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TEEMS' r0P SUBSCRIPTION.
The National TisrcnucAN lj published
every afternoon, (Sundays excepted,) at the
corner of Indiana avenue and Second street,
and it delivered to city subscribers at aiz
cent per week, mail subscribers at three dol
lar! and fifty cent per annum, in advance.
Advertisements Inserted at liberal rates.
Ji- All communications, whether on busi
ness or for publication, should be addressed to
LEWIS CLEPHANE & Co,
Wtuing(on, D. O.
Subscriptions, advertisements, and commu
nications, intended Tor this paper, maybe left at
Adamson's periodical store, on Seventh street,
opposite Ihe General Post Office, where copies
of the paper may also be had Immediately on
Advertisements should be sent in before
twelve o'clock, M-, otherwise they may have to
lie over a day.
Communications upon all subjects, particu
larly with reference to our cily affairs, will re
ceive respectful attention.
WASHINGTON, D. C, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1860.
PRICE ONE CENT.
Messrs. Editors : Will too be kind enough
to publish the following poetical effusion, which
was published tome years since 1 It was hand
ed me by a patriotic young lady, with the request
that I would have it published. Believing it to
be eminently suited to the times, I respectfully
ask that you will allow it a place in your col
BT W. 0. tl.
The blood that flowed at Lexington, and crim
soned bright ChampUIn,
Streams still along the Southern Qulf, and by
the lakes of Maine ; -
It flows in veins that swell above Pacific's golden
And throbs in hearts that love and grieve by
dark Atlantic's strand.
It binds In one vast brotherhood the trapper of
With men whose cities glad themselves in Erie's
clasalo breast ;
And those to whom September brings the fire
side's social hours,
With those who see December's brow enwreathed
with gorgeous flowers.
From where Columbia laughs, to greet the smi
ling western wave,
To where Potomac sighs beside the patriot He
ro's grave ;
And from the streaming everglades to Huron's
The glory of the nation's past thrills through a
Wherever Arnold's tale Is told, It dyes Jhe cheek
That glows with pride o'er Bunker Hill, or
Moultrie's wilder fame ;
And whiresoe'er above the fray the stars of em
Upon' the deck, or o'er the dust, it pours a com
It Is a sacred legacy ye never can divide,
Nor take from village urchin, nor the son of city
Nor the bnnter's white-haired children, who find
a fruitful home,
Where nameless lakes are sparkling, and where
lonely rivers roam.
Greene drew his sword at Eutaw, and bleeding
Trod the march across the Delaware, amid the
snow and sleet;
And lol upon the parchment, where the natal
The burning page of Jefferson bears Franklin's
Could ye divide that record bright, and tear the
That erst were written boldly there, with flight
of hand and heart
Conld ye erase a Hancock's name, e'en with the
Or wash out, In fraternal blood, a Carroll's double
Say, can the South sell out her share In Bunker's
Or can the North give up her boast la Yorktown's
Can ye divide, with equal hand, a heritage of
Or rend In twain the starry flag that o'er them
proudly wares 7
Can ye east lots for Vernon's soil, or chaffer
'mid the gloom
That hangs its solemn folds about your common
Or could ye meet around his grave as fratricidal
And wake your burning curses o'er his pure and
"Ye dare not I" is the Alleghaniau thunder
'Tis echoed where Nevada guards the blue and
tranquil sea ;
Where tropic waves, delighted, clasp our flowery
And where, through frowning mountain gates,
Nebraska's waters roar.
Delawarb Law Case, Some years ago, in
Newcastle county, Delaware, an Irishman was
knocked down and robbed. lie accused a man
of having committed the robbery, and in due time
the case camo to trial. The Irishman, being
upon the stand, was cross examined after hav
ing sworn positively to the guilt of the prisoner,
by one of the keenost lawyers, and something
like tho following was the result :
" You say the prisoner at the bar is the man
who assaulted and robbed you ? "
" Was it moonlight when the occurrence took
place J "
" Divil a bit iv it."
"Was it starlight?"
"Not a whit ; it was so dark that you could
not have Been yonx hand before you."
