Newspaper Page Text
•it- ,i.ij,i,iL M$- 4- v-V J." «5Svn 1 \t „.\,v. T:V,. •. ^'is' v$afe JOSEPH F. SHEEHAN AT LYCEUM NEXT WEEK Joseph Sheehan, who comes to the Lyceum theater for two nights, Mon day and Tuesday, Sept. 16 and 17, in "II Trovatore," and "The Chimes of Normandy," heading his own company known as the Sheehan English Opera company, is a tenor of the first rank. His ability to sing both lyric and dramatic roles gives him a wonderful scope in his repertoire. When a member of the Savage company he sang Wagnerian parts from "Tan hauser" to "Parsifal." Those who have heard his Lohengrin in Wagner's opera of the same name say that his voice is marvelously suited for every STATE LABOR MEN HAVE BUSY MEET Continned from pagte 1. a review of the work in each of the districts. Secretary McEwen told of the work in his office and rendered his quarterly financial report. In response to a request from C. E. James, general organizer for the Boot and Shoe Workers' union, Pres ident Hall was instructed to accom pany Mr. James and Collis Lovely, vice president of that organization, in a visit to Theodore L. Schurmeier, manager of the Gotzian Shoe com pany of this city with a view to-get ting that company to use the union atamp on all its products. Pressmen and St. Paul Papers. President Hall made an exhaustive report of the efforts that had been made to reconcile th'e differences be tween the Web Pressmen's union and the St. Paul Dispatch and Pioneer Press. He recounted the proposals and counter proposals that had been made, read all the papers and corres pondence in the case, and stated that nothing had come of the efforts, as it was manifest from the beginning Paid Advertisement, Inserted by S. Ii. Pierce, Duluth, Candidate for Sheriff. Amount to be paid $4. STEVE Ii. JOSEPH F. SHEEHAN, I America's Greatest Tenor, Lyceum Theater, Sept. 16 and 17. PIERCE. The many friends of Steve L. Pierce i*re pleased at the announcement that he will be a candidate for the Repub lican nomination for the office of sheriff. "Steve," as he 1B familiary known throughout the city, is experienced in the business of the office, having served under William J. Bates for a number of years as chief deputy. Mr. Pierce has lived in Duluth since boyhood and is one of the most per sistent of Zenith City boosters. He has always been a hearty advocate of labor union principles and has rea son to expect the hearty support of the union men of the city. An active campaign is now being' made by the many enthusiastic sup porters his announced candidacy brought to the front immediately upon his announcement. Mr. Pierce promises a strict and economical business administration and it is believed that if elected his promises will be fulfilled to the most minute detail. requirement of the exacting role. He has sung Verdi's works from "II Trovatore'' to the blood-curdling "Othello" and he was the last tenor to sing the gigantic music allotted to the jealous Moor in English at the Tremont theater in Boston several years 'ago. As an actor Mr. Sheehan is equally proficient.. Why Mr. Sheehan never studied the foreign languages is a, mystery to his many admirers, as the eminent New York critics class him with Zlezak Zenatelle, Caruso and the other foremost tenors of the day. Mr. Sheehan with his company, which critics proclaim the finest ever heard in the English language, will be at the Lyceum. that the papers in question did not wish to deal with the union or any person or persons representing it. The report was accepted and a ris ing vote of thanks was tendered the committee for its industry _and good work in the matter. It was then or dered that the committee be contin uel with instructions to go on with its efforts and effect a settlement of the difficulty if possible. Letters were read from Mayor P. J. Seaberger and the secretary of the Commercial club of St. Cloud invit ing the State Federation of Labor to hold its 1913 convention in that city. After a statement from Secre tary McEwen. relative to tentative ."Ar rangements for transportation to In ternational Falls, the matter was laid over to the December meeting of the council. Nelson's Record on Labor. Secretary McEwen read a state ment from Samuel Gompers, presi dent of the American Federation of Labor, giving the record of Senator Knute Nelson's votes in the senate on matters of interest to labor. He also read a quotation from a letter written by Andrew Furuseth, head of the seamen's organization, en closed by Mr. Gompers, showing that Senator Nelson had been favorable £T) all legislation for the