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PACIFIC Commercial Advertiser. MR. LINCOLN S REPLY. IFmiu itie "n Fra'icico Bulletin." July ll:h. irirtit ami Democrat' IV ow Voili I.JmcoIu Reply to the Resolutions of the A I baur 31rcliz of Ibr Kith of .Mar . . sr 'ii Me constitution teen Lnmsliy dtait icithf J he Lihrtly of the Press and the Habeas Corpus Charges Vallandigham s Case. Albany, May 10, 18fJ3. To lis Ezctlknev the President of the United States. The untlersizneJ, officers of a public meet ing held at the city of Albany on the IGth day of Mif insc, iierewun iransruii 10 your iiiucu'.-iiL-jr a copy of the resolutions adorted at the said meet ing! unJ respectfully request your earnest consi de ration of them. They deetu it proper on their personal responsibility to tefcite that the njeetin,; was one of the most rt'epectaMe as to nurahere and character, and one of the mo.-t r-arnest in the support of the Union, ever held in this city. Yours, with great regard, Erastcs Corning, President. VICE Eli Perry, eter (Jansevoort, Peter Munfath. S imuel U. Gibhs, John Xi Mack, II. W. McCMhn, PRESIDENTS. Lemuel V. Rodders, Williaio Seymour, Jeremiah Osriorn, William S. Pudock, J. B. Sanders, Edward Mulcahv, D. V. N. Radcliffe. SECRETARIES. William A. Rice, M. A. Nolan, Edw.ird Xewcoiij?), Jolin R. Nessel, R. V. Peckharu, Jr., C. W. Weeks. RESOLCTIONS ADOPTED AT TOE MEETING HELD IN AL BAN V, N. V., ON THE IGth DAY OF MAY, 18G3. Rtsolvd, That the Democrat f Xf.v York point fo their uniform course of action during the two years of civil war through which ws have pas-wd, to the alacrity which they have evinced in tilling the ranks of the nraiy, to th ir contributions and sacrifices, as the evidence of their patriotism and devotion to the cause of our iin perilled country. rsever in the fiisry of civil wars has a govern merit been sust iirfd with eueh amide resources o jnuns and men as the people have voluntarily . t i i i- . i - . . . piact-u in me nanus 01 mis aununsiraiioii. Rsolcd, That, as Democrats, we are determin ed to maintain this patriotic attitude, and. de6j ite of adverse and disheurting circumstances, to devotd all our energies to sustain the cause of Union, to secure peace through victory, and to bring back the restoration of all the States under the safeguards ot the Constitution. Resulctd, That while we will not consent to be misapprehended upon these points, we are deter mined not to be understood in regard to others not Ifss essential. We demand that the Administra tion shall be true to the Constitution ; bhall recog nize and uiaintain the rights of the States and the liberties of the citizen ; shall everywhere, outside of the lines of necessary military occupation and the scenes of insurrection, exert all its powers to maintain the supremacy of the civil over military law. Resolved, That, in view of these principles, we denace the recent assumption of a military command- r to seize and try a citizen of Ohio, Clement L. YuIIandigham, for no other reason than words addressed to a public meeting, in criticism of the course of the Administration, and in condemnation of the military orders of that General. Resolved, Tlt this assumption of power by a military tribunal, if successfully asserted, not only abrogates the right of the people to assemble and discuss the aiirs of government, the liberty of peecli and of the press, the right of trial by jury, the law of evidence, and the privilege of hafas corpus, but it strikes a fatal blow at the suprema cy of law, and the authority of the State and Fed eral constitutions. Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States the supreme law of the land has defined the crime of treason ngainet the United States to consist only in levying war against them, or ad hering to their enemies, giving them aid and com fort and has provided that no person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overact, or on confes sion in open court.' And it further provides that no person bhall be held to answer fr a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases aris ing in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger;" and further, that 44 in all criminal prose cutions, the accused shall enj y the riht of a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district whereio the crime was commit ted." Ri3oIveJr-That these safeguards of the rights of the citizen against the pretension of arbitrary power were intended more especially for his pro tection in times of civil commotion. They were secured substantially ti the English people, alter