" Was there any light shining-from any house
" Divil a bit iv a house was there anywhere
" Well, then, if there was no moon, stars, nor
light from any bouse, and so dark that you
could not see your hand before you, how are
you nble to swear that the prisoner was the
man ? How could you see him ? "
" Why, yer honor, when the spalpeen struck
me, the Are flew out ov me eyes so bright you
might have Been to pick up a pin, you might."
The court, jury, counsel, and spectators, ex
ploded with shouts at this quaint idea, and the
prisoner was directly after declared not guilty.
PROSPECTUS OF THE WEEKLY NATIONAL
WAsmHOTON, D. 0., December, 18C0.
The undersigned hare commenced the publica
tion, In this city, of a weekly newspaper, called
the National Republican.
It Is printed on a large sheet, 27 by 42 inches,
and Is furnished at the low prices stated below.
It will contain all the original matter of the
dally National Republican, with the exception of
local news not Interesting to country subscribers.
It will give full reports of the proceedings
of Congress, and of the other departments of the
It will contain all the news of the day, foreign
and domestic, markets, &c, Ac, as well as an
original correspondence from all parts of the
country. The miscellaneous department will re
ceive special attention, and, in all respects, the
effort will be made toestabllsh the character of
the National Republican as a
In politics, the paper will be Republican, sus
taining the incoming Administration of Mr. Lin
coln, but disclaiming, however, any pretension
to be the organ or the: President elect.
There Is no othor Republican paper in the
District of Columbia, or In the vicinity of It, and
It is believed that recent events have opened to
such a paper au Important sphere of useful ef
fort. The time has come, when the actual ad
ministration of the Government upon Republican
principles will explode the misrepresentations
which have made those principles so distasteful
to tbe South.
But it is not only here, and in this vicinity,
that the projectors of the National Republican
hope to mako it useful. To the whole country
they offer a journal which will discuss national
politics from a national standpoint, and which
will never be swerved from patriotic duty by any
overpowering pressure of local interest.
One copy, one year .... $2.00
Three copies, one year ... 5,00
Five copies, one year .... 7,00
Ten copies, one year - - . . 12 00
Tweny copies, one year ... 20.00
One copy, six months .... 1.00
Five copies, six months ... 3.50
Ten copies, six months ... 0.00
Twenty copies, six months ... 10.00
Payments always in advance.
When a Club of subscribers has been forward
ed, additions may be made to it on the same
terms. It is not necessary that the subscribers
to a Club should receive their papers at the same
Money may be forwarded by mail, at our risk.
Largo amounts can be remitted in drafts on Bos
ton, New York, Philadelphia, or Baltimore;
smaller amounts in gold, or in notes of solvent
L. CLEPHANE & CO.,
National Republican, Washington, D. C.
Those of our exchanges publishing the above
conspicuously three .times In tbe Inside form of
their paper, and forwarding a marked copy to
this office, will receive our daily in exchange
until the end of the ensuing session of Congress.
No, 348 Pennsylvania avenue, between Sixth and
Seventh ttreeti, Washington, D. C,
MANUFACTURER OF GENTLEMEN'S
FASHIONABLE BOOTS & SHOES,
HAS at all times a sufficient force of the most
experienced bands to make promptly to or
der every variety of work in bis line. He has on
his shelves a very good supply of work of his own
make. Also, a general supply of Northern work,
direct from the Manufacturers, as well as from
Auction, and assures the public that no house
in this or any other city can supply, WHOLE
SALE. or RETAIL, at lower rates. nor 26
ICE CREAM, Water Ices, Wedding Cakes,
Jl Pound Cakes, Mince Pies, Pastry, Crusts for
Oyster Pies, Jellies, and a general assortment of
nice things in the Confectionery line, at FUS
SELL'S, corner of Twelfth afid F streets, at tbe
lowest prices. nov30 lm
THE BEST ASSORTMENT EVER OFFERED
IN THIS CITY.
THOSE who desire to select from new patterns,
with the advantage of a reduction in priced,
will call early and examine.
We would also call the attention of persons
about Introducing gas into their dwellings to our
Increased facilities, and consequent low prices,
for this brand ofour trade.
Inviting all who desire their work dore
promptly, and free from gas leakages, to call at
263 Pennsylvania avenue, between Tenth and
Eleventh streets, south side.
nov 26 J. W. THOMPSON CO.
THE ROYAL TURKISH TOWELS.