relief of sea men from oppression in their service, and from what has been, in fact, in voluntary servitude on their part. After a statement by Secretary McEwen as to the status of employ ers' liability and workingmen's com pensation legislation, it was ordered that the matter be left in the hands of the executive officers of the coun cil with authority to sele.ct such as sistants as they may think best suit ed for the work. The council disposed of several reso lutions referred by the convention and voted to pursue an active campaign^ throughout the state to carry out their purpose. It was ordered that the president and secretary be authorized to fur nish candidates for the legislature who have served in that body their several records on labor bills, when requested by them to do so, and also to send to the various central bodies and members of the council the answers received from candidates who have not been in the legislature to the questions asked by the council showing their attitude toward meas ures desired by organized labor, this to be done as soon as possible. It was further ordered, on motion of Vice President O'Connor, that the ac tion of Messrs. Campbell and Lundeen in supporting all desirable labor leg islation in past sessions be furnished them in full and published in the offi cial organ of the State Federation of Labor. This action was taken in view of the fact that these gentle men are being vigorously opposed for renomination because of their rec ords in this respect. On the request of Vice President O'Connor the executive officers were directed to issue credentials to A. F, McGrath, Minneapolis, to represent the State Federation of Labor in the convention of the A. F. of L., which is to meet in Rochester, N. Y., in November. By further action the council instructed the delegate to sup port the U. A. steamfitters' in their contest with the I. A. steamfitters' or ganization and the McNulty faction in the electrical workers' controversy^-. He was also directed to do what he could to secure action by the conven tion that weuld provide a label that5 could be printed on flour Backs, KNUTE NELSON IS SYSTEM SENATOR Continued from Pace 1. mined by his position in the Aldrich machine. Nelson Advanced by Regulars. Senator Knute Nelson has long been a.conspicuous figure On the commit tees on judiciary, public lands, rail roads, and, besides is at present chair man of the committee on commerce. Of especial significance was his ap pointment as chairman of the import ant committee to investigate (sic!) the Ballinger-Alaska scandal. The Old Guard, when Aldrich was supreme, sometimes made mistakes almost never in the case of the "big" committees. Did they err in advanc ing Nelson? Senator Nelson has long been in public office. After the Civil war, in which he served with distinction, he held a term as assemblyman in Wis consin. Later, in Minnesota, he be came successively county attorney, state senator, congressman, governor, and in 1895, was elected to the United States senate. After six years in the senate, during a time when the prop erty power in politics was approach ing its zenith, he was returned to The senate without the opposition of the railroads and trusts indeed, with their consent and congratulations. The Measure of His Fitness. Again Nelson is standing for re election. This time the voters will have a voice. In the primary, they will choose between Nelson and his Progressive Republican opponent, James A. Peterson. What is Nelson's record? There is space here to present only a few of the illuminating chapters in his senatorial career. Before 1906 the senate went its way of system service, serenely and "senatorial-courteously" oblivious to the public awakening. In those "good old days" of Hanna, et al, regularity was the rule among Repub licans party considerations were par amount. And Nelson was a loyal "party man." From 1906 to the pres ent have occurred the big battles in the senate between special inter ests and public interest, between plutocracy and democracy. There were battles over ship subsidies, over railroad and canal regulation, over Wall street and currency schemes, over tariff revision, over conservation, over the control of the senate itself. Nelson's record on these questions serves as a true measure of his fit ness to represent the people of Min nesota—and the rest of the nation. Nelson Aids the Steel Trust. Nelson zealously served the Steel trust in the 59 th congress when the Lake Erie and Ohio River Canal bill was before the senate. For years Dalzell of Pittsburgh, Cannon leader, had