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"REPUBLICAN AT ALL TIMES, AND UNDER ALL CIRCUMSTANCES."
VOLUME 2. NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1872. NUMBER 19.
:i. :riTtrsidiys ald Sundays.
: l (C.\UoxNDELET STRETrr,
.- OI:LEANS.LA.
lINCIIBACK, OuRI.~.as,
\NTIFNE, CAnDo,
.y KELSO, RAPIDES.
1.',. BROWN(,---Editor.
.r 1'Et'aý or StevetrmTrox: i'ý'
rT. . ....... ..... 3 00
.1 . ... . ...... 1 50
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I'RI4SPECTUS
':i" TIlIF
..... .,,,;iývr to e'stalish another
. . j,nurual in New Orleans,
: of the LoUtsIaxLA ,
;. . , necessity which has
..: .:.1 sometimes painfully
la the transition state
. : their struggling efforts
S... 'position in the Body
i.: conheive to be their
r,.,iarhel that much infor
g'lil;'. encouragement,
.. ,il r',." ,rf ha.v4 been lost, in
i ,i'. i t,,. lack of a medium,
..i.,"h t.-" deficienciesmight
:. We sha.ll strive to make
S.I 1tsl i a dideratium in these
PIOLICY.
..,,tto indicates, the Lotl
!4.l be " Republican at adl
[, .Drll circumstances" We
te the security and enjoy
!: ,,lcivil ilerty, the abso
t .. l men before the law,
i l.. .." listribution of hon
", a:, ll who merit
:, ;:l cying animosities, of
m : n ory of they bitter
Stug harmony and union
S,ý and be)tween all in
i11: Il lvocate the removal
'1 dli·alilitis , foster kind
!1, :rnce, where malignity
.1-.t reignmed, and seek for
I'1 ticve where wrong and
- reuailed. Thus united in
•1 .. 1 oljicts, we shall conserve
':.r, , elevate our noble
..: \ia:dle position among
-:ts., Iy the development
...1 resources, and secure
.t\ of the mighty changes
S';:nlr condition of the
'i th (',untry.
t!:. t there can be no true
tile supremacy of law,
- rict and undiscrimi
r-,ation of justice.
1.AX.\TION.
-i'-p rt the doctrine of an
i-i, , of taxation among
..i. :,thflii collection of the
" . iv.. ny in the expendi
Ir 1.yI with the exigcn
SrIte ,r Country and the
" wry legitimate obliga
EIl(CATION.
t ';ain the carrying out of
: - ...f th act establishing
'-: 4l1,l system, and urge
:. ;.t lduty tl-e education of
'" it lly crnnected with
:i ht. nunnt, and the secu
''llttv of a Republican
FINAL.
S: :r ,n. manly, independent,
" ::- cndluct, we shall strive
"our pal'er, from an ephem
"t'4nrarv existence, and
ul"'n a basis, that if we
-..adflld, " we shall at all
tIhERT EYRICH,
blier and Stationer
L) C(AL STREET,
"1 Orle., Loniswnn
3 D 301 O A W x 0 WC.
ISpeth of Iesable Josiah T. Walls,
F FLORIDA,
IN THLE tA'IS OF RhPIMEENTATIVEZ,
SFebruary 3, 1872.)
Mr. Speaker, my remarks will be
principally directed as in answer to
the remarks made by the gentle
man from Georgia, [Mr. McIntyre]
who it appears was in opposition to
the bill establishing a national edu
atinal 4'd as proposed by the
Committee on Education and Labor.
The gentleman from Georgia, in
his effort in opposition to this bill,
said that it was objectionable be
cause it interfered with State rights.
I quote him :
"The details of the original bill
are objectionable and ought to be
objectionable to every man who
feels any interest in the State gov
ernment."
He then proceeded to tell us why
the bill is objectionable. I again
quote him :
"Why do I say so ? Simply from
the fact that by the Constitution of
the United States the powers of
legislation have been distributed.