years of protracted civil war. and were adopted int our Constitution at the close of the revolu tion. They have stod the test of 70 years of trial, under our republican system, under circum stance which bhow tli.it, while they constitute the loiirnh ti-n of iIl tree government, they are the el ements of the en luring stability of the republic. Rslv'd, That in adopting the language of Daniel Webst r, we declare, 44 It is the ancient and undoubted prerogative of this people to em vass public measures and the merits of public men." It is a 44 home-bred" right; a fireside priv ilege. It had been enjoyed in every house, cottage and cnbin in the nation. It is as undoubted as the right of breathing the air or walking on the earth. B longing to private life an a right, it hel"ngs to public life as a duty, and it is the last duty which those whoso representative we arc shall find us to abandon. Aiming at all times to be courteous and temperate in its use. except whn the right itself is questioned, we shall place ourselves on the ex treme boundary of our own riiiht and bid defiance to any arm that would move us from our ground. This high constitutional privilege we shall defend and exercise in all places in time ot peace, in time of war, and at all times. Living, we stiill assert it ; and should we leave no other inheritance to our children, by the blessing of God we will leave thera the inheritance of free principles and the example of a manly, independent and consti tutional defence of them." Rtsnlctd, That in the election of G iv. Seymour, the people of this State, by an emphatic majority, declared their condemnation of the system of ar bitrary arrests and their determination to stand by the Constitution. That the revival of this lawless system can have but one result : to diride und dis tract the North, und destroy its cor.fiJence in the purposes of the administration. That we depre cate it as an element of confusion at home, of weakness to our armies in the field, and as calcu lated to lower the estimate of American character and magnify the apparent peril of our cause abroad. And that, regarding the blow struck at a citizen of Ohio as aimed at the rights of every citizen of the North, we denounce it as against the pirit of our laws and Constitution, and most earnestly call4 upon tho President of the United State to reverse the actim of the military tribu nal which has passed a 44 cruel and unusual pun ishment" upon the party arrested, prohibited in term by the Constitution, and to restore him to the liberty of which he has been deprived. Rtsolced, Tiiat the president, vice-presidents, and secretaries of this meeting bo requested to transmit n copy of these resolutions to His Excel lency the President of the United States, with the assurance of this meeting of the iu-.irtv and rn-t .foair t.i iir.Turt tii ( uri?rnmnt in everv . discharge men wlio are TToveU lo r. "iimy oi ue i-Tkmtrlriirion il I.iirful miiir trt sundress the ! fined crime: and its sust-enuion i allowed by th x:ting rebellion. j Constitution yn purpos" that men may be arrested Executive Mansion, Washington, ) June 1U. 1803. llm. Erastus Corning and others Gentlemen. Your letter of May 10, enclosing the resolutions of a public meeting held at Albany, New York, on the IGth of the same month, was received several days ng. The resolutions, as I understand theia, are re solvable into two proportions first, the expression of a uriose to sustain the cause of the Union, to oecure peace through victory, and to support the Admistration in everv Constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion ; and secondly lieclaration of censure upon the Administration f.r suf p sed unconstitutional action, puch us the making of military arrests. And. from the two propositions, a third is deduced, which is that the gentlemen composing the meeting are resolved on uointr their part to maintain our common jruvern- ment and country, despite the folly or wickedness, as they may conceive, of any Administration This position is eminently patriotic, and as such, I thank the meeting, and congratulate the country for it. M3' own purpose is tiie same ; 60 that the meeting and myself have a common object, and ran have no difference, except in the choice of means or measures for effecting that object. And here I ought to close this paper, and would close it, if there were n apprehension that more injurious C'nsequences than any merely personal to myself might follow the censures systematically cast upon me for doinz what, in my view of dutv. I could not forbear. The resolutions