAVCE OF SOCIALISM. Jlnrk Ha una to the Res^ne—Looks llion the Woman Cntholic Church us a Prop for Capitalism—Ho May lie Mistaken—The Church Hn* Passed 1'hronKh Several Economic Stages—Will Drop fii pit nils Too. At times it would seem that some members of the possessing classes are by no means certain in their own minds as to the permanency of capitalist class rule, and do not hesitate to say so. But Mr. Mark Hanna is evidently little troubled by these gloomy forebodings. Here is his own account taken from the Times-Herald of December 1st, of how he reassured a timorous gentleman who Have it as his opinion that a struggle with socialism was unavoidable in the near future. To this end Mr. Hanna particularly mentions two factors which he considers stable bulwarks of the present economic system: "When I was in New York," says Mr. Hanna, just after election, a thoughtful man said to me: "Well, we've saved the country again, but I tremble for the future. Sooner oV later we're going to have a tremendous struggle in this country between the forces of conservatism on one side and socialism on the other, and I am afraid socialism may carry the day." "T am not a bit afraid of that," re plied Mr. Hanna, "and I'll tell you why, There are two things that will prevent it. One is the American school system: the other is the Roman Catholic church. That, great church is just as much against socialism the Protestant i-huiches, as I happen to know, and in the last campaign, appeals to class hatred were frowned upon by the high est'dignitaries and most influential men of the Catholic organization. As long as this restraining force continues to operate you need have no fear of so cialism dominating America." If the party to which this assurance was addressed really deserves the ap pellation of "thoughtful" it is not clear how he is to derive much comfort from Hanna's view of the situation. It may be conceded that in the .control of the public school .system capitalism pos sesses a strong bulwark but the press and pulpit are no less valuable for the same purpose. All these have been and still 4*® equally opposed to socialism, ahdvjiet the latter has, in spite of such the extent that i^t. explain just why, his assurance might be Worth something. The Socialist rec ognizes that the powers which Mr. Hanna mentions, as weil as all other existing institutions, have been and still are being used for the perpetuation of things as they are, out he also sees that in spite of this the movement has made steady and rapid progress, and has no reason for supposing that the obstacles which have been powerless to stop its advance in the past will be any mure potent to do so in the future. In claiming the Roman Catholic church as an ally in the continued plun der of the working class, Mr. Hanna stands even upon more doubtful ground. There are a few institutions still in existence which antedate capi talism. and of these by far the greatest and most importunt. is the ve:v church which I-Ir. Hanna relies upon as an auxiliary against socialism, [t has ex isted through various economic stages of human society, and has been en abled to do so by a knowledge of the law by which all organisms alone can continue to exist—the law of adoption to environment. Its history comprises the stages of slavery, serfdom and cap italism. In the transition periods be tween these stages it has survived through a recognition of the law above given. /\s it did not disappear with the a VJ" disappearance of the two former eco nomic stages, is there any good reason for believing that it is so bound up with capitalism that the destruction of the later involves it also? If plain deduc tions from history are of any value, we should say not. The slave-holding class no doubt saw in the passing away of slavery the de struction of the church. But they were mistaken. The land-owing classes, the rulers in the feudal ages, we know as a historical fact, took the same view. They also were in error. Mr. Hanna stands in the same position today as the defender of capitalism. Is he as certainly right as the others were cer tainly wrong? It looks as if the whole matter rests upon the infallibility of Hanna, a dogma which we think will hardly meet with the universal accept ance, either from capitalists or Social ists. Turning the above the other way round, it will be readily seen that the,) Roman £atholic church proposes to stay on earth, capitalism or no capi talism, and judging from the past the belief is well warranted that it knows how to do so. Like every other Insti tution it has been used in the interests of the ruling class at different economic periods, but it was quick to see the in evitable passing away of these different ruling classes and adapt itself to the succeeding