How distributed ? All those which
the people of the country desired
the Congress of the United States
to exercise have been ascertained
and defined by the terms of the
Constitution, while all those powers
which the people desired should be
prohibited to the States have also
been defined and set forth in the
same instrument, By the Constitu
tion, all those powers which have
not been delegated to the Congress
of the United States, now prohibited
to the States, are reserved to the
States themselves. Now, sir, since
the organization of the General
Government, under wdich we are
legislating to-day, it has always
been understood that the power of
regulating the common schools be
longed exclusively to the States;
and- I am unwilling that Congress
should take from the States any of
their reserved rights. The provi
sions of the pending bill seek to
vest the entire control of this fund
in the General Government with
out regard to the will of the res
pective State,"
If we did not understand those
who keep up this great clamor for
State Rights, we might be con
strained to believe as the gentle
man from Georgia, that no one had
any interest in their respective State
governments but those who duly
warn us against the infringements
upon the rights of the States. But
we understand them. We know
what the cry about State rights
means, and more especially when
we hear it produced as an argun
ment against the establishment of a
fund for the education of the peo
ple.
Judging from the past, I must
confess that I am somewhat suspi
cious of such rights, knowing, as I
do, that the Democratic party in
Georgia, as well as in all of the
other Southern States, have been
opposed to the education of the
negro and poor white children.
And I ian, without doing that party
any wrong, safely and truthfully
state that the Democratic party to
day in Georgia, as well as in Flori
da, are opposed to the education of
all classes. We know that the De
mocratic party used to argue that
to educate the negro was to set him 2
free, and that to deprive him of all I
the advantages necessary to enable
him to acquire an education was to i
perpetuate his enslavement. Their
argument against educating the'
poor whites was that the negro I
more directly associated with the
poor whites than with that class I
who controlled the destinies of elav
ery. Why, sir, so fearful were they i
that the negro would become edu
cated, either through his own ef- I
forts or by the aid of some poor
white person, they enacted laws pro- I
hibiting him from being edaucated I
even by his own master; and if a
poor white person was caught teach
ing a negro, he was whipped, or in
some States sold or compelled to
leave the State; and if by chance a
negro did learn to read, and it was
found out, he was whipped every
time he was caught with a book,
and as many times between as his
master pleased. We must remem
ber that this State of affairs existed
only about a~x years ago, and this
being the case, is it unreasonable
for us to suppose that the Deme
cratic party of Georgia is opposed
to the negro being included in the
bill that proposes to establish an
educational fund, and his being edu
cated out of the public money? I
think not.
The gentleman from Georgia also
tells us that he is in favor of seeing
the schoolscf the country promoted,
and we believe he is, but he wishes
to promote them under the old sys
tem, which has so far been a failure :
in the South, and every fair-minded I
and unprejudiced man will admit it.
Mr. McIntyre-I shoald like to
make a correction there. It would
seem that he seeks to produce the I
impression upon the House that I
am opposed to education, which, ofI
course, I am not.
Mr. Walls-The gentleman will 1
be answered in the course of my
remarks. I must ask him not to
interrupt me now, as I did not in
terrupt him when he addressed the
House.
The gentleman informs us also I
that the Georgia Legislature has ]
within the last twenty days appro- 4
priated $300,000 for the purposes
of education, and that the educa
tional system is not confined to the
whites alone. He says that-
"Within the last twenty days the
Legislature of Georgia has appro
priated $300,000 for the purpose of
education; and that educational sys
tem is not confined to the whites I
alone."
He then informs us that the "col
ored people of his State are entitled
hnder the law to the same rights
that the whites will enjoy." Mark 4
his words--entitled to the same
rights that the whites will enjoy. I
This, Mr. Speaker, is very true; but 1
will the colored people have an op- ,
portunity, or be permitted to enjoy
the same rights the whites enjoy ?