promise to support me in every constitutional and lawful ! measure to suppress the rebelli n ; and I have nut knowingly employed, nor shall knowingly employ, any other. But the meeting, by their resolutions, assert and arue that certain military arrests, and proceedings following them, for which I am ulti mately responsible, are unconstitutional. I think they are not. The resolutions quote from the Con stitution the definition of treason, and also the limiting safeguards and guarantee. therein provid ed fr the citizon on trial for treason, and on his being held to answer for capit:-.I or otherwise infamous crimes, and, in criminal prosecutions. his right to a speedy and public trial by an impar tial jury. They proceed to resolve 44 that these safeguards of the rights of the citizen against the pretensions of arbitrary power were intended more expfciali lor his protection in ti:n' s of civil com motion." And, apparently to demonstrate the proposition, the resolutions proceed : 44 They were secured substantially to the English people after years of protracted civil war, and were adopted into our Constitution at the cise of the revolu tion." Would not the demonstration have been better, if it could have been truly said t at these safeguards had been adopted, and applied during our levolution, instead of after the one and at the cloe of the other ? I, too, am devotedly for them after civil war, and before civil war, and at all times. 44 except when, incases of rebellion or inva sion, the public 8atety may require their suspen sion. The resolutions proceed to tell us that these safeguards 41 havo stood the test of 70 years of trial, under our republican svstem, under circum stances which show that while they constitute the foundation of all free goveroment, they are the el ements of the enduring stability of the republic." one uenies mat mey nave so stoou trie test up to the beginning of the present rebellion, if we except a certain occurrence at New Urleans ; nor does any one question that the' will stand the same tet much longer after the rebellion closes. IJut these provisions of the Constitution have no application to the case we have in hand, because the arrests complained of were not made for trea son that is, not for the treason defined in the Con stitution, and upon the conviction of which the punishment is death nor yet were they made to hold persons to answer for uny capital or otherwise infamous crimes; nor were the proceedings follow ing, in any constitutional or legal sense, "criminal prosecutions. ihe arrests were made on totally different grounds, and the proceedings following accorded with the grounds of the arrests. Let us consider the real case with which wo are dealing, ind apply it to the parts of the Constitution plain- y made lor such cases. Prior to my installation here, it had been incul cated that any State had a lawful right to secede from the national union, and that it would be ex pedient to exercise the right whenever the devotees of the doctrine should fail to elect a President to their liking ; and accordingly so far as it was le gally possible, they have taken seven States out of the Union, had seized many of the United States forts, and had fired upon the United States flag, ill before I was inaugurated, and, of course, before I had done any official act whatever. The rebel- ion thus began soon ran into the present civil xar: and, in certain respects, it began on very unequal terms between thu parties. The insurgents had been preparing for it more than 30 3-ears, while the government had taken no steps to resist them The former had carefully considered all the means which could b(3 turned to their account. It un doubtedly was a well-pondered reliance with them ! that in their own unrestricted efforts to destroy Union, Constitution and law, all together, the Government would, in a great degree, be restrain ed by the same Constitution and law from arrest- ing their progress. Their sympathizers pervaded i all departments of the Ooverniuent smd nearly all communities of the people. From this material. under cover of 44 liberty of speech, 44 liberty of the press" and "habms corpus," they boned to keep on toot amon-rst us a most efficient corps of spies, informers, tuippiiers and aiders and abettors of their cause in a thousand ways. They knew that j in times such as they erc inaugurating by the Constitution itself the habeas corpus might be sus pended; but they also knew they had friends who would make a question as to who was to suspend it ; meanwhile their spies and otrY-rs might remain