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J;. .'V . .. - ' h frr-"-?-!! JriHBiiJsS:-,"!r; TiL. 0butl)crn Stantarb. W. D. CHAPMAN i " J. It. SMITH PMMter and Pnrietor$. CQLUMBUS: fialnrday, n 1 1 : u 1 1 1 1 1 ; February 1, 1851. THE POSITION. IIaviks triumphed over various difficulties incident ' to the establishment of a new Press, it affords the pub libbers infinite pleasure to be able to say to their friends here as elsewhere, that the Southern Standard" is cast, to the breeze surrounded by the most favorabl? auspices and under circumstances portent with the very elements ofsucocss. It will bo the aim of the publish ers and their aim is as high as their patriotism is pure to ekvate the Standard above party and the vitu . Derating bitterness of grovelling party spirit and the degrading vocabulary of partisan demagogues. They hope to be able under the guiding influence of an All Wise Providence, and such aid as the best and noblest spirits of Mississippi have promised to extend to them, to make the Standard the organ of all true hmrt-d ami rtght IhoujhLtl itjulhern men. It shall be Southern without the malignancy of the sectary it shall defend the rights and the honor of the Southern States not by j Sophmore declamation and bald deinngoguisni, but ' by re-asserting and enforcing those maxims of equality recognized and engrafted as the founding principles up on which our system of government is based. While it will cherish thai Union of States formed by the con script fathers of the R public, it will contend for those right reserved by tktn for the People and the States re spectirvly. It i irom convincing, overshadowing convictions of the necessity that exists for the re-assertion of those doctrines of equality and native right incident to Re publics, that has brought this Press into being. Old parties in their round of success and defeat have lost fight, amid their plotting schemes of aggrandizement, of thore principles upon the clear recognition and en forcement ofwb'ch depends the existence of our liber ties and our position in the Confederacy as equals! It Is with many misgivings of ability to speak efficiently and effectually on a subjuct requiring investigation, prudence, experience and comprehensive general ca pacity, that we have ventured upon an undertaking of so momentous 'a character as! that of attempting to arouse and guide the opinions of others. While sensible of the difficulties that are lying in the pathway, seeing in tho progress of event many weapons that the sinister and evil disposed will attempt to wield against this Press' and the doctrines its conductors may from time to time feel called upon to inculcate, have it is freely confessed, given its immediate friends food for reflec tion. Perfectly aware that to enter the arena and but strike one blow for Freedom from Northern Vassalage would invite new aggressions and open up the way for further suf mixtion belicvingthat the timid vascilating policy of a few was but the cowards remedy to abandon all to desecration and destruction, end that safety now and hereafter lay in the road of the open, plain and de termined assertion of Southern Rights believing that w hile mischief may be done the way to avoid it is not in a studied and suple manner to conceal, with party vic iousness the elements that will surely work the evil, from the public eye. Believeing that to meet any emer gency worth the thought of freemen is to meet it in a free and candid manner, and to overcome the evils that now press the South to the necessity of demanding the tight of equality is a task not to be sneered at, nor is it no without labor. It is expected that the opinions Inculcated and the positions laid down by this Press will be assailed misrepresented and that there are those reckless enough to deny that it was established - - with any object ler.s unholy than that of advocating dis union and wide spread anarchy. As it has been estab lished to advocate the preservation of the liberty of the people ohc South, its conductors will prize the good opinion of these who agree with them in sentiment, and endeavor to bear with good temper the bitterness of all who may oppose them. To prevent misapprehension and put the position of this Press beyond question, it is thought to be wise to draw from the records of the Past the fundamental prin ciples that will guide its course. The Resolutions of ,98, and the circumstances that originated them with the history of the times must be familiar to all men of general information. It is thought that the publication f the Resolutions will exclude the necessity of an elab tnte address embracing the princi pies so forcibly and pointedly set forth in them ; and as this Press endorses and adopts the doctrine of the Resolutions in their entire length and breadth, there is little room for misunder standing and less for misrepresenting the positions of the Standard. We invite for the Resolutions a careful perus .1. Rcsolulions cf Mr. 5Ia li;on in 1758. Resolved, That the General Assembly of Vir ginia doth unequivocally express a firm resolution to maintain and defend the Constitution of the United States, and the Constitution of this State, against everv aggression, either foreign or domes tic, and that they will support the government of the United States in all measures warranted by the former. The General Assembly most solemnly declares a warm attachment to the union of the States, to maintain which it pledges all its powers; and that, for this end, it is their duty to watch over and op pose every infraction of those principles, which militate the only basis of th.t union, because a faith ful observance of these can alone secure its exist ence and the