Bathing Sponges, Velvet Sponges, Bath
Brown Windsor Soap, Honey Soaps.
Lubln's Soaps and Extracts.
Genuine German Cologne, all sizes, wick
ers and plain bottles.
Bazln's Soaps and Ei'tracts.
Phalon's Soaps and Extracts.
Pomades of all kinds. '
Hair Tonics, 4c.
With a full assortment of new Perfumery.
Hair Brushes, Combs, Tooth Brushes.
Fresh Medicines, Pure Chemicals, i'C.
Just received at OILMAN'S
New Drug Store, 350 Penn. Av.
CongresB, Empire, Saratoga, Bedford, Blue
Lick, and White Sulphur Waters, always on
hand, as above. dec 3 3t
HTp N O T I O E I ci
HI T WISH all gentlemen to bear' fcl
IHI I in mind that the plan which I
-HBtv adopted, six years ago, of selling
HATd and BOOTS at greatly reduced prices, for
cash, Is In successful operation.. Just received,
a full supply of the latest New York styles of
DRESS HATS. The very finest Hat at $3.50 ;
a first-rate Hat, $3 ; and very good, fashionable
Hat, $2.50. All of the latest styles of soft HATS
and CAPS, at the very lowest prices. I am
constantly supplied with a very large stock of
those fine DRESS BOOTS, at $3.75 which I
have been selling for many years as well as
the very best quality of Patent Leather GAIT
ERS, at $3 50. Fine French Calfskin Gaiters,
lrom $2 to $2.50.
Terms cash. No extra charge in order to off
set bad debts. ANTHONY, Agent for tbe Manu
facturers, Seventh street, second Hat Store from
the corner, opposite Avenue House, No. 540.
Prospectus of the National Republican.
Believing that the time has arrived when the
great Republican party of the United States onght
to be 'fairly represented in the dally press of the
National Metropolis, weiave embarked In the
enterprise of supplying the citizens of tbe District
of Columbia with a daily publication, under the
title of the " National Republican."
In Its political department, this journal will
advocate and defend the principles of tbe Repub
lican party, and endeavor to disabuse the public
mind ol groundless prejudices which have been
engendered against It, by the false accusations
of fts enemies. Having the utmost confidence
that the administration of Mr. Lincoln will be
such as to merit our approbation, we expect to
yield It a cordial, but not a servile snpport. In
the great issue that Is likely to be made with his
administration, by the enemies of the Republican
party, the people of Washington and tbe District
of Columbia have more at stake tUan the peopl
of any 'other portion of our common country. We
believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra
tion will be synonymous with maintaining the in
tegrltyof the Federal Union, against the machin
ations of those who would rend It asunder. No
one can doubt upon which side of this issue the
people of Washington will te found, when they
come to realize that it is fairly forced npon them.
We feel confident, therefore, that in yielding to
the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup
port, we shall have the sympathy of an immense
majority of tbe people of this District and vicin
ity. It is not our design, however, to make the
National Republican a mere political paper. We
intend, that as a medium of general and local
news, it shall not be inferior to any other journal
published in this city. We shall pay particular
attention to questions of local policy, and advo
cate such reforms as we may deem essential to
the prosperity of the city, and to the advance
ment of the moral and material welfare of its
We deem it unnecessary, however, to multi
ply promises, as the paper will immediately make
Its appearance, and will then speak for itself.
It will be published every afternoon, and de
livered to city subscribers at six cents per week.
Mall subscribers, $3.50 a year, payable in ad
vance. Tbe publication office is at tbe corner of Indi
ana avenue and Second street.
LEWIS CLEPHAHE k CO.
Borne Opinions of Mr. Lincoln.
SELECTED VERBATIM FROM 1113 SPEECHES, AND
PERTINENT TO TUB PRESENT OCCASION.
" I say that we must not interfere with the
institution of slavery in the States where it ex
ists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the
general welfare does not require us to do so.
We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave
law, because the Constitution requires us, as I
understand it, not to withhold such a law. But
we must prevent the out-spreading of the in
stitution, because neither the Constitution nor
the general welfare requires us to extend it.