at large to hlp on their cause. Or if, as Ins hap pened, the Executive should suspend the writ, without ruinous waste of time, instances of arrest ing innocent persons might "occur, as area!ways j likely to occur in such cases ; and then a clamor 1 could be raised in regard to this, which might be. j at least, of some service to the insurgent cause. It needed no very keen perception to discover this I part of the enemy's programme, so soon as by open hostilities their machinery was fairly put in mo tion. Yet, thoroughly imbued with a reverence for the guaranteed rights of individuals, I was slow to adopt the strong measures which by de grees I have been forced to regard as being within the exceptions of the Constitution, and as indis pensable to the public safety Nothing is better known to history than that courts of justice are utterly incompetent to such cases. Civil courts are organized chiefly for trials of individuals, or, at most, a few individuals acting in concert ; and thus in quiet times, and on charges of crimes well defined in the law. Even in times of peace bands of horse-thieves and robbers frequently grow too numerous and powerful for the ordinary courts of justice. Hut what comparison, in numbers, have such bands ever borne to the insurgent sympathiz ers even in many of the lo3al States? Again, a jury too frequently has at least one member more ready to hang the panel than to hang the traitor. And yet, again, he who dissuades one man from volunteering, or induces one soldier to desert, weakens the Union cause as much as he who kills a Union soldier in battle. Yet this dissuasion or inducement may be so conducted as to le no defin ed crime of which any civil court would take cog nizance. Ours is a case of reteHion s.a called by the res olutions before me in fact, a clear, flagrant and gigantic case of rebellion; and the provision of the Constitution that 44 the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is the provision which specially applies to our present case. This provision plain ly attests the understanding of those who made the Constitution, that ordinary c .urts of justice are inadequate to 44 cases of rebellion" attests their purpose that, in such cases, men may be held in custody whom the courts, acting on ordinary rules would discharge. Uihas corpus d es not uilty ot d and held who cannot be proved to be guilty of de fined crime, 44 when, in cases of rebellion or inva sion, the public safety may require i"..'' This is precisely our present case a case of rebellion, wherein the public safety does require the suspen sion. Indeed, arrests by process of courts, and arrests in cases of rebellion, do not proceed alto gether upon the same basis. The former is direct ed at the email percentage of ordinary and contin uous perpetration of crime, while the latter is di rected at sudden and extensive uprisings against the Government, which, at most, will succeed or fail in no great length of time. In the latter case, arrests are made, not so much for what has beert done, as for what probably would be done. The latter is more for the preventive and less for the vindictive than the former. In such cases the pur poses of men are much more easily understood than in cases of ordinary crime. The man who stands by and says nothing when the peril of his govern ment is discussed, cannot bo misunderstood. If not hindered, he is sure to help the enmey ; much more, if he talks ambiguously talks for his coun try with "buts"' and 44 ihV and ands." Of how little value the constitutional provisions I have quoted will be rendered, if arrests shall never be made until defined crimes shall have been commit ted, miy fie illustrated by a few notable examples. Gen. John C Brekinridge, Gen. Robert E. Lee, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, Gen. John B. Mao-ruder, Gen. William B Preston, Gen. Simon Ii.Buek ner and Com. Franklin Buchanan, now occupying the very highest places in the war service, were all within the piiwer of the government since tho re bellion began, and were nearly as well known to be traitors then as now. Unquestionably, it we had seized and held them, the insurgent cause would be much weaker. But no one of them had then committed crime defined in the law. Every one of them, if arrested, wuuld have been discharged on hnbias corpus were the writ allowed to operate. In view of these and simil ar cases, I think the time not unlikely to come when I shall be blamed for having made too few arrests rather than too many. By the third resolutions the meeting indicate their opinion