public happiness. That this Assembly doth explicitly and peremp torily declare, that it views the powers of the fede ral government as resulting from the compact tu which the States are parties, as limitedby the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting that compact, as no farther valid than they are au thorized by the grants enumerated in compact; and that in case it a deliberate palpable and dan gerous exercise of power, not granted by the said compact, the States who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose tor ar resting the progress of the evil, and maintaining in their respective limits, the authorities, rights and lib erties appertaining to them. That the General Assembly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit has in sundry instances been manifested by the federal government, to enlarge its powers by forced constructions of the constitutional character which defines them; and that indications have appeared of a design to expound certain general phrases, (which, having been copied from the very limited "rant of powers in the former articles of con federation, were the less liable to be construed.) so ss to destroy the meaning and effect of the particular enumeration which necessarily explains, and limits the general phrases; and so as to consolidate the States by degrees, into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable result of which would be, to transform the present republican system of the United States in to an absolute, or'at best, a mixed monarchy. That the General Assembly doth particularly pro test against the palpable and alarming infractions of the constitution, in the two late cases ot the "Alien and Sedition acts," passed at the last session of Con gress; the first of which exercises a power nowhere delegated to the federal government; and which, by uniting legislative and judicial power to those of the executive, subverts the general principles of a free government, as well as the particular organization and - positive provisions of the federal constitution; and the ether of which acts exercises in like manner, a power which, more than any other, ought to produce um'ver- sal alarm; because it is levelled against the right of free!" examining nublic characters n k Jxrfleagu-(ryiaj nrf of free communication onung the people thereon which has ever been justly deemed tho only effectual guardian of every other right. That the people of this commonwealth, having ev er felt and continue to feel the most sincere effec tion for their brethren of the other States; the truest anxiety for establishing and perpetuating the union of all; and the' most scrupulous fidelity to that constitu tion which is the pledge of mutual friendship and the instrument of mutnal friendship; the General Assem bly doth solemnly appeal to the like dispositions in the other States, in confidence that they will concur with this commonwealth in declaring, as it does hereby de clare, that the acts aforesaid are unconstitutional; and that the? necessary and proper measures will be taken by each, for co-operating with this State, in maintain ing unimpaired, the authorities, rights and liberties reserved in the States respectively, or to the people. That tho Governor be desired to trasmit a copy of these Resolutions to the Executive authority of, each of the other States, with a request that the same may be communicated to the legislature thereof, and that a copy be furnished to each of the Senators and Repre sentatives representing this State in the Congress of the United States. , (Jeffers J.Max Resolutions.) Resolutions of Vie K'.ntuc' y L-gUlature, Xov. 10A, 1793.. Resolved, That the several States composing the United States of America, are not united on the prin ciples cf unlimited submission to their general Gov ernment "; but that by compact, under the style and title of a Constitutio'n for the United States and of amendments thereto, they constituted a General Government for special purposes delegated to that Government certain definite powers, reserving each State to itself the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the General Government assumes un lelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force. That to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an inte gral party, its co-States forming as to itself the other party. That the Government created by thia compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the power delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion,and not the Constitution, the meas urs of its powers, but that, as in all other cases of com pact auunj parties having no common judge, each par ty has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infraction, as of the mode and measure of redress. , Resolved, That the construction applied by the Gen eral Government (as is evinced by sundry of their proceedings) to those parts of the Constitution of the United States which delegate to Congress a power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises; to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfarc'of the United States, and to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carry ing into execution the power vested by the Constitution of the United States, or any department thereof goes to the destruction of all the limits prescribed to their powers by the Constitution. That words meant by that instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution of the limited powers, ought not to be so construed as themselves to give unlimited powers, nor a part so to be taken, as to destroy the whole residue of the instru ment. Resolved, lastly. That the Governor of this common wealth be and is hereby