been trying to get through a bill for the steel trust to incorporate this canal company with a federal charter to contsruct and operate a water out let from the great mills and foundries of the steel company at Pittsburgh to the great lakes. This bill gave the company sweeping powers. Govern ment regulation of tolls was technical ly provided, but no basis of valuation was made to. give effective regulation. Capitalization was authorized at $800, 000 per mile, or a total of about $180,000,000, Senator La Follette introduced sev eral amendments to protect the public. Knowing the dexterity of the steel trust and the Morgan interests in pumping water into capitalization, he asked that the public be protected at the outset of the big enterprise from having another burden of fictitious capitalization forced upon it. He cited several striking illustra tions of false capitalization in the past to emphasize the duty of congress to protect the public from a similar outrage in the case of the proposed canal. He pointed out that the St. Paul and Manitoba Railroad company —the Great Northern, lessor, was bought on foreclosure at $3,600,000. Its capitalization was forced up to $84,000,000 to be exact, $84,500,000. The state of Minnesota through its courts made an appraisal in the Great Northern rate case, and held that the cost, of the reproduction of all the property of the company at that time would not exceed $44,000,000, show ing nearly 50 per cent of water. And he added, "J. J. Hill testified in an investigation in the Northern Securities merger case that in the purchase of $108,000,000 of securities of the Burlington by the Great North ern and the Northern Pacific com panies, $216,000,000 of new 4 per cent bonds were issued. In the recap italization of the Rock Island $75,000, 000 of Rock Island stock was con verted into $475,000,000 of bonds and $137,000,000 of new stock." The La Follette amendments all were killed. It was Senator Nelson who acted as lord high executioner. Before putting in readiness the Aid rich guillotine—where so many meas ures in the public interest have met a speedy end—he gave voice to an angry protest. He was indignant at such an attempt to "hamper and dis tress the company (the. Steel trust) and prevent them from carrying on their operations." One by one, thes,e amendments came up. Each time* it was Nelson who rose in his place and said, "I m-ve to lay the amendment upon the table." And each time Nelson voted with the Aldrich crowd to kill the amendments. Thus was the steel trus£ given still another privilege, still another instru ment with which to mulct the public unjustly and unreasonably of hard dollars for the further enrichment of the holders of Its watered stock. Nelson Votes Fdr Subsidies. For years ship subsidy Interests have been besieging congress to throw open to them the vaults of the public treasury. The graft, of more than a million a year given to the shipping and ship-building interests by the law of 1891 has not satisfied them. They want more. Gallinger was on hand at the open ing of the *59th congress with a sub sidy bill -proposing an increase of substantially $3,000,000 a year. This bill passed the senate. Nelson voted for it. In the 60th congress,, the., system handymen of the Aldrich machine brought forward a subsidy amend ment, providing for an inorease. of $1,100,000 in ocean mail pay. ii passed senate. N$l0.9iv .votedfor THE LABOR WORLD it. Laterj in the house, about 25 Republican members refused to sub mite to the Cannon machine, and the subsidy amendment was stricken out. But the subsidy champions were not discouraged. They became bolder. The Gallinger subsidy bill next session called'for ocean mail subsidy amount ing to $8,000,000 a year. This sub sidy came to a vote in the senate. It was close. It stood 39 to 39 until Vice President Sherman came to the rescue and saved the day for the sub sidy crowd. Nelson voted for the sub sidy. Protecting the Railroads. Railroad rate legislation was before the senate in 1906. There was over whelming public demand for real reg ulation. The president and congress could not ignore it. They set about to frame a law. As usual, representa tives of the railways swarmed to Washington to protect their inter ests. They were largely successful. In a few respects only the bill, as passed, was an advance over the ex isting law. The railroad lobby suc ceeded emphatically in keeping out of the law 'provisions that would really compel the railroads to serve the people of the country fairly, equitably, reasonably and justly. Throughout