that military arrests may be constitu tional in localities where rebellion actually exists, but that such arrests are unconstitutional in locali ties where re'KMlion or insurrection do?s not actu ally exist. They insist that such arrests shall not be made ' outside of the lines of necessary milita- T" V f rvi t Mn 'inrl flirt i:fitina fif iniiiiiti.m ' ! Inasmuch, . however, as the Constitution itself makes n such distinction, I am unable to believe tiiat there e any such constitutional distinction. I concede that the class of arrests complained of can be constitutional only when, in cases of re bellion or invasion, the public safety may require them ; and I insist that in such cases they are con stitutional wherever the public safety does require them ; as well in places to which they may prevent the rebellion extending, as in those where it may be already prevailing; as well where they may re train mischievous interference with the raising and supplying of armies to suppress the rebellion, as where the rebellion may actually be; as well where they may restrain the enticing men out of the army, as where they would prevent mutiny in the army ; equally constitutional at all places where they will conduce to the public safety, as against tha dangers of rebellion or invasion. Take the particular case mentioned by the meeting. It is asserted, in substance, that Mr. Yailandighain was, by a military commander, seized and tried 44 for no other reason than words addrested to a public meeting, in criticism of the course of the Administration, and in condemnation of the mili tary orders of the general." Now, if there be no mistake about this; if this assertion is the truth and tho whole truth ; if there was no other reason for the arrest, then I concede that the arrest was wrong. But tho arrest, as I understand, was made for a very different reason. Mr. Yailandighain avows his hostility to the war on the part of the Union ; and his arrest was made because he was laboring, with some effect, to prevent the raising of troops ; to encourage desertions from the army ; and to leave the rebellion without an adequate mil itary force to suppress it. lie was not arrested because he was damaging the political prospects of the Administration, or the personal interests of tho commanding general, but because he was dam aging the urmy, upon the existence and vior of which the life of the nation depends. He was warring upon the military, and this gave the mili tary constitutional jurisdiction to lay hands upon him. If Mr. Yailandighain was not damaging the military power of the country, then his arrest was made on mistake of fact, which I would he glad to correct on reasonably satisfactory evidence. I understand tho meeting, whose resolutions I am considering, to be in favor of suppressing the rebellion by military force by armies. Long ex perience has shown that armies cannot be main tained unless desertion shall be punished by the severe penalty oT death. The case requires and the law and the Constitution sanction, this punish ment. Must I shoot i. simple minded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not touch a hair of the wily agitator who induces him to desert? This is none the less injurious when effected by getting a father, or brother, or friend, into a public meeting, and there working upon his feeings till he is per suaded to write the soldier hoy that he is fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked Administration f a contemptible Government, too weak to arrest and punish him if he shall desert. I think that in such a case, to silence the agitator and save the boy is not only coiv-titutional, but withal a great mercy. If I be wrong on this question of constitutional power, 1113 error lies in believing that certain pro ceedings arc constitutional when, in case of rebel lion or invasion, the public safety requires them, which would not he constitution!! when, in absence of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does not require th-m : in other words, that the Constitu tion is not, in its application, in all respects the same, in cases of rebellion or invasion involving the public safety, as it is in times of profound peace and public security. The Constitution itself makes the distinction ; and I can no more he per suaded that the Government can constitutionally tike no strong measures in time of rebellion, be cause it can be shown that the same could not be lawfully taken in time of peace than I can be per suaded that a particular drug is not good medicine for a sick man, because it can be