economic stage. And that is the reason that it exists today as an important factor in human society. And for that reason also it will drop Mi\ Hanna and his class just as soon as the necessity for doing so becomes appar ent. In conclusion we would call the at tention of our numerous Roman Catho lic readers to the highly honorable oc cupation which this brutal labor-skin ner maps out for the Christian churches of all denominations!, their own includ ed. It is essentially the same view which this class invariably take in re gard to the religious institutions of the day, and is in the main the reason why they support them. The chief end of "religion," a,s they see/ it, is to perpetu ate the hell upon earth which capital ism has brought into existence, and the type of human being of which •Manna is a fair representative, and this avowal upon his part is merely a cor roboration :of the oft-repetited declara tions of Socialists on the subject. That Hanna arid the class he speaks for, will be ultimately disappointed in their ex pectations we have llitle doubt, but it is none the less valuable to know from their own mouths upon what they de pend continuing^ classy r|ile, "wage slavery, and tha robbery of t^-^'orkers producers? 'We want it all and should never be ashamed to say SOJ Our fami lies are just as goo as the next. Should we w-oi under lavish conditions that the other fellow may enjoy all the bless ings of life? Should we work for the pittance in order that the other fel low may dress his family In the latest fashion and send them to the sea shore or the fashionable mountain resorts? We think not. How can we prevent this condition of affairs: that is, where the other fellow and his family enjoy all these things, and we swelter away at the" bench for a pittance? There is only one answer: Organize and keep organizing: increase wages and short en hours until we get our full share. Don't say this cannot be done, for it can. All that is necessary is too organ ize the craft. This can be done. It will be done. Don't listen to- the fellow who continually says: "You can't do it." We have heard that cry ever since we have been in the labor movement, but the movements keeps right on growing and improving the conditions of the workers. Let everybody take courage. There is reason for so doing. There never was a time in the history of the movement when the changes for or ganization looked better.—Cigarmakers' Journal. Gaiety's Good Goods ...SOLD FOR... CASH Oft CREDIT. Clothing, Furniture, Clocks, A!= bums, Bibles, Wringers, Washers, Silverware, Rugs and Carpets. We carry a very select line of UNION MADE CLOTHING, just what you want. Part down and balance in weekly payments. GATELY'S No- 8 East Supet|pr St., Dulirth, Minn. MR HMRRRg tiwitF Why Labor in Especially Interested In the Policies of the Government Imperative Xecessity for a Union of Farmers and Town Lnborers. & goiig/' tmls how \vh.en Napoleon Iir abolished the constitution which he had sworn to defend some workmen in the north, feeling strong in the justice of their cause, marched towards Paris, intending to demand the restoration of the constitution, bought with their fa thers' blood. Did the military argue the case with them and quail before. the justice of it? The utter extermina tion of those workmen was but a pas time for the regular troops. The misunderstanding between the farmer and the farmer is less than be tween the farmer and the town labor er, but the settlers of the dry regions of the west not being able to pay the 8 per cent interest which they promised and in their anxieties attempting to remedy by legislation some monopolistic evils, legislation created the monopolists have been able to cultivate ill will be tween the sections as well as a deadly bitterness against all individuals who have been prominent in their attempts to control monopolists. There was a governor of Illinois who on petition of many people, including the present sec retary of the treasury, pardoned some anarchists. He had been a judge, and in common with many he held that the imprisonment was unjust. Afterward, according to the Chicago Times-Her ald, this governor refused a bribe from gas monopolists amounting to $1,000, 000 and vetoed their "eternal monopoly bills.'' So far as the action of this man was understood honest people have given his enthusiastic support. But monop olists- have succeeded in linking dan gerous words with his name, so that high society finds no characterization of him too abusive to be in good taste. The requblic in the grasp of the ene my can ill afford to crush its friends and reward the enemy. But the sources of information and advice are largely in the hands of the enemy, and the re sult is as we see. It is pitiful. Bight bred and businesslike