this contest Senator Nelson was strictly "regular." He stood faithfully by the Aldrich ma chine, and the railroad interests. Amendments were offered to strengthen the bill—amendments to make it more just to the shippers, the consumers, and yet fair to the rail roads. There were amendments to restore the penalty of imprisonment for violations of the interstate com merce law to conteract the well worn trick of the railroads of withholding testimony from the commission, later to produce it in court to invest the commission with power to prohibit a railroad from charging more for a short than for a long haul over the same line to take a physical valua tion of railroad property to provide an effective railway employers' liabil ity amendment for the reli-f of raile way employes. Nelson voted against all these amendments. This law, being a compromise, did not settle the question. The public, thwarted, renewed its demands upon congress and the president for relief from the extortions of the railroads, overcapitalized and arrogant. Again, in 1910, railroad rate legislation was forced upon congress. The Taft-Wick ersham bill, sent to congress with the presidential demand that it be enacted into law without the crossing of a "t" or the dotting of an "i," was the bold est raid upon public rights that the system ever succeeded in forcing upon the serious Consideration of congress. The Progressive Republican sena tors fought to eliminate the vicious provisions of this bill and to insert provisions in the public interest. For 12 long weeks they fought this meas ure. Through their efforts, aided by Progressive Democrats, the bill was reconstructed. They forced the re luctant Old Guard to abandon its ag gressive service to the railroads. Against all the influence of the rail roads, combined with all the power of the administration, the bill was changed, point by point, until it was no longer the president's bill or the Wickersham bill or the railroad's bill. Excepting as to the court of com merce, the bill was torn to pieces and rewritten. Deliver, Cummins and La Follette led in this fight for the ship per and the consumer. Nelson's record throughout this whole contest reveals the same loyalty to the New England oligarchy and to the railroad interests that charac terized his service to the system in the railroad legislation of 1906. He stood by Taft and the railroads in support of the commerce court. He voted against the amendment giving to the shipper the same access to the commerce court as was pro vided for the railroad. He voted against the amendment providing that no person financially or officially interested in railways should be eligible for a position as Judge on the commerce court. He voted for the amendment to place the defense of the commission's rulings inthe hands of the attorney general, a railroad subterfuge. He voted against the amendment which specified that no advance in rates should be valid until after an investigation by the interstate com merce commission. Hevoted against the "long and short haul" amendment aimed at dis criminatory rates by which the rail roads were favoring one community at the expense of others. He voted against the amendment strengthening the hours of service law in the interest of the railroad em ployes. He voted against the amendment for physical valuation of railroads. Nelson's record is consistently that of a faithful ''railroad senator." The One Bright Spot. Nelson's vote for downward revision of the tariff is one bright spot on an otherwise dark record. In the sessic|i of 1909 he voted for a real tariff commission. He voted on roll call after roll call for rates substan tially lower than those proposed by Aldrich, and on the final roll call he cast his vote against the outrageous Paine-Aldrich bill. His tariff record, at least is in accord with the pledges of the Republican party, the campaign promises of President Taft and the demand of the people of the country. And so with President Taft's tariff bargain with Canada—the so-called "reciprocity." Nelson opposed this one-sided, unjust measure to make the farmers pay the price of a deal to benefit a few big interests. Attempts were made to attach to the "reciprocity" bill reductions of some of the excessive rates of the Payne-Aldrich law. These met with Nelson's support. The last attempt, however, to reduce the duties of the woolen schedule—the dishonest schedule K—met with Nelson's oppo sition. He voted for the Cummins bill but stood with Smoot, Stephenson, Penrofte and Guggenheim in voting against the La Follette bill which was