This is the question. The echo of
the past answers no! not while the ,
Ku-Klux Democracy are permitted ,
to burn the school-houses and ,
churches belonging to the colored 1
people of Georgia; not while they E
shut the doors of the school-houses 1
against the colored children, will
the colored people of Georgia enjoy E
the same edacational advantages 1
that the whites enjoy.
We find that in July, 1783, the i
Georgia Legislature appropriated
one thousand acres of land to each
county for the support of free 2
schools. In 1784 the General As
sembly appropriated forty thousand 1
acres of land for the endowment of 2
a college or university. In 1792 an
actwas passed by the Legislature
appropriating one thousand acres of i
land for the endowment of each of
the county academies; $250,000
were appropriated in 1817 for the
support of poor schools. Now, sir, I
we see that the Georgia Legislature
prior to 1868 appropriated thousands
of acres of land for the support of
colleges, county academies, and free
schools, but did Georgia have a
free school system in operation
prior to 1870 ?
Again, we see that the Georgia 4
Legislature appropriated $250,000 4
for the support of what they called
"poor schools." If this appropria- I
tion was applied to the establish-'
ment of schools did the poor white i
and colored ehildren get an equal i
benefit of it ? We are informed by 4
Colonel J. B. Lewis that Georgia I
had indeed a very "poor school"
system priorto 1870, and no free I
schools in operstion at all ; Savan- I
nash and Columbus were the only I
places where they had any schools
worthy of the name. I now quote'
from the report of the Commisionr er
of Education, who ays :
"The latest eommuniaatin to this
oae, from a leadiM edaeatr in
Georgia, gives an encouraging ac
count of the prospect that an ex
cellent school law will soon go into
i operation in that State, which has I
just passed the Legislature. At
present Savannah and Columbus j
are the only cities in the State that I
have school systems worthy of the I
name."
The gentleman from Georgia also i
calls our attention to what he thinks i
of the patriotism existing in Geor- c
gia. He says:
"I feel safe in epressing my be
lief that there is intelligence and i
patriotism enough in the State of c
Georgia to-day to manage its pro- t
portion of this fund properly if it is
turned over to the State."
I suppose he refers to that patri- 1
otism existing among the colored E
people, or that which the whites I
have inculcated since May, 1865. 1
Now, Mr. Speaker, if we judge ofa
the patriotism existing among the t
Democratic party in Georgia to-day I
from the course that party has pur- C
sued in that State relative to free
schools and the education of the t
negro, our conclusion will be that t
Georgia is not opposed to free a
schools, and the education of the I
negro and poor white children, as C
hertofore. 1
It is useless to talk about patri- I
otism existing in those States in I
connection with free schools under 2
Democratic system, and in connec- I
tion with those who now and always 1
have believed that it was wrong to '
educate the negro, and that such '
offenses should be punishable by a
death or the lash. Away with the t
patriotism that advocates and pre- I
fers ignorance to intelligence! t
Let us look into the patriotism c
of Florida's sister State, Georgia.