shown to not be good food for a well one. Nor am I able to appre ciate the danger apprehended by the meeting that the American people will, by means of military ar rests during the rebellion, lose the right of public discussion, the libery of speech and the press, the law .if evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus, throughout the indefinite peaceful future, which I trust lies before them, any more than I am able to believe that a man could contract 60 strong an ap petite for emetics during temporary illness as to persist in feeding upon them during the remainder of his healthful life. In giving the resolutions that earnest considera tion which you request of me, I cannot overlook the fact that the meeting speak as 4 Democrats.'' Nor can I. with full respect for their known intel ligence, and the fairly presumed deliberation with which they prepared their resolutions, be permit ted to suppose that this occurred by accident, or in any way other than that they preferred to desig nate themselves 44 Democrats" rather than 44 Am erican citizens." In thi9 time of national peril I would have preferred to meet you upon a level one step higher than any party platform ; because lam sure that from such more elevated position we could do better battle for the country we all love than we possibly can from those lower ones where from the force of habit, the prejudices of the past, and selfish hopes of the future, we are sure to ex pend much of our ingenuity and strength in finding fault with, and aiming blows at each other. But, since you have denied me this, I will yet fie thank ful, for the country's sake, that not all Democrats have done so. He on whose discretionary judg ment Mr. Yalhindigham was arrested and tried is a Democrat, having no old party afSnity with me ; and the judge who rejected the constitutional view expressed in these resolutions, by refusing to dis charge Mr. Yailandighain on "habeas corpus" is a democrat of better days than thes. having receiv ed his judicial mantlo at the hands of President Jackson. And still more, of all those democrats their Uood on the battle-field, I ha;e learned that many approved the course taken with Mr. Yailan dighain, while I have not heard of a single one condemning it. 1 cannot assert that there are none 6uch And the name of President J ickson recalls an instance of pertinent history. Alter the battle of New Orleans, and while the fact that the treaty of peace had been concluded was well known in the city, but before official knowledge of it had arrived, General Jackson still maintained martial or military law. Now, that it could be said the war was over, the clamor against martial law, which had existed from the first, grew more furious. Among other things a Mr. Louaillier published a denunciatory newspaper article. General Jackson arrested him. A lawyer by the name of Morel procured the UYiited States Judge Hall to order a writ of 44 habeas corpus" to relieve Mr. Luaillier. General Jackson arrested both the lawyer and the judge. A .Mr. Hollander ventured to say of some part of the matter that 44 it was a dirty trick." General Jackson arrested him. When the offiea r undertook to serve the writ of 44 habeas corpus,' General Jackson took it away from him with a copy. Holding the judge a few days, the General sent him beyond the limits of his encampment, and set him at liberty, with un order to remain till the ratification of peace should be regularly an nounced, or until the British should have left the Southern coast. A day or two more elapsed, the ratification of the treaty of peace was regularly announced, and the judge and others were fully liberated. A few days more, and the judge called General Jackson into Court and fined him 1,000 for having arrested him and the others named. The general paid the fine, and there the matter rested for nearly thirty years, when Conaress re funded principal and interest. The late Senator Douglas, then in the House of Representatives, took a leading part in the debates, in which the constitutional question was much discussed. I am not prepared to say whom the journals would show to have voted for the measure. It may be remarked : First, that we had the same Constitution then as now ; secondly, that we then had a case of invasion, and now we have a case ot rebellion ; and, thirdly, that the permanent right of the people to public discussion, the liberty of speech and ot the press, the trial by jury, the Jaw of evidence, and the 44 habeas corpus,'' suffered no detriment whatever by that conduct of Gen. Jackson, or its