authorized and requested to communicate the preceding resolutions to the Legisla ture of the several States, to assure them that this commonwealth considers union for specified national purposes, and particularly for those specified in their late federal compact, to be friendly to the peace, happi ness and prosperity of all the States. That faithful to that compact,according to the plain intent and meaning in which it was understood and acceded to by the seve ral parties, it is sincerely anxious for its preservation : that it does also believe, that to take from the States all the powers of self government and transfer them to a general and consolidated government, without re'gard to the special obligtion and reservation solemnly agreed to in that compact, is not for the peace, happiness, or prosperity of these States : and that therefore, this commonwealth is determined, as it doubts not its co States are, not tamely to submit to undelegated, and consequently unlimited powers in no man or body of men on earth; - that it would be a dangerous delusion, were a confidence in tho men of our choice.to silence our fears for the safe ty of our rights; that confidence is everywhere the pa rent of despotism; free government is founded in jealousv and not in confidence, which prescribes limited, consti tutions to bind down those we are obliged to trust with power. Inquestions of power, then, let no more be haerd of con fidence in man, but bind him down from mischeif, by the chains ot the constitution. The wisdom of the men who erected this govern ment becomes the more admirable as the corruption and aggressions of a monied aristocracy press forward to ward consolidatad centralism. For purposes the most wise and salutary, the States reserved to themselves the right to judge of the exercise by the Federal Gov ernment of all political powers, and whensoever the powers conferred for good be perverted to the injury of one or many of the confederates, the remedy lies within the reserved circle of rights retained in the hands of the People of the States. Each State by separate action became a member of the Union by adopting the Con stitution, and as each State came into the Union by the action of the People of the State through a Convention 'representing the sovereignty of the State, so, at any time, through the same sovereign channel a State may pass from the Union that has failed to meet out justice and equality by its action in its federative capacity. It is opposed to the theory of a free government for the confederate States to coerce any single or any number of States, and an attempt to force a State to submit to its own injury and oppression and retain it in the Union for that purpose, clashes very directly with our notions of a government of Freemen. To show these opinions are not new, below will be found certain rights claimed by a State in solemn Con vention. " " We, the Ddegaks of the, people of . duly "elected in pursuance of a recommendation from, the "General Assembly, and now met in Convention, hav "ing fully and freely investigated and discussed the "proceedings of the Federal Convention, and being "prepared, as well as the most mature deliberation -hath enabled us, to decide thereon, do, in the name "and in behalf of the People of declare and "make known, that the powers granted under the "Constitution, being derived from the people of tie "United Stat s, may be resumed by them whensoever "the same shall be perverted to their injury or oppres sion : and that every power not granted therein remain "with them and at their will : that, therefore, no right of "any denomination can he cancelled, abridged, restrained "or modified, by Congress, by the Senate or House, of "Represtntives, acting in any capacity, by the Presi dent, or any Department, or officer of the United "States, except in those instances in which power is "given.by the Constitution for those purposes." If there yet lingers in the mind of any doubt as to the right of the States to withdraw from the Union, it will be a source of pleasure to present to such the opinion of one than whom none ranked higher in the estimation of the old fathers of the Republic as an expositor of the federal compact and the rights cf the States. The opinion below was given after mature deliberation. "But when the question is one of political power that between the Federal Government and the States whether the former power has invaded the reserved rights of the latter I hold that questions of this kind do not belong to judicial cognizance. " That the people of the States are parties to the Federal compact, in their character of States. That the constitution has not conferred upon the judicial department any political power whatever. " that theiefore, m relation to questions of this character, there is no common umpire. ' . "And that consequently, the states must decide fok themselves. This is the right: What is the remedy ? My opinion is, that the only rightful remedy IS that of secession ! " Presented above in condensed form are found the principles that will govern the course of this press. . As the position is a plain one and the events hourly devel oping themselves demand their reiteration, space is given them. That the recent action of Congress would have warranted the States to exercise their reserved and aablc rights, cannot be doubted. Hut whether it inan would be politic now to act is a question admitting de bate. For this the Standard is prepared. Nous Yer-rons. Sober IteCcctipns. Depreciating the late attempted organigation of parties in this State, on .principles alike subversive of the rights of the States, as of their Union, we solicit those who may agree with us in the views