My State has been very retrogres- I
sive in connection with free schools. t
but she is still ahead of Georgia in '
this respect. I am indeed sorry It
cannot say as much for the patriot
ism of the Democratic party of my i
State as the gentleman has about c
Georgia, when I know that in 1845 t
the General Government donated (
to Florida, while under Democratic f
rule, 908,503 acres of the public '
domain of that State for common- i
school purposes. And what did I
they do with it? Why, sir, they t
enacted a common-school law which t
did not mean anything, which was a
enacted only to obtain the posses- I
sion of the lands donated. In this
same law they created a common
school fund, and under the opera
tion of this bogus law they obtained C
fraudulent possession of the lands,
sold them, and applied the proceeds I
to everything else except that for I
which they were donated. Is this e
the kind of patriotism to which the e
gentleman, alluded in his remarks? I
I am in favor, Mr. Speaker, of c
not only this bill, but of a national 1
system of education, because I '
believe that the national Govern- 1
ment is the guardian of the liberties C
of all its subjects. And having I
within a few years incorporated I
into the body politic a class of un
educated people, the majority of
whom, I am sorry to say, are col- c
ot'ed, the question for solution and i
the problems to be solved, then, t
are: can these people protect their a
liberties without educaetion; and
can they be educated under the
present condition of society in the
States where they were when freed?,
Can thi be done without the aid, I
assistance, and mupervision of the
General Government ? No, sir, it
cannot. Were it not that the pre- 1
judice of slavery is so prevalent
among the former slaveholder I
against the edaucation of the negro, i
it would be superfcial to say that
the negro couldl not protect his I
educational int~erests, or could not
be educated without the establish
ment of a national system of educa
tion. This prejudice is attributable
to the fact that they were compelled
to keep the negro in ignorance in I
order to hold him in alavery ; and
with the advantages of edaucation
and enlightenment they were en
abled to keep their slaves sces
flly in bondage; for we know
that the advantage. of eduatime '
-rJ
We are told that the Persians I
were kept for ages in slavery from I
the power of intelleet alone. Educa- I
tion constitutes the apprenticeship
of those who areafterward to take a I
place in the order of our civilized
and progremive nation. Education I
tends to increase the digniity and a
self-respect of a people, tends to in- I
crease their fitness for society and j
important stations of trust, tends to I
elevate and consequently carries c
with it a great moral responsibility. z
This is why the Democratic party I
in the South so bitterly oppose the a
education of all classes. They know 4
that no educated people can be c
enslaved. They know that no edu- i
cated people can be robbed of their t
labor. They well know that no a
educated people can be kept in a t
helpless and degraded condition, r
but will arise with a united voice a
and assert their manhood. Hence, c
to educeate the negro in the South y
would be to lift him to a state of t
civilization and enlightenment that f
would enable him not only to nain- a
tain and defend his liberties, but to
better acquit himself as an honor- i
able and upright citizen, and prove j
himself more worthy of the rights i
conferred upon him. This, then, y
being the result of educating the a
negro. I cannot believe that the t
Democracy of Georgia or any other I
State manifests this patriotism or I
has taken this sudden departure. E
They know the negro is loyal, and t
while their present educational in- g
stitutions are fosterers of disloyalty (
and nurseries of enmity and hatred r
toward the Government and loyal c
blacks and whites, I cannot hopes
to ever see the Democratic party a
endowed with sufficient patriotism r
and justice to lend their energies f
and support in favor of the educa- c
tion and elevation of my people.t
While the Democratic party adhere t
to the ideas and principles that they I
have now it would be against their I
interests to educate the negro; not c
only against their interests, but en- s
tirely inconsistent with their faith.
Can we then suppose that these t
firm adherents to slavery and State e
rights are willing to educate the t
negro and loyal whites, who are op- n
posed to their principles, and there- t
by enable them to wield the con- s
trolling power of the South? No, 9
sir, I should think not. They are c
more consistent and patriotic to
ward the principles of the lost cause r
than this. Let as not mistake our- t
selves, Mr. Speaker. The Demo- a
cratic party are opposed to any t
system that will have the effect of t
making a majority of the present or ,
rising generation loyal to the Gov- 4
ernment. It has been admitted by I
every lover of free government that a
popular education, or the education a
of the masses, is necessary to and a
inseparable from a complete citizen- 9
ship. Then let the nation educate t
her subjects. It is to the interest f
of the Government, as also to the I
people, to do so. An educated f
people possess more skill, and man
ifeet more interest and fidelity in a
the afairs of the Government, be- I
cause of their chance to obtain r
more general information, which a
tends to eradicate the prejudices t
and superstitions so prevalent ]
among an ignorant people
An eduncated '-people seek always I
to improve their condition, not only '
at home, but in all their surround
ings. An educated people are more I
social, more refined, and more ready
to impart their knowledge and ex- I
perience to others; more idustrious <
because more ambitions to accumu
late and posaees property; while the'
ignorant and uneducated are more
prone to idleness, more addicted to I
low habits and dissipation, more
careless and less ambitious, being
more of a "turn" to content them
selves and let things go about as I
they are. The unedaeated person I
cmannot have the influence among
his fellowmen that educated persons
have. As knowledge is power, in
short, edncation is the pnamue for
all our soial evils, injastiMes,.anad
oppmions Thme -n. dribco
of edesti among theim whole Per
pl t the gmoth wQl e mndrm them
less submissive to the social and po
litical stigmas under which they are
to-day laboring.
