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Semi-weekly Louisianian. (New Orleans, La.) 1871-1872, February 08, 1872, Image 1

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Le Luisiana. I
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, \N[ 1oINE, Canso,
Y. hi-ISO, 1PIDES.
uRs. WG. BROI N,---Editor.
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:. r to establish another
..n jurn: in New Orleans,
r: if the LorIsiANIAN,
:, ... , a necessity which has
, "... : .1.. , s,,in.times painfully
S In the transition state
(,.. .. in thir struggling efforts
t:- .it Ioitin in the Body
¾r · nl: v, cnceive to be their
, r.,: rl-1 that much infor
. ,;. : 1. ,encouragement,
1 :  i r r, 1l f i, ve been lost, in
f tI. lick of a medium,
. .. - . h d-lticiencies might
Ssha\\ ll strive to make
' : i ,: ; a ,I'..i',rtlum in these
I't )LICY.
" :.to indicatets, the Lori
,,ll he " lublican at all
,,,t rodl ,ircrun.orae." We
Ito the security and enjoy
: t ·,", l'ivil liberty, the abso
"i:' : .al men before the law,
, u,: u ". \ lijtribution of hon
r l t,, all who merit
- ii. g a, inimosities, of
.i miu,,ry of the bitter
.. :ng harmony ani union
s , an,1 between all in
;:.ii :Ilvo(ate the removal
..d s ,i:abilities, foster kind
 r.ne,, where malignity
.r .::t reigned, and seek for
ju-tice where wrong and
r- : vailed. Thus united in
,l,jcts, we shall conserve
is-' , , elevate our noble
, via-il,le position among
: by the development
S" .. resources, anld secure
.. :i- f the mighty changes
..:v anu condition of the
t i,, ( intry.
Ti;"t there can be no true
:t the supremacy of law,
. -trict antl undiscrimi
ti.'l ti,nl of justice.
" ll.rt the doctrine of an
,'in of taxation among
ifaithful collection of the
l,,milv in the explendli
:" rmhbly with the exigen
:'- t.t, or Country aud the
" very lcgitimate obliga
' ..tain the carrying out of
i'": i ,f the act establishing
S".'h, system, and urge
S:--;.t dulty the education of
: .. vit.dly connected with
i': ' I~iihtnmcnt, and the secu
i -',!y of a Republican
" :."',,. manly, independent,
i' : crnluct, we shall strive
'or pler. from an ephem
.1 tpomrary existence, and
't upnu a basis, that if we
'cl'm:rnnd," we shall at all
L Iiler and Stationer
N. Orleaj, LOiiiraL,
The joint resolution requesting
Congress to pass the civil rights bill
presented by Mr. Charles Sumner
being before the Senate
Mr. Pinchback-I did not desire
to say anything upon this concur
rent resolution, because I thought
it unnecessary to do so. I thought
that after the pleasant excursion of
my friend from Claiborne (Mr.
Blackman) on the Wilderness, his
trip through the swamps to and
from one of our gulf towns, and the
pleasant time he spent in the com
pany of my distinguished friend
and collegue, MIr. Antoine, and Sen
ator Ingraham he had become tho
roughly biokuri in to the doctrine of
equal civil rights. I am told they
ate at the saiae table, and drank and
smoked together, and enjoyed them
selves exceedingly on perfectly equal
terms; and I can not conceive why
the gentleman (Mr. Blackman)
should object to the resolution ac
cording to other white men the same
privileges he enjoyed at that time.
Why, sir, the condition of public
opinion in this State is such as to
prevent some of the best white
friends I have from going to Mo
reau's and taking dinner with me,
although I have no doubt the gen
tleman would agree to do so if I
should promise to foot the bill
(which I would certainly do), and
if his interest drove him to it, as it
did on board the Wilderness. I
have yet to see a white man refuse
to take a drink with a colored man,
if his interest was involved. Look
at the way the lobbyists do. Look
how John's, and Moreau's, and all
those grand places of refreshment,
fly open as if touched by a talis
manic power, and whites and blacks
gather round the festive board on
perfectly equal terms. And yet,
when we conme here and ask a sim
ple matter of right, we are referred
to the constitution. "Is it consti,
tutional?" is the first question asked.