denuncia tions of antimonopolists are especially in use now. The monopolists' spokes men regret much that the leaders with some following among common folks can never open their mouths without injuring their cause. They say that what the American people demand above all things in their representa tives are dignity and high seriousness. One can imagine these critics sitting among the directors in the amphithea ters 2,000 years ago and finding much to condemn in the movements of the men who fought with roaring lions. With the dignity and Seriousness born of transcendent self assurance the monopolists agitate for ship sub sidy steals, for trust tariff protective robberies, for Machiavelian' currency reforms, for military horrors with which to buy blood drenched fran chises. The dignified and highly seri ous monopolists prefer now to pay in blood for foreign franchises, and such prestige have they acquired that their ways look conservative and business like, the only honorable or pbssibie ways. "Those who work wth me I will, re ward: those who work against me I will crush," said Emperor William frankly at the time of his coronation. And this method, frhich would be re- ^w mmm KEEP THE WORKERS DIVIDED ROB THEM AT WILL. vxp Farmer and Laborer Must Become Allies Against Their Common Foe. The people of different sections, oc cupations and races are unable to un derstand one another. Their suspicions of one another prevent their uniting against the common enemy, the monop olists. Any economic trouble in one part fthe country Is seized upon by the enemy to scare the people else where and unite them with himself. This is why the forcible stretching of the flag (now used as a commercial asset) overs more peoples still more alien favors the public enemy, the mo nopolists, who "divide and conquer." The opportunities for exploitation which these people, both willing' and unwilling subjects, will furnish to the enemy complicate the situation for American laborers and farmers. Wheth er forced with fire and sword to be our fellow subjects or willing peacefully to toil for the enemy from one-fifth to one-half the wages of the woTst paid American laborers, there seems no pos sibility that American farmers and la borers can long profit by their competi tion or by their subjection. A recently re-elected member of the Massachusetts house, Mr. Carey, some times closed in address to his proleta rian constituents with the advice to pull down if necessary the temples they build, but might not occupiy, in volving all in blood and ruin. "We are not for reform: we are for revolution/' is sometimes remarked among those pale audiences. "We will fight behind the barricades," exclaimed a slender, little woman in the stifling atmosphere of Boston poverty. The hard pressed but patient New England farmer, among his cool fruit and vegetables^ educated by \the bitter Boston Journal sent free, would not understand. tfif death dealing conditions which bresjfc impatience with the existing order. H& may thankfully heed the monopolistic calls to pay for a larger and'$$11 la^mrJ standing army to suppress, of discontent, wfcicfri&ire^aj preted and exaggers£|id Old inheritances .giVe^tii disorder^ a .t^d§i»cyst6fcifeli strong ,yj *Tf DULUTH AND .SUPERIOR, SATURDAY JANUARY 5. 1901. ferainmer school, is the method of im perialists everywhere. The lords in Boerl^d systematically burning the homesViof noncombatants, turning out _women and children to starve, the servants of American Monopolists un gratefully turning loose their soldiers upon a. poor and primitive people, for mer allies, ^he campaign of slander now begun to-prove that Cuba is unfit to keep congress' solemn pledge with unless she yields all to American mo nopolists—ali this is done by the ene n|y of American laborers and farm ers. Not one friend of labor is in this kind of work. In .a recent address to the annual meeting of the national grange the grange master said: "In February, 1899, export rate on corn from the Mississippi river to New York was 13% cents a hundred pounds. In Feb ruary. 1900, the rate was 23 cents a hundred, pounds, a difference of 9% cents per hundred pounds, or prac tically 6 cents .a bushel oh corn. Which of these rates 'was yight? The 13% cent rate was voluntarily made by the railroads and it is.fair to presume that they could carry corn at that rate and make a fair profit..^ tfhe farmers of the United States grew 2,200,000,000 bushels of corn in 1899, and, as the price vof corn is affected all over the country by the cost of transportation, out of this one crop the selling value was reduced by the action of the rail roads $132,000,000, and this,-' too, with out the farmers having One word to say aboufe|it. Protests are unavailing. An appeal* to the. interstate commerce commission under the present law would do ^o good, as the decision of the supr^Mi ,court it) 1897 gives them no poweryty¥. fix rates. Will a requb lie, wher.