passed by the votes of the Democrats and the *Progresaive Republicans. In this instance he stood with the Old Guard to shield President Taft, whose ijBderal^subordinates in Minnesota are 4: Aiv ^tt^ispt t? *44 an income tax amendment 'to the Aldrich tariff bill. The attempt promised to succeed. There was hurried getting together of Senator Aldrich and Presi dent Taft, with the result that the Aldrich machine brought forward a corporation tax as a substitute 'or the income tax. Senator Aldrich frankly admitted, "I shall vote for a corporation tak as a means to de feat the income tax." This corpora tion tax was meant to be innocuous and has proven to be futile. Nelson voted for the Aldrich motion to sub stitute the corporation tax for an in come tax. Nelson's Service to Morganheims. Circumstances so shaped themselves that Nelson and his ideas of conserva tion were brought conspicuously into the limelight. That was when he was selected by the Old Guard to serve as chairman of the committee charged with the duty of. investigating the Ballinger scandal. In this capacity he served the interests well. His acts as chairman of that committee were such as to give aid and Comfort to the land grabbers, the coal and timber barons, the Morgan-Guggenheim syn dicate. They were such as to shield the Taft administration from the ex posure of the glaring truth and to cloak with secrecy the secret and subtle services of Ballinger to the Morganheims. Repeatedly Nelson put obstacles in the way of the brilliant Attorney Brandeis, who succeeded, despite the protests and obstructive tactics of Nel son and his reactionary colleagues, in dragging into the light of day the chain of perfidy through which the Morganheims had almost succeeded in shackling for their private evploita tion the fabulous natural wealth of Alaska. Indeed Nelson did not even stop at the ordinary courtesies in his de fense of Ballinger. He voted with Flint, Sutherland and Root to deny Mr. Brandeis' request that the original draft of the Wickersham report to Taft, and all documents used in pre paring it, be produced—which report, as was later disclosed, was ante-dated to deceive congress and the public. And when Ballinger's attorney de fiantly demanded, "What of it if It were ante-dated what bas that to do with Ballinger?" Nelson came to the rescue by suggesting, "Wouldn't that be violating confidences between the president and the attorney general?" On another occasion, when Aattor ney Brandeis was drawing out of a witness testimony concerning the sending of a certain letter, Nelson turned to Brandeis and sternly said, "There is evidence that it (the »et ter) never was sent. You knew that. Now, why did you not tell the com mittee?" To which Mr. Brandeis re plied with spirit, "I did not know it. I do not know'it now." But Nelson persisted in his attack. He said, "That is Mr. Glavis' testimony. Why did you conceal that fact when you offered that?" Whereupon Mr. Brandeis, his face blazing with indignation, said, ''Mr. Chairman, I object strenuously to any such suggestion as that, that I concealed anything from this com mittee I think that statement is obsolutely improper and ought to be withdrawn." Representative Graham said: "I think it ought to be withdrawn," ancl he moved that the committee request the chairman to withdraw it. Repre sentative James seconded the motion. But the motion was "tabled." So marked were Nelson's symptoms of peevishness at the persistency with which Brandeis attempted to wring out the whole truth concerning vhe activities of Ballinger that on May 17, 1910, a great organization of Nel son's constituents—the Minnesota Shippers and Receivers' association— adopted ringing resolutions criticising the conduct of the investigation by the chairman and the majority of the committee and vigorously requesting of the committee "that hereafter no attempt be made to conceal any testi money, but that a full and fair ex. position of all the facts be made so that full justice can be done." Nelson's whole record on the con servation of national resources is in hearty accord with that of his dis tinguished constituent, James J. Hill. Serving the Money Trust. By 1908 the money trust had come into being. One thing was needcld to make it secure and unassailable. It was to secure from congress a monetary system to place Wall street in supreme command of the credit and currency of the nation. The great speculative bankers were bent upon taking over, with the aid of their henchmen in congress, this cltal func tion of government. Aldrich in the senate, and Cannon