Every time a question comes up in
which the interests of the colored
people of the State are involved, we
are met at the very threshold with
objections on the ground of uncon
stitutionality. I am sick and tired
of this ceaseless prating about the
constitution. It struck me as ex
traordinary when I noticed that
some of my colored friends, a few
days ago, had become terribly con
scientious about the constitution. I
opine that if those laws which they
now say are unconstitutional had
not been placed upon the statute
books, these gentlemen would not
be here now to talk about the con
stitution. The Senator (3Mr. Black
man) says he is in favor of giving
to the people of Louisiana a repub
lican form of Government, and he
proposes to introduce a substitute
or an amendment to this concurrent
resolution in order to accomplish
that end. He makes a special appeal
to the colored people, and cites them
to the fact that some of their num
ber had been unjustly deprived of
their seats in the Legislature. What
did the Democratic party do in
Georgia when it had the power? If
I am not mistaken there were thirty
or forty colored men elected to the
Legislature of that State, and when
the constitutional question came up
in reference to their eligibility the
Democrats turned every one of
them out; and yet the gentleman
says he wants a "republican form
of government." We had a "repub
lican form of government" in 1868,
didn't we? We had not then those
laws which are so bitterly com
plained of now, and under the
operation of which some of the
heads of my own friends were
stricken off. We only had the con
stitution then, and in the election
held that year under it we found an
extraordinary unanimity iu the
votes of the people. If my memory
serves me right, in the parish of
Claiborne, where the population, as
the gentleman (Mr. Blackman)
himself admits, is composed equally
of whites and blacks, there were
only two votes east for Grant. Wil
anybody argue that in a populous
parish like Claiborne, where the
people were equally divided in
color, Grant could only get two
votes in a fair and free election?
In the adjoining parish, where this
"constitutional government" was
also in force, what was the result?
One of our colored fellow-citizens.
who helped to frame the constitu
tion of the State, was foully assas
sinated, for no reason whatever ex
cept that he was a colored man and
a Republican. This is not the kind
of "constitutional government" that
I and those I represent desire. I
want a government that will protect
every citizen, whether black or
white, Republican or Democrat, in
the free expression of his will at the
ballot-box, and that is the kind of
government we will have in Louis
iana or we will have none at all,
and will go back under martial law
and military jurisdiction, as the
gentleman seems to desire. I must
refer again to that point made by
the Senator (ir. Blackman) in
reference to a majority of the col
ored men elected to the Legislature
bhaving been kept out of their places.
At that time I believe I was one of
the foremost men in the State in
battling for the rights of those col
ored men, who I believed then, and
now believe, were unjustly deprived
of their seats in the Legislature.
My distinguished friend from Oua
chita (Mr. Ray), was at a supper
given just prior to the assembling
of the Legislature, at which I made
a strong appeal to the colored and
while Republicans present to see
that exact justice was meted out to
the contestants, and MIr. Ray did
the same thing. The Legislature
assembled, and who did we find
arrayed against these men? Did
we find opposing them the officers
whose duty it was to execute these
laws? No: we found a majority of
both houses deciding who should
or who should not occupy seats in
the Legislature. It may have been
unjust, but it was not the fault of
the law. I am of the opinion that
you can not pass a law that will not
be abused, to a certain extent. No
matter how carefully it may be
worded. the executive officers will
sometimes abuse the power which
is placed in their hands. If you
change the present laws on regis
tration and.election to the fullest
extent, at the next meeting of the
General Assembly you will have
the same abuses to complain of.
The gentleman is mistaken when he
asserts that a majority of the colored
men elected were prevented from
taking their seats. In the House
of Representatives there was a case
from West Baton Rouge, one from
Iberville and one from De Soto, in
which, in my opinion, wrong was
done to colored men. In the Senate
there was one case which I thought
was decided erroneously. I believe
those four were the only cases in
which colored men were deprived
of their seats when they had any
reason or foundation of contesting.