Now that our people throughout
this broad land are ree, it yet re
mains for this Government to give
them that which will not only en
able them to maintain, defend, and
perpetuate their liberties. Imagine
your race, Mr. Speaker, as having
been in bondage for over two hun
dred years, subjected to all the hor- t
rois of slavery, deprived of every
facility by which they might have a
asequired an education, and in this
ignorant and helpless condition they '
were emancipated and turned loose t
in the midst of their enemies; among
those who were opposed to not only
seeing them educated, but opposed
to their freedom; among those who
possessed all the wealth, controlled
all the educational facilities of the
country; among those who believed
your race to be naturally inferior to
themselves in every particular, and 5
fit only to be considered as goods
and chattels.
Imagine, I say, your race to-day i
in this deplorable situation. Would
you be considered as comprehend- .
ing their desires and situation, were
you to admit that their farmer en
slavers would take an impartial in
terest in their educational affairs ?
I think not. Hence, I cannot be
lieve that the Democratic party
South would provide equal educa
tional advantages to all classes. The
gentleman from the District of k
Columbia (Mr. Chipman) has cor
rectly said that the lately enfran
chised people are peculiarly the
wards of the Government. Still, we
ask that equal advantages, impartial
protection, rnd the same educational
facility may be extended to all
classes, to the whole people. Give
us this and we will further endeavor
to remove the ignorance from our
people, and about which so much i
has been said by those who have
occasioned it and v:ho are justly re- 1
sponsible for it ; tht v who have im
posed it upon us through the opera
tion of that once loved and cherish
ed institution, slavery-that instita
tion which has cost the nations
millions of dollars and many of her
best and bravest men, - aud has
stamped upon the negro a curse
which this generation will fail to.
obliterate.
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, I ]
might here pay a passing notice to
the arguments generally used
against the negro. And against his
being educated. It has been said
that the negro is an inferior race,
with minds unfit for cultivation, I
with no traits of science, skill, or
literature; with no ambition for edu
cation and enlightenment; in short,
a perfect "booby brain." But these
arguments, Mr. Speaker, fell to the
ground many years ago, and have
been rendered insignificant from the
fact that notwithstanding all the 1
laws enacted prohibiting the negro
from being educated, in spite of the
degradation of over two hundred
and forty-seven years of the most in
human and barbarous lavery ever
recorded in the history of any people
and coupled with five years subjuga
tion to the reign ofterror from the
Ku-Klux-Klan, the dastardly hor
rors of which those only know who
have been the viotims, ad those
who commit the deeds. Notwith
standing all these obstacles and op
positions, we find in nearly every
town and rillage, where the whip-,
ping-post and auction-blocks were
once visible, echool-houses and
freedmen's savings bank erected
in their stead, which arethe growth
of only ive years, and whieh stand
to day asliving efutations to the
foul, maligant, unjust, and untrue
argaments used agapiLst the negro.
We still find him, however, loyal to
his Government and frimdly toward
his former master, to-day looking to
this Congres for the passage of a
meawae that will aid in inreasing
the eduational faiitiesthroughout
the country or thebeneit of all
cluse, and theby enable him to
wer his childn to truly eompre
ead Uheir reltioas withasd duts
toward thi G ra G en.
I[amme em ma, a 4
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PROFESSIONAL.
JOHN B. HOWARD.
LAW OFFICE,
26 St. Charles Street 99
New Orleans.
Prompt attention given to cir
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State.
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OFFICa 69 CANAL ST., ianB roeroIrICE.
A gra.nuate from the University of Coo.
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