in the house, set about to do the bidding of Wall street. This scheme is known to ihe country as the Aldrich Vreeland em ergency currency act This measure was carefully designed to pave the way to the Aldrich monetary com mission and to the subsequent Aldrich currency scheme, upon which congress will soon be called to act. Senator La Follette, in his Autobiography, said of this bill, "In some ways no bill ever introduced in congress was more significant of the control of regislation by great financial inter ests." He determined to resist this bold attempt to make fictitious trust and public utility securities a basis for national currency. He offered amendments to protect the public against this Wall street outrage, and set about to talk the bill to death, if possible. Aldrich resorted to trickery. Seeing that Senator La Follette might, accomplish his purpose, in view of xhe fact that he had been able to speak continuously for 19 hours against the bill, Aldrich became desperate and took a course that.had no parallel in all parliamentary history. He and his henchmen over-rode the ruies of the senate and denied Senator La Follette the right to raise the question of "no quorum." Aldrich himself made the point of order which perpetrated this outrage on the rules. Vice President Fairbanks, always willing to serve the system, in this instance decided not to wreck his reputation as a parlia mentarian, declined to rule, ai(i shift ed the matter to the senate itself. By a vote of 35 to 5, Aldrich was sus tained by the Old Guard. Nelson voted with Aldrich. The sharp parliamentary trick of Boss Aldrich saved the day for Wall street. The senate passed the bill. Nelson voted for it. Atter the retirement of Aldriofi from the senate, the Old Guard fell into such a state of lmpotensy that it could not bring about the election of one of its own members as president pro tempore. Three times, on May 11, May 17 and on June 6, 1911, a vote was taken, without result. The Old Guard could not muster enough Republican votes to overcome the combined opposition of the Democrats and the Progressive Republicans. The "regulars," in secret caucus, agreed upon Gallinger. The Progressive Re publicans brought forward Senator Clapp. Clapp is Nelson's colleague from Minnesota in the United States senate. But he Is a Progressive, and Nelson, true to his Old Guard affilia tions, joined with Penrose, Guggen heim, Stephenson, Smoot, Lorimer and the rest, in voting for Senator Gal linger. A Special Interest Record. Nelson's is a special interest rec ord. In committee room and on roll call he has served the railroads, the steel trust, the Morgan-Guggenheim coal and timber schemes, the ship building interests, the money trust and allied trusts, overcapitalized and arrogant, that are exacting tribute from the farmer, the workingman and everybody else who pays for food and clothing. He has been faithful to the Old Guard in every contest with the Progressives for control of the senate. He does not represent the needs and interests of the people of Minnesota. DENVER MACHINISTS WIN. DENVER, Sept. 12.—The Machin ists' union In this city, after a two years' strike, has reached an agree' ment with the Denver Rock Drill and Machinery company. The new agree ment calls for the prevailing scale of prices, with other favorable con cessions. Another agreement has also been secured with the Walker Manu facturing company. WAISTLINE FOR TOT. Empire and French waistlines are equally fashionable for the tiny maid, and one Is as atractive as the other. With French dresses are worn, sashes, and sashes always provide op portunity for attractive color effects. For the little ones ribbon is, of. course, the material, made up into big bows. UNION MADE BEER time* Made and Bottled You'll Do Better at Kelly's Trade at the Heart of Duluth Room Outfit Terms* $1.50 Per Week ^^^JSHL5U£6Bi2i3^ Soft Drink Kmera! Water I OF AMERICA copnitiirattMiw niwKiwcimiwp tsoa Bears Tble Label On Kegs and Boxes of Bottled Beer. "CALL FOR SAME." DULUTMD1S0I EMPRESS THEATER FORMERLY BIJOU Horn* of Refined Vaudeville. ILLUSTRATED SONGS. MOVING PICTURES. 3 SHOWS DAILY 3 PRICES TO SUIT THE MA8SIS. Peoples Brewing Company Always Ready to Serve You TRY A CASE FORTY-SECOND AVENUE W. Both Phones 204. Union Made Paper, with watermark can 1m furnished tor Stationery and Envelope 1 •i J.l. Rankin Printing Co. Bid* Thhrd mom Wnlm, uu, J.GRUESEN Jeweler and Wathmaker HBST nniEA XMvtl* II PHONE: Zenith, 1769-D. ji SMOKE: I Puradora and Geo. Taylor KBT WB9T DOMESTIC Cl&ABI Made By MATT srmzraKR, PN^ .M.lM fM fltMet