I think if this question were sub
mitted to the people to determine,
they would conclude it was better
that a few of their number should
meet with injustice, that the great
mass might be protected in the
exercise of their rights. No matter
how well regulated and enlightened
the community may be, these
abuses will creep in. There was
another -point made by the gentle
man from Claiborne (Mr. Black
man) that our party was going
back on us; and he cites as an in
stance of it that the civil rights ill,
in reference to which we propose to
petition Congress, received only
four votes in the United States
Senate. Now, I venture to predict
that that same measure, which was
offered by Mr. Sumner as an
amendment to the amnesty bill,
and which received only four votes,
will, before the Senate adjourns
sine die, receive the requisite num
ber of votes to become a law, and
will he signed by the President. If
my prophesy is not verified, I will
say our party is going . back on us.
I want this resolution to be placed
before Conagrems as an evidence
of the fact that the class of
people I represent in the State
of Louisiana are deprived of
their just and legal rights. Con
gress has solicited our information
upon this subject, and I am deter
mined, so far as I am personally
concerned, to lead the representa
tives of the nation into no error as
to whether our people desire it or
not. New, why did it receive only
four votes? Because, in the judgment
of a majority of the Republicans
present, it was regarded as an
inopportune time to bring it up. I
think Mr. Sumner erred when he
attempted to attach it to the amnesty
bill, as there was a marked difference
between them-one requiring a two
thirds vote, while the other, in which
we are directly interested, only re
quired a majority to pass it. It was
one of those errors which are often
committed by earnest zealots like
Mr. Sumner. He has been battling
for many long, weary years for the
accomplishmentof the object sought
to be attained in that bill. He
commenced his great work of
philanthropy when our people were
chained in elavery; he was one of
the pioneers in the old Anti-Slavery
Society at the North, and fought
his intellectual and moral fight for
twenty-five or thirty years, until he
succeeded in striking the shackles
from the limbs of my people and
placing into their eager, grateful
hands the elective franchise. If the
Republican party does not intend
to go back upon us here, this con
current resolution will receive the
support of every Republican Sen
ator present. I am astonished
that the Senator from Claiborne
(MIr. Blacknan), who has so often
testified his willingness to accord
to the colored people all their legal
rights, should endeavor to stop the
progress of this resolution by tech
nical objections, in order that he
may escape the responsibility of
voting upon it. The result to be
attained by this measure is a ques
tion in which every black man in the
State is deeply interested. It pro
poses to save us from the humilia
tion shams when we pay the same
fare that the gentleman from
Claiborne (Mr. Blackman) would
pay on a public carrier-of being
placed in the filthiest and most
disagreeable part of the steamer or
train-forcing our wives into the
company of dirty, contemptible
blackguards, while he and his wife
are enjoying the best cabin or car.
It proposes, also, to permit the gen
tleman to associate with any colored
man he wishes without laying him
self liable to the ostracism of his
own race. In conclusion, I will
state, Mr.Preident, that if the gen
tleman is yet in doubt as to the
meaning or contents of the civil
rights bill of Mr. Sumner, I am
perfectly willing to allow him
reasonable time to exanine it.
-A Dutchman thus describes an
accident : "Vonce, a long while ago,
I vent intos my abbleorchard, to
climb a bear-tree to get some
beaches to make vrow a plum
budding mit ; and ven I gets on
the tobermost branch, I vail from
the lowermost limb, mit von leg on
both sides of the fence, and like to
stove mine outside in."
-"Can you give two sixpences
for a shilling ?"asked a little boy of
a grocer's clerk.
"Certainly," said the clerk, hand
ing out two six-penny pieces.
"Well," said the boy, picking up
the sixpences and turning to go out,
"mother says she will send the shil
ling to-morrow."
-A young lady explained to a
printer the other day the distinc
tion between printing and publish
ing, and, at the conclusion of her
remarks, by way of illustration, she
said, "You may print a kiss on my
cheek, but you must not publish it"
-"Where are you going ?" said
a Scotch gentleman to a thief, whom
he observed crawling through a
hole in the hedge into hie garden.
"Back again !" replied Sawney,as
he hastily ietreated.
MONDAY, February 5, 1872.
The Senate was called to order at
12 x., Lient. Gov. Pinchback pre
Twenty-four Senators present.
Prayer by the Chaplain.
President Pinchback observed
that there was great confusion upon
the floor of the Senate.