^^fife goyernment Is supposed to give t'i .liiF'its citizens equal protec tion and cjiial opportunities to trans act busine^fc: iallow 'onfe' gj&at interest, representii^^aboyi o^.e-tenth of the wealth o^'th^^atlon, so to manage its business J^^^p|i^ctida}iy fix the value pf all t^j^^^^Bppejrty of the country, to builijfu iltty, _tp destroy an ll/ftrtvileges to cer "Smpnopolize all p0d crush all tition with srey5 ^.r ihuis Napo :{tone agay ion It .was 'all unless eoaperor. .voted ei&-?. tii jn 1$ ti^w ^Hnost uni versally 'recognized as .a disastrous crime." The necessities of otor stock market, which rests on the backs of producers, are various and intricate. It is not un common for- a professional man to re ceive two iefcerg per day from stock brokers offering to double his money without risk. These discuss foreign wars and elections as matters entirely within thea ligitimate control of the big manipulators. Military. movements" in the United States now are entirely the result of intrigues and stock jobbery. America, isolated from the great fighting na tions, is in no danger of the whirlwinds of fury of foreign foes, as the Lodges and Fryes and Platts and Quiggs and Griggses make believe. It is too much to ask that the opposi tion to all this dignified and serious imposition and cruelty to stop talking. "O Caesar, we are about to die Salute you!" was the gladiator's cry. But such politeness is excessive. Words, however, are poor, weak things when men granted special privileges in a republic ungratefully, insultingly, abusively assume control, and. w:ith promises of prosperity unprecendented if left in control, and threats of cala mity unbearable if expelled, compel a great people to destroy others. No nervous invectives no weak, wild acts are adequate. We must find out the truth in all its sickening detail and tell it plainly one to another. We must preach patiently, the enemy having captured the chief priests of our re ligion of the Prince of Peace, the gos pel of peace among ourselves in all our organizations, knowing no enemy but the public enemy, the enemy of all mankind. The farmers as they learn the na ture of monopoly will become the nat ural allies of town laborers. Town people learn of affairs more rapidly. There are other allies. There are the conservative students of history who have been roused to oppose those in power by the striking resemblance of these times to the times of the over throw of republics. One of these lately showed his love for the republic by a gift«of $1,060 to the New England Anti Imperialist league. It is peculiarly ap propriate that the dwellers in Boston should object strongly to the late re peal of the Declarations of Independ ence. From 44 Kilby street have been sent out 400,000 pamphlets since Nov. 24, 1898. These pamphlets give the uncensored facts about imperialism. At the recent annual meeting a former governor of 'Massachusetts presided Strong men and women were there with a steady purpose to continue their work, believing that the recent deci sion of the American people, made on a perversion of facts, would be revers ed. Not all these anti-imperialists rad ically fav.or the producers, but their tendency is without doubt away from the bloodthirsty, who are the produ cers' enemy. The historian and essay ist, Colonel Higginson. who works with these'people, wrote ten years ago: Sopie day without a trumphet's call This' news shall o'er the world be bloWK: ••••-•. "The heritage comes back to all The-r?tt»yrlad monarchs take their EllavOrmsby.: ntt in \EW YORK COMMISSIONER OPPOSES CONTRACT LABOR LAW. Says That it Keeps Out a Desirable Class of Iminijfrantn—Yet Ih Xot Onr Loss More Than Offset By the Protection Afforded American La bor—Immigration Laws Are ot Strong: Enough to Protect Labor. Thos. Fitchie, Commissioner of Im migration of New York, gives it as his opinion in his annual report, that the contract labor law has served to bar out of this country the most desirable class of immigrants, and at the same time made a most dangerous enemy in the labor market of those who arrived almost penniless and were compelled to accept employment at any price they could get. Mr. Fitchie says: "It is my earnest conviction that since the passage of the law a large propor tion of the aliens deported as coming in violation of the alien contract law were of the very best class of aliens coming here. I further believe that their deporta tion was of no benefit to the American workingman, and, in fact, worked to his disadvantage, because he was lulled in to a belief of security when, in fact, his principle