We must prevent the revival of the-African
slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a
Territorial slave code. We must prevent each
of these things being done by either Congress
or courts. The people of the United States are
the rightful masters of both Congresses and
courts not to overthrow the Constitution, but
overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu
tion!" Speech at Cincinnati, September 18,
" I hold myself under constitutional obliga
tions to allow the people in all the States, with
out interference, direct or indirect, to do exact
ly as they please; and I deny that I have any
inclination to interfere with them, even if there
were no such constitutional obligation. I can
only say nain, that I am placed improperly
altogether improperly, in spitoof all that I can
say when it is insisted that I entertain any
other views or purposes in regard to that mat
ter (slavery.)" bpexclt at Jontsborovyh, III.,
Sept. 1G, 1858.
" While it (slavery) drives on in its state of
Srogress as it it now driving, and as it has
riven for the last five years, I have ventured
the opinion, and say to day, that we wilt have
no end to the slavery agitation until it takes
one turn or the other. I do not mean that when
it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it
will be in a day, nor in a year, nor in two
years. I do not suppose that in the most peace
ful way ultimate extinction would occur in less
than a hundred years at least ; but that it will
occur in the best way for both races, in God's
own good time, I havo no doubt." Speech at
Charleston, III., Sept. 18. 1858.
"Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty, as a
principle, is simply this: If one man chooses
to make a slave of another, neither that man
nor anybody else has A right to object."
Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859.
" I havo intimated that I thought the agita
tion (of slavery) would not cease until a crisis
should be reached and passed. I have stated
in what way I have thought it would be reached
and passed. We might, by arresting the fur
ther spread of it, and placing it where the
fathers originally placed it. put it where the
fiublic mind should rest in the belief that it was
n the course of ultimate extinction. Thus the
agitation may cease. It may bo pushed for
ward until it shall become alike lawful in all
the States, old as well as new, North as well as
South. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence
sufficient to my mind, that the fathers of this
Government placed that institution where the
public mind did rest in tbe belief that it was in
the course of ultimate extinction; and when 1
desire to seo the further spread of it arrested, I
only say that I desire to see that done which
tho fathers have first done. It is not true that
our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, made
this Government part slave and part free. Un
derstand the sense in which he nuts it he as
Bumes that slavery is a rightful thing within
itself was introduced by tho framers of the
Constitution. The exact truth is, that they
found the institution existing among us, and
they left it as they found it. But in making
the Government, they left this institution with
many clear marks of disapprobation upon it.
They found slavery among them, and they left
it among them because of the difficulty the
absolute impossibility of its immediate re
moval." Speech at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858.
' Lei me say I havo no prejudice against the
Southern people. They are just what we would
be in their situation. If slavery did not exist
among them they would not introduce it. If
it aia now exst among us, we should not in
stantly give it up. This I believe of the masses,
North and South. Doubtless there are indi
viduals on both sides who would not hold slaves
under any circumstances; and others who
would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were
now out of existence. We know that some
Sonthesjn men do free their slaves, go North,
and become tip-top abolitionists ; while some
Northern ones go South, and become most cruel
" When Southern people tell us they are no
more responsible for the origin of slavery than
we are, I acknowledge the fact. When it is
said that the institution exists, and that it is
very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory
way, I can understand and appreciate the say
ing. I surely will not blame them for not do
ing what I should not know how to do myself.
If all earthly power were given me, I should
not know what to do, as to the existing institu
tion.. My first impulse would be to free all the
slaves, and send them to Liberia to their own
native laud. But a moment's reflection would
convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I
think there is) there maybe in this, in tho long
run, its sudden execution is impossible. If
they were all landed there in a day, they would
perish in the next ten days ; and there are not
surplus shipping and surplus money enough in
the world to carry them there in many times
ten days. What then 7 Free them all, and
keep them among us as underlings ? Is it quite
certain that this betters their condition? I
think I would not hold one in slavery at any
rate ; yet tho point is not clear enough to de
nounce people upon. What next? Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals? My own feelings will not admit of
this; and if mine would, we well know that
those of tbe great mass of white people will not.
Whether this feeling accords with justice and
sound judgment, is not the sole question, if,
indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel
ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot be
safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. It does seem to me that sys
tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed ; but for that tardiness in this respect, I
will not undertake to judge our brethren of the
" W hen they remind us of their constitutional
rights, I acknowledge. them, not grudgingly,
but fully and fairly ; and I would give them
any legislation for tho reclaiming of their fugi
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry a free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent ono." Speech at Oltowa, III., Aug.