subseuuent approval bv the Ameri- can Congress. And yet, let me say, that in my own discretion, I do cot know whether I would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Yailandighain. While I cannot shift the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a general rule, tho commander in the field is the better judge f the necessity in any particular case. Of course, I must practice a general directory and revisory power in the matter. One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the meeting- that arbitary arrests will have the effect to divide and distract those who should be united in suppressing the rebellion, and I am speci fically called on to discharge Mr. Yailandighain. I regard this as, at least, a fair appeal to me on the expediency of exercising a constitutional power which I think exists. In response to such appeal I have to sny, it gave me pain when I learned that Mr. Yallandighaui had been arrested that is, I was pained that there should have seemed to be a necessity for arresting him and that it will afford me great pleasure to disehaige him so soon as I can, by any means, believe the public safety will not suffer by it. I further say, that as the war progresses, it appears to me, opinion and action, which were in great contusion at first, take shape and fall into more regular channels, so that the necessity for strong dealing with them gradually decreases. I have every reason to desire that it should cease altogether, and far from the least is my regard for the opinions and wishes of those who, like the meeting at Albany, declare their purpose to sustain the Government in every consti tutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebel lion. Still, I must continue to do so much as may seem to be required by the public safety. A. Lincoln. .Dbtrlistnunts. MELCHERS & Co OFFER FOR SALE AT VERY REASONABLE RATES ! friRKXCII SUSPENDERS, . Fancy Si'.lc Kibbona, Tink and striped UnJerslarta, Black Alpaca CoaU aud S&cki ni.tcW Sill" Crarats, Blak an J blue Silk for Drese, Broad Cloth, Scotch Cap.-?, Fine Llnenn, Felt Hat3, Oil Tahiti, Straw Hati, IW Charcoal Tinplato, Lampblack. Cement, Wrought Iron Spike", French Xails, Iron Screws, Bntsa an l Iron Bolts, buckles, Padlock b, Holland Sail Xeedlea, Sewing Needles, Sheet Zinc, Whiting, Sheet Lead, Sheet Iron, Hoop Iron, Knglish Crown Iroa Sheep Micar, Table and Tea Spoons. 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Also Cartes dt5 Visile In a style second to none in Honolulu. Specimens can be seen at the Uallery, next door to the Post Ottiee, over the 1. C. Advertiser OlBce. bTS-ain H. L. CHASK. FIRE WOOD ! jrEST Q, UAL.IT Y OF V. 31: A. V JH OHiA FIRE WOOD! For f ale by 9 PRINOEVILLE PLANTATION 1863 J Crop now coming in. For sale by 3G9-3m ALDKICH, WALKER & Co. SfobtrtiscRifnts. S XT Gt- 3?l ! OF SUPERIOR QUALITY ! FROM THE NUUANU PLANTATION. IffAMTACTCRKD BY J, II. t o. n X"A WOOD For sl? in quantities to suit, by SC6-3m J. H. WOOD. Corner of Fort and Merchant treu. F Liverpool Coarse and Dairy Salt, SALE BY II. HACKFKLD tr Co. OR CIHIEIYT ! F 710 R SALE 3CS-3m BY PIPE CLAY! BRICKS! II. HACKFELD i Co. F GUNNY BACS! BY HACKFELD t Co. OR SALE 373-lm II. MANILA CIGARS. OIIO MANILA CIOARS , vr f J Havana shape. For Hale to arrive per COM ET," from San FrancUco. 373-lm II. HACKFELD 4 Co. PUOLOfl SALT Ior Bale! raiUE UXDERSIfiXED HAVE Ml on hand and for sale at low rates, COXSTAXTLY cou & hsy mi In Lags or by the Cargo. 365-Cm WILCOX, RICHARDS 4 CO., Agents for Puuloa Salt Worki. Sugar and Molasses ! CROP OF Tin 11:1 .1 M:i nt :i ( ion j 1SG3. OW COMING IX, AND FOR SALE BY 30C-3m C. BREWER 4 Co. Sewing Machines LATELY RECEIVED per RADIO A n few more of those favorites, inexpensive, reliable and iudijxQ sible, double thread SEW1NQ For Dale by (obi 3 in) MACIIIXKS" C. BKKWER $ CO ROSENDALE CEMENT. O g d BRLS. OF THIS UNSURPASSED Cement. 36rf-3m OF THIS For sale by C. BREWF.R 4 Co. Galvanized Iron Pipe ! T710R WATER CONDUITS, SUPERIOR B. to any other in use and cheaper, r or sale by 3C6-3m C. BllKWLR 4 Co. SEWING MACHINES PERSON'S PURCHASING THESE IXDIS pengables to household comfort and fcnnomv, should call and examine those cheap nniseles, simple and effective machine For sale by (366-3m) C. BKKWKK 6f Co. Jniivts, Oils, Vrii-nisilios;- BENZOLE, COACH-BLACK, A I NTS, Jcc. For ny C. BREWER & Co. a : 2m Rale low in li'e or smalt quantities by N ASSORTMENT OF 366-3ra 3C9-3m BOLLKS & Co. 31xvt I3o-si. IV ti t Bags. tTIOR SALE ABOUT 1 OOO KAUAI MADE (rood substantial Mat liairs, for Sut'ar or Salt, at 302-3iii ros HOLT Jt IIKUCK'3 