danger was the alien- com ing here without a cent or ahy means, of livelihood, who was compelled to take what was offered him or starve, and' was his principle opponent and most dangerous enemy in the labor market. Contract labor is one of the two prin ciple causes of exclusion from landing the other being that of persons likely to become public charges from lack of resources or from physical defects or mere mental or physical inferiority." This report, marking the close of the first ten years of Federal control of immigration, contains much of interest to the laboring classes. It shows that the total aliens arriving at the port, pf New York for the year was 400,842 Mr. Fitchie submits tables showing the Illiteracy of the races of the people that arrived. The Portuguese and* Ital ians rank about in the same order in illiteracy. The figures show-that the greater the illiteracy the smaller the amount of money per capita brought in. The English, French, amd^rman people brought close to ^ie, .same amount of money per capita this year namely about $80 ea^h. Commissioner" JEytchie, Continuing," LgA" '8 gr&tiph, ,yi«.v rles, the German' Eiripire' and the Unit ed Kingdom, all together contributed only 9,722 immigrants toward this in crease, while Great Britain actually sent us a smaller 'number of immi grants than ever before." While Mr. Fitchie may be right as regards the effect of the law in keep ing out of this country the most desir able class of immigrants, is not our loss an this connection more than even ly offset by the protection afforded our American workingmen who would be displaced by these aliens who come to this country and serve under contract at a lesser wage rate than that paid to the American laborer? That the con tract system does offer a premium to immigration, there is no question, but should it be understood that if our laws restricting immigration are repeal ed that only the more desirable class of foreigners will land on our shores? While the repeal of our contract labor law might secure for us a greater num ber of the more desirable class of fore igners, we- are of the opinion that it would be the means of not only increas ing the influx that is nowr pouring in, but that it would bring in a class of laborers that under the contract sys tem would lower the wage rate and di vide the wages of our American work ingmen and fill our country with tramps seeking for employment. We have in mind a number of instances in which Italian laborers were given em ployment to the exclusion of Americans who were considered "less desirable," solely because the Italians were willing to accept an amount for their services that the American could not live upon. Is such a condition of affairs conducive to our social advancement? Yet, this is what the.repeal of our contract la bor law promises for us when we yield to the inducement that by its repeal we secure a better class of citizens. The foreigner who comes to America under the present existing state of our laws, Is induced to do so with the prospect of competing with the American laborer for American wages. It is true that circumstances may compel him to accept service at a lesser rate than that paid his Amer ican brother and thus constitute him a dangerous opponent, but after all he is not to be compared to the many who contract their services before coming over with a 'definite promise of employ ment to the exclusion of our Ameican workingmen. We do not assume that in each and every instance of the 400, 842 arrivals at the port of New York, that each one came inspired with a per sonal determination to compete with American labor at American prices, but it is our opinion that such of the number as did come inspired with this determination, are of a character whose citizenship is. most desirable. The greater number,no doubt, were induced to come through inducements held out by friends or relatives upon whom they will depend to a greater or less degree for support until they have acquired a knowiedge of the customs and laws of our country. This latter class in'their dependency, who were inspired with promises of protection, and support, should they come to America, form a close analogy with that class who come here under contract labor, laws, and Atybkik their effect upon the labor market is almost identical. The unprecedented influx of the pa,s year is a question which invites our most earnest attention. It seems con clusive that our immigration laws are inadequate to control the serious situa tion that threatens American labor. From the commissioner's report it is evident that a majority of the arrivals are of a 'class that are least desired as citizens, being ignorant and impover ished—in short, a menace to society. It seems high 'Vime that more stringent measures were adopted to close the door against this influx, by the framing of laws that will turn back the dross to the shore from which it comes. If it is the desire of the people to admit none but an enlightened class of forein ers to citizenship in the United States let there be a law framed making the prerequisite to citizenship in the Unit ed States, the ability to read the con stitution of our country intelligently, which, when combined with the pro visions of the present law, will insure to all that we how desire.