Mr. McMillen was of opinion that
the confusion was chiefly caused by
persons who had no business upon
the floor of the Senate, walking
around, conversing with and occu
pying the attention of Senators
while the Senate was in session.
Senator Pinchback observed that
it was in the power of the Senate
to enforce the rules and prevent the
entrance of such persons within the
hall. The lobbies were open to
Mr. McMillen hoped this rule
would be enforced for the future.
Petitions and memorials from
certain charitable institutions were
received and acted upon.
The following message was re
ceived from the Governor and read
by the Secretary of the Senate:
Executive Department,
New Orleans, Feb. 5, 1872.
To the Honorable Members of the Senate
and House of Representatives of the
General Assembly of the State of Lou
Thirty-four days of your session
have been dissipated in contests,
the nature of which I will not dis
cuss now, but which are familiar to
the members of your honorable
bodies, and which, permit me to add,
have tended much to weaken the
confidence of the people in free
I regret the necessity that impels
me to once more address you, frank
ly, sincerely and earnestly, on ques
tions deeply affecting the interests
and feelings of the people of the
State. This I shall do without un
necessary verbiage or circumlocu
There are laws on the statute
book which must be modified in the
most solemn manner to modify in a
way that will make them acceptable
to the great body of the people.
The public voice has spoken in
this behalf with no uncertain sound,
and it is your duty as representa
tives of the people to give the force
of law to the popular will without
any further delay.
I will be candid with you, and
state that your plighted faith is sus
pected on this subject, when so
much time is wasted in delay.
Every consideration of justice to
the people, to yourselves, and to my
self, whose friends'sa large number
of you are, requires that the modi
fication of these laws should receive
your prompt and undivided atten
The condition of affairs in 1868,
which induced and made necessary
the enactment of most stringent
laws on the subject of registration
and election has ceased, in a great
measure, to exist
The relations between the white
and colored citizens of this State
then unsettled and quiet and grow
ing respect for the rights of each
other. I barelyallude to the scenes
of 1858. Ihavenowish toreferto
them, except to show that
what may have been then
necessary is unnecessary now. In
no State of the Union does there
exist a more determined spirit
among all classes to maintain the
rights of our colored citizens than
in Louisiana at this time. And as
a natural result, mutual confidence
is rapidly springing up between the
two races, in place of the hostility,
jealousy and apprehension formerly
existing between them.
The stringent provisions of the
election and registration laws,
enacted to meet this disturbed cqn
dition of society, should no longer
be permitted to remain on the
statute book, but should be made
to conform to the more enlightened
condition of public sentiment
Care shbould be taken while modi
1fying those laws to retain fayar no
vision that may be necessary to pro
tect and secure the weaker mem
bers of our population full, free and
equal advantages to vote for the
men of theirchoice for office. With
out this the equality of all men be
fore the law becomes a delusion
and a barren boon.
The other provisions, that make
the m&chinery one-sided, partisan
and dangerous to the liberties of
the people when wielded by an am
ambitious executive, should be so
modified that the breath of suspi
cion of unfairness should not attach
to a victory achieved by either par
ty at the election.
It would be much better for the
interests of society and the perpe
tuity of free institutions that the
Republican party should be de
feated rather than that the opinion
should prevail that its success has
been obtained by a fraudulent use
of official powers and extraordinary
advantages in the manipulation of
the votes and suafrages of the peo
ple. If such a law is required to
bolster up and sustain the Republi
can party in this State, I am free to
say I had rather it would perish.
These are no new views of mine,
but simply a restatement of my an
nual message of 1870, more fully
made in my annual message of this
year, and which I now desire to
reiterate with more distinctness and
I recommend and urge you to
pass an act amending the law on
registration, giving the parochial
government of each parish the ap
pointment of the registrar of voters;
that it shall be necessary for the re
gistrar to have been a resident of
the parish for twelve months before
his appointment ; that he shall be
ineligible for any elective office
during the terml of his employment;
and that the expenses of registra
tion should be paid by each parish.