hereinafter expressed, to aid in taking such mcas- ures in every county, as may enable the temperate and moderate citizens of the State, who are oppo- sed to extremists on all sides, to express their views in the convention proposed to be held in Novem ber next. Wc believe that a large majority of the citizens ! of this State, no more approve of the compromise I forced upon us by the North, at the last session of Congress, whereby the South is again made the victim of Northern fanaticism by her own folly, than of the doctrines promulgated by secessionists and revolutionists. While we respect the spirit of devotion to the rights of the South, evinced by the late message ' of Gov. Quitman and the address published by ' Judge Clayton and others, and commend the patriotism which inspired a strong sense of the in justice under which the South have long suffered, we cannot commit ourselves to their doctrines. We fear they take counsel of their just indignation, rather than of their better judgments their pru dence and their patriotism. While we are unwilling to be instrumental in producing rashly and imprudently a state of things by which all opportunity for the restoration of right, justice and harmony, would be forever cut off, we cannot still consent to denounce as traitors, men who, we know and feel, when the day of trial shall cetme, will be found among the truest, firmest, most gallant spirits, that ever drew a blade, or bore a weapon, in defence of the rights or honor of a free State. We recognize the right of secession as an origi nal, natural, right which human institutions cannot take from us. It is designed for cases of intolera ble oppression, but it is a right dependent on the power to enforce it. The lawless mob that would violate their oaths and the constitution, to oppress us, or deny us our rights, when they have the pow er, would never stop to respect or investigate our natural rights unsupported by physical force. The right of secession therefore, so far as it is a practical question, depends on the power to sup port it. It follows that if the evils of which we now complain, were intolerable at this time, under the devisions existing in the Seuth, we should be guilty of the most consummate folly, madly torush on our own destruction and utter degradation by attempting what we could not accomplish. Neither can we agree with those whose purpose is indicated by the popular name they have assum ed, "Union Party." Union of whom and for what? A union of all opinions and all principles of old enemies and new "natural allies" of broken down politicians and new aspirants, to assist the North in trampling upon the constitutional rights of the South, and each other in getting eiffice? Or a "Union" of Mississippi's and Southi rne rs upon principles looking to the protection of her rights, her honor, her sovereignty and equality under the, constitution. Is this a consolidated "Union," de stroying the integrity of the States, or a Federal Union, established by the people of the States un der a Federal constitution, securing and reserving to the several States, all powers not specially en trusted to the Government they have created? Taking the resolutions of their various meetings, the speeches of their orators, the principles advo cated by their writers and presses, and the ad dresses of their committees, as indices and relia ble exponents of their creed, we cannot approve either of their principles er their object. First Because, to avoid the duties which the doctrine of State-rights and State-sovereignty ne cessarily devolves upon them, they are endeavoring to re-establish the consolidation doctrines of the monarchists and Federalists of 1798 and the proc lamations of 1832. In proof of this we quote from the Natchez Courier of 11th. December, '50: V 1 . The Senator objects to the declaration by the meeting, that the liberty we inherit is inseparable from the Union because, he says, the Union was the result of the liberty and independence of the States. Specious deception.! He knows, and why did he not acknowledge, that it was a Congress of United Colonies, that declared "United Colonies to be free and independent States"? "We, (says the immortal Declaration,) the rep resentatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled, solemnly publish and declare, that these United Coloxies are and, of right ought to be Free and Independent States." "The freedimi and independence of those Colo nies sprung from their union, as much as from their heroic patriotism. Without the former, the latter would have been exerted in vain. Senator Davis knows that after those united colonies had declared their independence, they entered into a w ritten compact, entitled "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union," but failed to reap the full harvests of liberty, because that confederacy de parted in its practice from the principle of the uni ty of the people; that it was not until this false step had been corrected, and "a more perfect union" established by "the people of the United States," in the formation of the present Constitution, that they experienced the full fruition of the liberty previously won. The Senator says that our liber ty Avould be preserved, even were dissolution to take place. Delusive is the hepe! As well might we think that each individual stick of a bundle of faggots is strong in itself, because the whole bun dle can withstand the efforts "of the man to break it. Alas, the child's fe eble power can rend in twain the former!" As a further proof we quote from " Union or Disunion", a pamphlet issued in this city in Octo ber last, "by a Southron," and endorsed by the "Union" press generally in this and other States: "The present government was framed and sent out for ratification, not by the Slates or the Slate legislatures, but by the)pe of the States in con vention assembled. It depended for adoption on consent and agreement; but the moment that it was adopted, its declarations were fairly confirmed. These declarations are not of a league or compact between the States, but of a ' 'constitution of the people of the United States." The language of the preamble is not to agree or stipulate, but to "ordain and establish." It declares itself to be, together with the "laws and treaties made in pur suance thereof, the supreme law of the land." And, as if to give unmistakeable emphasis to this declaration, it adds, "anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstand- ing. (Art. Ctu.) 1 his constitution can lay and collect taxes, impose duties, make treaties, declare war, and conclude peace, independent of the con- ' sent of the States. It even lays injunctions on the Slate govt rnnunts, dots not receive such from them. It tells them they "shall not" make treat ies, form alliances or confederations, coin money, pass any bill impairing the obligation of contracts, engage in any wet, enter into compact with anoth er state, or with a foreign power, keep any regular troops, maintain any navies. (Art.. 1st. section 10th.) This surely is not the language of a crea ture, a mere agent of the various State govern ments! Washington tells us "that it is utterly im prae.icable in the Federal Government of these htates, to secure all the rights of independent save reignfy to e ach, and yet provide for the safety and interest of all." (Letter to Congress on the con- stitution.) In his farewell address he speaks of me mutt ot government which constitutes us one people," and of our indissoluble eommunitv of in- terest as owe nation." It is matter of astonishment to us that at this day in the South the exploded doctrines of the old ene mies of the constitution, when it was first proposed, and the doctrine of the Proclamation by which Gen. Jackson was betrayed, temporarily, into Fed eralism, in 1832, (but which he immediately re nounced by a counter proclamation authoritatively put forth in the Globe of that date,) are now seiz ed upon by his old enemies to cover their own aban- donment of principle, and to form a nucleus, around which, their Northern "allies" may gather in a "union" designed to subvert State rights and State sovereignty. Indeed, the overshadowing hnnihila ting supremacy of the "Xational union" (the boasting theme of those useful sign-boards, to popular clamor, to be found about every town and city, street politicians, is becoming quite too fash 1 ionable amemg those who ought to be more deeply versed in the constitutional history of their country. Second We cannot agree with them, because they are attempting to reconstruct, on the ruins of old parties, a "new national parly," by which to control the power and patronage of the Govern ment, the offices, their emoluments and honors, by "compromising" away the rights, the interests, the honor and equality of the Southern States. We admit that we are tired of Janus-faced con ventions and platforms and bargains, between old political opponents, designed to deceive the peo ple into the support of candidates, whose real sen timents cannot coincide with both sides. The union of Northern and Southern men upon a par ty platform, in the present state of affairs, is neces sarily a hypocritical or traitorous union. If de signed to concede no principle or right on either side, but merely to form a "union" to attain power that they may enjoy the offices, it is both traitorous and hypocritical. If a real concession of principle, or the constitutional rights of their respective sec tions then it is a traitorous union, for the same corrupt purpose. The South is now in a hopeless minority, by the action of the last session of Congress, her only safety there fore is in unbroken union at home, pre serving her separate identity wielding thereby the balance of power and choosing our rulers from me runus eu our opponents, in. tins way we can i i c , . i - always command respect, if not secure the obscrv ance of our rights. We are therefore opposed lo any "national" organization, in the southern States, whereby ti e South is to be divided and merged into parties at the North having no sympathy or interest in our institutions. , Third We cannot agree with thorn, bca" they" approve the late compromise me asures, in the passage of which, Congress directly refused to dis charge her constitutional duty to protect the prop erty of all the States equally in the territories, which the constitution has entrusted for that pur pose, to her exclusive, though limited jurisdiction That the people of Mississippi are entitled to this protection in common with her sister states, is as serted in the 9th. resolution of the convention of both parties in this State, in Octeber, 1849 in the resolutions of the succeeding legislatures, as wel as in the late address of the committee of the Jack son Union Mass Meeting itself, in all which this duty of the Government, under the constitution is distinctly admitted and declared. And yet, in their resolutions, the Jackson meeting says, that the refusal of Congress to afford this verv legisla tive protection to the South, in the new territories, is not inconsistent with the resolutions of the con vention of October of 1849. While they declare that they will resist the re peal of the fugitive slave law or the omission of the general government to enforce it, (a mere omis sion of constitutional duty) which concerns Mis souri, Kentucky, Virginia and Maryland almost exclusively, they approve the