—The Rail way Conductor. LABOR'S DEADLY BATTLE. Master Workman Chamberlain Says It Is Soon to Be Fonght. Organized labor has long been a clog upon the machinery of greed and a ,^'atch at the home of the wealth pro ducer, whether he is in the union or not. We believe that in the near fu ture a deadly battle is to be fought between organized labor and organized capital. It is to be a death grapple by the united forces of labor unions on the one side and the united forces of the money unions on the other, and the highest court, the bankers' union, the lawyers' union, the trust union and the union of the professional politi cians, the newspaper union, the eccle siastical union and the international union of ancient snobbery, backed by the armies and navies of the world, will eombine to overthrow organised labor that kicks and strikes against conditions that it could remejdSr at the bollot. box. The supreme court has all ready affirmed the decision, pppeale$ from lips Angeles, that to be a meiriber of a labor union that may include a strike is to be a criminal. The federal government sent a special -assistant attorney general to Ha?elton to q,ssis£ in establishing the right to shoot strik ers. The military spirit is ih ydle^'Thf^ -$)gMs..£f .seamO. the.' Triodern aristocracy of wealth, supported by "a forced tax of "interest, profit and rent," wrung from every toiler. As long as organized labor contented itself by growling at conditions and its lead ers could be worked to organize a Strike when' the market is overstocked, as long as the workingman depended on the strike remedy, but voted with the proprieter. he was happy in the belief that he was a sovereign, and the boss was contented because the army and the Gatling gun were behind him. It is because the Sampson of labor has begun to recognize his duty and be cause it is now cheaper to destroy the unions than to pacify them, because the toilers must hereafter be content with smaller wages, so the larger, share of profits can be given to the capitalists, that we make this prediction.—Annual Address of General Master Workman Chamberlain to Knights of Labor. Jew York Sweat Sho|ix. It is an old story—overcrowded tene ments. sweatshop abominations, poor ly paid workers and epidemic danger signals from the slums—but the tale was retold with new and dreadful de tails by the factory law committee of the Central Federated union at the meeting of that body. Chairman de Costa of Cigarmakers' union, No. 13, read the committee's re port, which described its tour with regular factory inspectors through that section of our city now under the so cial science microscope—the lower east side. The investigators "found things" particularly deplorable in parts of Al len and Chrystie streets, East Broad way, the Bowery and Mulberry street, notwithstanding that the factory in spector's department during the past 16 months has issued 26,000 licenses for tenement workshops which are therefore understood to be in sanitary and lawful condition. The committee discovered handsome garments from Broadway firms down in these insanitary workrooms—there were ten beds in one three room apart ment—to be finished at from 2% to 3 cents apiece for coats and pantafoons. In a Division street bedroom the vis itors found a rich sealskin coat, which was traced to a wealthy woman who had given it for alteration to her up town tailor.—New York Journal. While the agitation against the "rat" printing offices is going on, it' will be well to remember that Eaton & Co., in Chicago, publish school books bearing the union label. The International Typographical un ion issued charters during past month in Shamokin, Pa. Stratford, Ont.: Bowling Green, Ohio Hanover, Pa. Beaumont, Texas Sunbury, Pa. Min neapolis, Minn. The strike at the Royal City Planing Mills. Vancouver involving 400 men has been declared off,-the bosses prom ising to defer cut in wages till spring. The Labor Advocate of Jacksonville. Fia., iS making a warm fight against the Clyde Steamship company. The company had trouble with their deck -u»ui pA*SI4)& for ai^rU s-ir? FIVE CENTS, A YOL'N'G WOMAN WHO ENTHUSIAS TICALLY SUPPORTS THE LABEC. 