" Has anything ever threatened the existence
of this Union, save and except this very institu
tion of slavery ? What is it that we hold most
dear amongst us ? Ourownliberty and pros
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity, save and except this institution
of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition of things by enlarging
slavery by spreading it out, and making it
" You may have a wen or cancer on your
person, and not bo able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death ; but surely it is no way to cure
it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way of treating what
you regard as a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct.
" I suppose most of us (I know it of myself)
believe that tho people of tho Southern States
nro entitled to a Congressional fugitive slave
law. As the right is constitutional, I agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it, and
that not that we like the ins'itution of slavery.
We profess to have no tasto for running and
catching negroes ; at least, I profess no taste
for that job at all. Why, then, do I yield sup
port to a fugitive slave law ? Because I do not
understand tbat tbe Constitution, wbtch guar
anties that right, can be supported without
it," Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 858.
" The real issue in this controversy the one
pressing upon every mind is tho sentiment on
the part ot one class that looks upon the insti
tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as a wrong.
The sentiment that contemplates tbe institution
of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the
sentiment of the Republican party. Tney look
upon it as being a moral, social, and political
wrong; and while they contoinplata it ns such,
they nevertheless have duo regard for its actual
existence among us, and the difficulties of get
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
Yet having a due regard for these, they desire
a policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre
ating any more danger. They insist that it
should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong ;
and one of tho methods of treating it as a
wrong is to mako provision that it shall grow
no larger. If there be a man among us who
docs not thiuk that the institution of slavery is
wrong in any of the aspects of which I havo
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be
with us. And if there be a man amongst us
who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to dis
regard its actual presence among ns, and the
difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat
isfactory way, and to disregard tho constitu
tional obligations thrown about it, that man is
misplaced if ho is on our platform." Speech at
Alton, Oct. 15, 1858.
A FEW WORDS TO TU"E SOUTH.
" We the Republicans, and others, forming
the opposition of tho country, intend to 'stand
by our guns,' to be patient and firm, and in the
long run to beat you. When wo do beat you,
you perhaps want to know what wo will do
with you. I will tell jou, so far as I am au
thorized to speak for the opposition, what we
mean to do with you. Wo mean to treat you,
ns nearly as we possibly can, as Washington,
Jefferson, and Madison, treated jou. Wo mean
to leave you alone, and in no way interfere
with your institution ; to abide by every com
promise of the Constitution : and, in a word,
coming back to the original proposition, to
treat you as far as degenerated men (if we have
degenerated) may, according to the examples
of those noblo fathers Washington, Jefferson,
and Madison. We mean to remember that you
are as good as we are ; that there is no dif
ference between us, other than the difference
of circumstances. We mean to recogniso and
bear in mind, always, that you havo as good
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as
we claim to have, and to treat you 'accord
ingly. Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859.
Resolved, Tbat we, the delegated representa
tives of the Republican Electors of tbe United
Stales, in Convtntlon assembled, In discharge
of the duty we owe to our constituents and our
country, unite in the following declarations :
First. That the history of the nation during
the last four years has fully established tho pro
priety and necessity of tbe organization and per
petuation of the Republican party, and that the
canses which called It Into existence are perma
nent In their nature, and now, more than ever
before, demand its peaceful and constitutional
Second. That the maintenance of the principles
promulgated In the Declaration of Independence,
and embodied in the Federal Constitution, " that
all men are created equal ; that they are endowad
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights;
that among these are life, liberty, and the pur
suit of happiness that to secure these rights,
Governments are Instituted among men, deriving
theirjnst powers from tbe consentofthegoverned,"
is essential to the preservation ofour republican
Institutions; and that the Federal Constitution,
the rights of the Slates, and the Union of the
States, must and shall be preserved.
Third. That to the Union of the States this
nation owes its unprecedented increase in popu
lation ; its surprising development of material
resources ; Its rapid augmentation of wealth ;
Its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and
we bold In abhorrence all schemes for disunion,
come from whatever source they may ; and we
congratulate the country that no Republican
member of Congress has uttered or countenanced
a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo
cratic members without rebuke and with ap
plause from their political associates ; and we
denounce those threats of disunion, in case of
a popular overthrow of tbeir ascendency, as de
nying tbe vital principles of a free Government,
and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which
It Is the Imperative duty of an indignant people
sternly to rebuke and forever silence.