Second-That the election law
be so amended as to give to the
parochial authorities the selection of
the Commissioners of 'Election in
such a measure as to secure a re
presentation of each political party
at each of the polls established to
receive votes; that the ballots
should be counted and publicly
proclaimed immediately after the
close of the election, and on the
spot, in the presence of any and
everybody who may desiie to be
present. That the returns should
be made out in duplicate, one to be
forwarded to the Secretary of State,
and the other filed with the parish
government. That the voting pre
cincts in each parish should be es
tablished by the parishgovernment,
and shall not be changed without
six months' public notice first given.
That the Board of Commissioners
shall be either abolished or selected
from citizens not candidates for of
fice, and to the end that each poli
tical party shall be fully represent
ed in such body, and that in the
case of registration the expense of
election should be borne by the
parochial government.
Third-I recommend that the
office of chief constable in each
parish be abolished, and the return
of the civil power to the sheriff; or
at least an amendment of the law,
giving compensation only when in
active service.
Fourth-The revenue law should
be amended. The enormous com
pensation paid many of the officers
for assenting and collesting the
revenues must be reduced, and on
this subject I refer you to the fol
lowing extracts from my annual
9. I recommend a reduction in
the compensation given for asseess
ment and collection of the taxes of
the State; that the $2000 paid
country tax collectors for listing
the property be reduced to $300
each; that there be aboard of four
State assessors for the city of New
Orleans at a salary otf $5000 each,
who bshall make the aseesment on
the property of the city for the
State; that the boards shall also
furnish acopy of therollto the
~ty, whi saha with ueh modifiea
(cuines PrmmmaSS
quares1 mo2 mos 3 mose 6 man 1 yr
------(-----)---- -i
One $4 $7 $9 $12 $20
Two 7 9 12 20 35
Three 9 12 20 35 50
Four 15 , 25 35 50 70
Five 201 35 45 60 85
Six 4t 42 o 60 70 100o
1 Column.) 45 80 J 120 175 250
Tranient advertisements, $150 per
squae finst inertiona; each subsequent
inserton, 75 cents.
All business sotices of advertisements
to be charged twenty cents per line each
inasertic k.
Jos Panzrrta executed with neatn
and dispatch.
Wedding Oards executed in acoordane
with prevaling fashions.
Funeral Notices printed on shortest a
tice and with quickest dispatch.
'i Circualars, Programmes, Genera
Business Cards, Posters, etc., etc., guar
anteed to give general satisfaction to all
who may wish to secure our services.
26 St. Charles Street 2
New Orleans.
Prompt attention given to car
business in the several courts of the
No. 9 Commercial Place, 2nd Floor,
New Orleans.
A.'Strict Attention to all Civil and
Criminal business in the State and United
States Court.
J. E. Wallace,
Attorasey at .aeaw,
Dr. W. Bille,
A graduate from the University of Coo
penhagen, Denmark, and honorary M. D.
from the University of Padova, Italy; for
several years assistant physician to the cele
brated Prof. Ricord, Paris. DR. BILLE
has acquired a high reputation as SPE
CIALIST for all kinds of Sexual diseases,
male and female. Private diseases cured
after a new, sure and quick method.
Painfil and Retained Menstruation
quickly relieved. Perfect cure always
warranted. Letters containing $5 and
stamps will receive prompt attention. All
consultations and communications strictly
confidentiaL jan18-6m
OFFICE, No. 120 counos sTBwr.
New Orleans, New York, Liverpoo)
London, Havre, Pans, or
Bremen, at the option
of the insured.
a CARRIERE, Vice-President
J. P. Roux. Secretary.
Chartered by the United States
Government, March,
D. L. EATON ..... Actwr,
114 Carondelet Straeet.
Bank Hours............9a . .to S .s
ISaturday Nights........ 6to 8 o'elk
The anderahi notifiaee the Pabli
of the establiament of a
at No. 129 Polymnia Street, near Dry
ades Street, where orders will as
thankfully received and promptly mt
tended to. O. B. BOUDEZ~
8m New Orleans, Dec. 13, 1871.
r17......CRARTRES 8TREET......17
,A BBOUUZAU A CO., Impsrtem am
1 Dealersat Wholesle and Betail, o&r at
1low prse;
uadaa an d Upbhlc ere Matu
Wtahd ause T1hh c 1. a
(Soths. QOLeas~artae.selsa ea

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