4 When Stye Marries, Her Husband Most be a Union Man, and He and Everything? In the House Mustv Display Union Labels—It Will BC a Thorough Union House as a Rep suit of a. Happy. Union. fjl "Stitch, stitch, stitch," but not in p$r^ erty and dirt, is the refrain of a dit which might be sung daily by eigh girls in Chicago who have the distinc tion of being members of the smalle* labor organization in the compose the membership, of Sewers' union and are good union (prls, every one of them. The workshops itt| which they ply their calling.are models: of cleanliness. They work union hou and are stanch supporters of the prin ci pies of trades unionism city. They, the Tick The giris are engaged in. the businei of manufacturing matresses, and, whili their organization is run independent^ of the Mattress Workers' union, whict^i is composed of men, their interests arefl so closely connected that they work in. perfect unison and contribute an equa)j share of the exertion put forth in mainf taining union conditions. They are en-| thusiastic advocates of the union labe placed on all mattresses manufactured^ in union establishments and say it haul benefited them to such an extent tha$$* they are determined to buy no goods -otf* any description that do not bear ttap union label. Talking to a reporter one of the said: "The man I marry must be a gdod^ unionist and have his card punched"WpS to date. When we furnish the ho in which we will live, the fumiturte must bear the label of the Woodwork ers' union, and our linen and bedcloth*vf| ing will have to be adorned with label of the Textile Workers' ization. the stove he .' starts .up wj bear the label of the Molders' unioiitj the coal he brings up from the a" will have been mined by-unionmi and hauled by union coal 'tefu Tthte bread provided' for-bretkfittt be ornamented ^yith the label Journeymen eg*p$5iU bel-Mof SiiiuivhfcSrafi •trxfsts, will be found-' on the |adl If I should ever be tempted to buy a. box of cigars 'for a Christmas ent, even although the box should^ pretty, he will be in no danger of poisoned, as it will bear a guarantee the shape of the blue label of the Ci| mekers' union." The young enthusiast who was bi ing a prospective union home stoj to take breath, but in a moment cof tinued: "When I send out our wedi invitations, the printers' label will on the front page, and the minis that performs the marriage cerenu will have to be in sympathy with trades union movement. If we can%£ ford a conveyance to carry us to church, I will insist on an automobile,^ because I will be able to secure a drlv-j er who is a member] the Automobile^ Drivers' union, and if we should be in% a position to own a bicycle built .fo&fli two my man will have to purchase one bearing the label of the Bicycle Work ers' union. I do not patronize prison: made goods, and the broom I use must! bear the label of the Broommakers' un ion as a "sa£e guard. When I buy package of tacks to fasten my carpet* the package will bear the union label.' Upon being asked if she considered^! the Tackmakers' label a safeguard^ against hitting her fingers with the^ hammer she smiled and said. "I really can't say. but this I do know—if I bought non-union tacks my consciences would bother me so that I would cer-i tainly get nervous and surely bang myj fingers. "I don't intend to marry a man thab$ drinks liquor," she proceeded, "buli men are so deceitful that often you* don't get on to their little tricks untile you have married. If I should happeniM. to get a man that drinks, of course won't like it. but if he must drink, 1^ will insist on his drinking beer that? has the label of the Brewers' union on* the keg. Yes, sir, I am a union girl,-. and I come from Missouri too. Yoitj can't fool me. I have to be shown, and the only way you can convince me that4! goods are made under union conditional is to show- me the union label." The interviewer, despairing of being| able to conceive information on the de-| sired subject, made preparations to^ leave, but was promptly buttonholed,^ and brought to task because he did not^ wear congress shoes. "You ought toih wear congress shoes," said (lie falfW advocate of union made goods.' On ex*^ pressing a wish to be enlightened a*tbi why he should wear a style of shoe# that had ceased tvbe popular she said:^| "Because if people don't wear congress^ shoes the Elastic Gore Weavers' unlon^ will go out of existence, and they haw| sent an appeal asking all union people^ to wear congress shoes and create a dffcfl mand for them. I am wearing theni^ now and am persuading my friends^ call for them when they buy shj from a union clerk."—Chicago,Ne^nq The principal cities of Texas ar« the throes of a Strike of telephone and Pthei*: employes of' 'the "Sot Telephone and -Telegraph bompi SQhey ask for increased wages, shot hours, pay for overtime and better commodations.