Fourth. That the maintenance inviolate of
the rights of the States, and especially the right
of each State to order and control its own do
mestic institutions, according to its own judg
ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of
power on which the perfection and endurance of
our political fabric depends; and we denounce
the lawless Invasion by armed force of the soil
of any State or Territory, no matter under what
pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
tflU. Tbat tbe present Democratic Adminis
tration has for exceeded our worst apprehensions
in its measureless subserviency to the exactions
of a sectional interest, as especially evidenced
in Its desperate exertions to force the infamous
Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo
ple of Kansas In construing the personal rela
tion between master and servant to Involve an
unqualified property in persons In its attempted
enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through
the Intervention of Congress and of the Federal
courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo
cal Interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse
of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people.
Sixth. That tbe people justly view with alarm
the reckless extravagance which pervades every
department of tbe Federal Government; that a
return to rigid economy and accountability is in
dispensable to arrest tbe systematic plunder of tbe
public Treasury by favored partisans; while the
recent startling developments of frauds and cor
ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an
entire change of Administration is imperatively
Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti
tution of Its own force carries slavery Into any
or all of tbe Territories of the United States, is a
dangerous political heresy, at variance with the
explicit provisions of that Instrument Itself, with
cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative
and judicial precedent; is revolutionary In its
tendency, and subversive of the peace and har
mony of the country.
Eighth. Tbat the normal condition of all the
territory of the United States is tbat of Freedom ;
that as our republican fathers, when they had
abolished slavery In all our national territory,
ordained that "no person should be deprived of
life, liberty, or property, without due process of
law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, when
ever such legislation Is necessary, to maintain
this provision of the Constitution against all at
tempts to violate it; and we deny tbe authority
of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of
any individuals, to give legal existence to sla
very in any Territory of the United States.
Ninth. That we brand the recent reopening of
tbe African slave trade, under tbe cover of our
national flag, aided by perversions of judicial
power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning
shame to our country and age ; and We call upon
Congress to take prompt and efficient measures
for tbe total and final suppression of that exe
Tenth. That In the recent vetoes by their Fed
eral Governors of tbe acts of the Legislatures
of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in
those Territories, we find a practical illustration
of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention
and popular sovereignty embodied in
tbe Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration
of tbe deception and fraud involved therein.
Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be im
mediately admitted as a State under tbe Consti
tution recently formed and adopted by her people,
and accepted by tbe House of Representatives.
Twelfth. That while providing revenue for tbi.
support of the General Government by dutlij
upon imports, sound policy requires such an ao
justment'of these Imposts as te encourage tbe de
velopment of tbe Industrial Interests of the whole
country ; and we commend that policy of nation
al exchanges, which secures to the working men
liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices,
to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate
reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and
to tbe nation commercial prosperity and inde
pendence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale
or alienation to others of the public lands held
by actual settlers, and against any view of the
free homestead policy which regards tbe settlers
as paupers or supplicants for public bounty; and
we demand the passage by Congress of tbe com
plete and satisfactory homestead measuro which
has already passed the House.
Fourteenth. That tbe Republican party is op
posed to any change lu our naturalization laws,
or any State legislation by which the rights of
citizenship hitherto accorded to Immigrants from
foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and
in favor of giving a full and efficient protection
to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether
native or naturalized, both at home and abroad.
Fitaith. That appropriations by Congress
for river and harbor Improvements of a nation
al character, required for the accommodation
and security of an existing commerce, are author.
Ized by the Constitution and justified by so ob
ligation of the Government to protect the lives
and property of its citizens.
Sixteenth. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean
Is Imperatively demanded by the interests of the
whole couqtry; that the Federal Government
ought to render Immediate and efficient aid in
Its construction; and that, as preliminary thereto,
a dally overland mall should be promptly es
tablished. Seventeenth. Finally, having tbns set forth oar
distinctive principles and views, we Invito tho
co-operation of all citizens, however differing on
other questions, who substantially agree with as,
in their affirmance and support.
BELL AND EVERETT PLATFPRM.