HONOLULU tcam Biscuit Oaken. npil E rXDERSIG N D VOU LI) RES- M pec'fully inform his friendrt and the public generally that The Honolulu Steam Biscuit Bakery Being T'.v iu full operation, he is prepared to furnish Pilot & Navy Bread, Water Crackers, And other descriptions cf Fancv Biscuits, All ol superior quality and at Prices to defy competition. Parties furnishing their own Hour fur ship bread, will havn it tnale up at the lowest possible rules. SHIP BREAD REBAKED. Orders from the other islands promptly attended to. ROBERT LOVE, Nuuanu Street. TZT Orders in Honolulu for shipping to be left with Messrs. Wilcox, Richards & Co. 373 6m EX "COIV3ET!" BRLS. A.l) THIS. FRESH SAIMOI, BUILDING iATERIALS. iu) LEW Pi & DIC T $ssa - AVE th CONSTANTLY ON II AND, LUMBER YARD! J AT 7U)R SAI E BV WILCOX, RICHARDS & Co. IIOTVOLULU STEAM FLOU jpRESII E MILL! EXTRA Superfine SUPERFINE FLOUR, Flour, 372-3m No. 2 Flour, Wheat Meal, Corn Meal. Bran, Shorts, Crushed Horse Feed, Wheat and Screenings, Buck Wheat Flour, llye Flour. Iiye Meal, Barley, California Oate, Crack'd Corn Corn. For tale by S. S VVIDOK. Opening on Ivin, Fort & Merchant SfrcetM, Orecon 1 inch Boards, roueh and planed, ilo. Blank, 1, 1, 2 and 3 ineh, do. Scantling of all si7.es. do. Toneued and Grooved Boirds, 1 and H inch. REDWOOO 1 inch Boards, rouph and planed. do. Plank, lj, lj anil 'Z inch, do. Tonpued and Grooved Boards, 1 inch. OREGON SOFT 1'INK 1 inch Boards. do. do. do. 1, 1, 2 and 3 inch Plank. EASTERN PINE 1 inch Clear Boiu-d. do. do. J inch To-ipued and Orooved Boards, do. do. Blank. H, H. 2 and 3 inch, do. do. 4 feet Clapboards. A LSO SHINGLES Redwood and Oregon Cedar DOORS, SASHES, BLIXDS, PAINTS, OILS, VARNISHES. A Fine assortment of Wall Paper. Glass, Whitewash and Paint Ilrushes. And a full assortment of Which they ofTer fur gale at LOWEST MARKET PRICES. HIT" Having Steam Machinery on he premises they are prepared to execute orders for ODD FELLOWS HALL! iew Soods. New tioods. JEW LAVER RAISINS. New Cal. Cream Cheone. Fresh Picnic Crackers, Jenny Lind Cakes, Ginger Snaps, Soda Crackers, Boston Crackers, Fresh Corn Meal, Santa Clara Mill Flour, Golden Gate ' Kinslbrd's Corn Starch, Clark's Cal. Potatoes, Cal. Smoked Salmon, Cal. Pilot Bread, Boston Hams, Cal. Vermicilli, Cal. Macaroni, Fresh Honey in comb, Fref-h Prunes, KRULL'S DAIRY BUTTER ! For Sale by 360 2ra A. I). CARTWRIGIIT. Sawinrr and Planing. Zaa-Zm LEWERS & DICKSON. Hlololtsii IS utter. FRESH MOLOKAI II UTTER Kor sale by 3S3-3in CASTLE & COOKE. IVotice ! who are nobly exposing their lives and shedding ' njMIE UNDERSIGNED BEING ABOUT TO H. leave the cnuntry fur an indefinite time, has appointed Younir heong and Achu, by letters of atterney, to act jointly for him during hi9 absence. CHUNO HOON. Ilonolulu, J u:.e 23, 1 v3. 370-3ni Hxecufor's Xotice ! raMIE IXBEKSIGNEI). EXECUTOR OF M. the Estate of the late William Johnson, of Kainalio, Kona, Ilnwaii, requests all persons havins claim- Hiinst said Kt ite to present tfietn, and those indebted, to make payment withi thirty dayg. JOHN I. PARI3. Honolul't. July 1st, 271-lm FLOUR !FL0UR!! SUPERIOR CAIIFOnXIA FLOUR! FOIi FAMILY USE! PER Voting Hector ami ' Comet,' THE PACIFIC coinm mmim IS PUBLISHED Every Thursday ZSIorninj. Citt and Island Subscriptions, $6.00 a Yt ar. The subscription pricefor papers forwarded to ar.y part of Ame rica is f SOperannum, hich includes the American Ha waiian postages. Allpaperafor Kuropean ori. will h charged the p nta:e demanded at the post-office, which vaiiea from 3 to 8 cents on each single paper. XjT Scbscbiptiosj Patablb Ai.wats is Advance. XT Communication from all parts of the Pacific will always bi very acceptable. Commercial printing Office. PLAIN AND FANCY BOOK AND JOB PRINTING. sren as EOOKS. BILLS OF EXCHANGE, CATALOOCES. BILLS OF LADING, BILLHEADS, CONSULAR BLANKS, CIRCULARS. BLANK DEEDS. AUCTION RTLT.P, HANDBILLS. PAMPHLETS, SHOP BILLS XT' VISITINO, BUSINESS AND ADDRESS CARDS printed on a "Yankee Card Press," in the highest style of the art. ADVEBTtSMG TERM$. XT All adTertUrmrnU pnylIe in mItr nee. -CI 6 jCASTLE k GOQKE. 1 iri-. 3 t A . 1 mo. Fire Lines $100 $160 $2.00 Ten Lines 1.50 2 00 3.00 Fifteen Lines 2 00 2 50 3. 50 Twenty Iins... 2 25 3 00 4 00 Thirty Lines 3 25 4 00 S 50- Quarter Cjlumn. 5 50 7 00 R.ftO -Quarter " 6.25 S 00 10 00 Half Column 12 00 15 50 l! 00 "Whole Column.. 13 00 21.00 30.03 Miscellaneous advertisement. 3 mos. 3 00 4.25 5.25 6 50 9 50 13 00 16 00 28 00 43.00 mot, $4 50 fi.'.O 10 00 14 00 2 00 21 00 .10.00 R5 00 12mi. $6 00 1000 12.00 16.00 2 4 00 4 2 00 47.00 7500 140.00