Whereas experience has demonstrated that
platforms adopted by the partisan Conventions
of the country have had the effect to mislead
and deceive the people, and at the same time
to widen the political divisions of the country,
by the creation and encouragement of geograph
ical and sectional parties : therefore,
Unsolved, That it is both the part of patriot
ism and of duty to recognise no political prin
ciple other than the Constitution of tho country,
the union of the States, and the enforcement
of the laws ; and that as representatives of the
Constitutional Union men of the country, in
National Convention assembled, we hereby
pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and de
fend, separately and unitedly, theso great prin
ciples of public liberty and national safety
against ail enemies, at home and abroad, be
lieving thereby peace may once more be re
stored to the country, the just rights of the
people and of tho States re-established, and the
Govcrment again placed in that condition of
justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under
tho example and Constitution of our fathers,
has solemnly bound every citizen of the United
States to maintain a moro perfect union, estab
lish justice, insuro domestic tranquillity, pro
vide lor the common defence, promote tho gen
eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liber
ty to ourselves and our posterity.
DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM.
Resolved, That we, tho Democracy of the
Union, in Convention assembled, hereby de
clare our affirmance of the resolutions unani
mously adopted and declared as a platform of
principles by the Democratic Convention at
Cincinnati, in tho year 1856, believing that
Democratic principles aro unchangeable in
their nature, when applied to tbo same subject
matter: and wc recommend as tbe only further
resolutions the following :
Resolved, That it is the duty of the United
States to afford ample and complete protection
to nil its citizens, whether at home or abroad,
and whether nativo or foreign.
Resolved, That one of the necessities of the
age, in a military, commercial, and postal
point of view, is speedy communication be
tween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and
the Democratic party pledgee such constitution
al government aid as will insure the construc
tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the
earliest practicable period.
Resolved, That tho Democratic party are in
favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba,
on such terms as shall bo honorable to our
selves and just to Spain.
Resolved, That the enactment of State Leg
islatures to defeat tho faithful execution of tho
fugitive- slave law are hostile in character, sub
versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect,
Haohed, That in accordance with the in
terpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that,
during the existeuce of the Territorial Govern
ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it
may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution
on the power of the Territorial Legislature
oer tho subject of tho domestic relations, as
the samo has been, or shall hereafter be, finally
determined by the Supreme Court of the Uni
ted States, should be respected by all good
citizens, and enforced with promptness and
fidelity by every branch of tho General Gov
ernment. BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE PLATFORM.
Ilesohed, That the platform adopted by the
Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed,
with the following explanatory resolutions:
First. That the Government of a Territory
organized by an act of Congress is provisional
and temporary, and during its existence all cit
izens of tho United States have an equal right
to settle with their property in the Territories,
without their rights, either of person or prop
erty, being destroyed or impaired by Congres
sional or Territorial legislation.
Second. That it is the duty of the Federal
Government, in all its departments, to protect,
when nocessary, the rights of persons and prop
erty in the Territories, and wherever else its
constitutional authority extends.
Third. That when tbe settlers of a Territory,
having an adequate population, form a State
Constitution, the right of sovereignty com
mences, and, being consummated by admission
into tho Union, they stand on an equal footing
with the people of other States; and tho State
thus organized ought to bo admitted into the
Federal Union, whether its Constitution pro-
, mints or recognises the institution ol slavery.
. ltesolced, That the Democratic party are in
' r..n. nT ll.n .....!!!.. f 1.n tulnnit A Pill..
on such terras as will be honorable to ourselves
and just to Spain, at the earliost practicable
ltesolced, That the enactment of State Legis
latures to defeat the faithful execution of the
fugitive slave law aro hostile in character, sub
versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect.
ltesolced, That the Democracy of the United
States recognise it as the imperative duty of this
Government to protect the naturalized citizen
in nil his rights, whether at home or in foreign
lands, to the samo extent as its native-born cit
izens. JVhercas one of tho greatest necessities of
the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and
military point of view, is a speedy communica
tion between the Pacidc and Atlantic coasts ;
therefore be it
Resolved, That the National Democratic party
do hereby pledgo themselves to use every means
in their power to secure the passage of some
bill, to the extent of the constitutional author
ity of Congress, for tho construction of a Pa
cific railroad from the Mississippi river to the
Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.