compromise bills as a ceimpromise emiitting and actually refusing to protect the South, declare them to be the law of the land, and that they imperatively demand the ac quiescence of every citizen of the United States, so long as they remain unrepealed. In other words, they are willing to secession and revolution (in or der to protect the slaves of the border States,) who already sympathise more with the North than the South) if the government omit its constitutional duty to reclaim a few runaway negroes, for Missou ri, Kentucky, Virginia and Maryland, while they openly declare that we should "acquiesce" in the omission of Congress to discharge her constitu tional duty, to protect the same kind of property for us, at this end of the Union, by punishing in the Territories the miserable abolition wretch who may harbor, conseal or steal our slaves there. They are seized with burning indignation, at the wrongs threatened upon these border States, by the omission of a constitutional duty to them, and are ready to dissolve the Union for their protection. F ... while theyi advise submission to greater wrongs to us, and even laud the omission of a constitutiona duty to Mississippi and the South, without the dis charge of which we are forever excluded, with our slaves, from our new territories, with all their vast resources and avenues to wealth. For ourselves, we confess that while we are ready to join our sister States in the protection of their constitutional rights, against destruction and viola tion from any quarter, foreign or domestic, we must first be permitted to enquire whether they have studied the "golden rule" of equality and justice, as well applicable to States and Nations as to individuals. , We cannot consent to fight their battles, and destroy this Union on their account, while they declare their approval of the wrongs inflicted on our State, for whose protection we owe our.allegi ance. We are not yet, colonies, dependants or slaves of Kentucky or Mr. Clay, or Virginit? and Mrjlitchie, or Missouri and Mr. Benton. We are their constitutional eqnals, and they may not ex pect to make Mississippi and the real South their cat's paw to save their runaway slaves, while they ! refuse to recognize our constitutional rights, and to aid us in legally asserting them in Congress, a gainst a like omission of constitutional duty to us. We cannot, therefore, approve of the abandonment of the right of protection, and the assumption of the edd repudiated Cass doctrine, of Non-intervention by our " Union" friends. We regret that the Mass Meeting at Jackson, should have found it necessary at this late day, to solicit the endorse ment oT Gen. Cass, after he had been repudiated by his own friends in Mississippi. We were not prepared, after the developements of the last ses sion of Congress, and after the abandonment of Gen. Cass, by the only party in this State, who ever sustained mm 10 see ene corresponuencc which was published with the resolutions of the meeting. We were not prepared, especially, lo see the Whig portion of that convention, at this time acquiescing" in the doctrines of a man,' whose pinions and principles they had so lately and so bitterly denounced. We stand on the constitutional duty of Congress to protect all the property of all the States in the territories belonging to the States, United alike, and in the same manner that Mr. Clay claims it for Kentucky, in his Frankfort speech, in relation to fugitive slaves. "All will admit," says he, "that a constitutional duty on the part of Congress, should be faithfully and effectually and not illu sively and inadequately performed." This is all we ask for Mississippi and the South. We are opposed to all partiality all inequality in the action of Congress or of our sister States. Fourth We cannot approve their course, be cause we cannot join them in tendering our lives, emr fortunes and our sacred honor, to the enemies of Mississippi, foreign or domestic, against the home that protects us the fireside friends, w ho may honestly differ with us. We feel that we are identified with our brethre n of Mississippi and the South, in feeling as well as in fact- "through joy and through torment, through glory and shame." We shall not, the refore, be found with the arms of an enemy in our hands, pointed at the breasts of Mississippians. As soon would we point the in struments of death with a murderous intent, at the fireside endeared by the recollections of childhood as soon would we make war upon the sacred re lations of family, the helplessness of infancy. If Mississippi must be , trodden down by the over - A - whelming progress, of anti-slavery, and her citi zens butchered by tbe hands of slaves and aboli tiem assassins, in Ged's name let Mississippians flee the disgrace the corroding infamy of participa ting in the murde rous carnage. We cannot there fore sustain our Union friends in this resolution. Fifth We disapprove of the party machinery set in motion by the Jackson meeting its proscrip tive spirit, recommending conventions, great and small, to cover the State with a renewed spirit of proscription and intolerance. We abher their bit ter spirit aguinst all who cannot agree with them, and more especially their loving kindness towards their "Northern allies," whom they have again en listed in the war they have declared against the friends of the South. We are therefore left no al ternative but to "acquiesce" in the necessity which elVnemmrcs" our scparition, 'and hold the in, "as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in the political war they have declared against us, in private frie-nds. What can the South do? We propose, first, that the people of Mississippi shall send delegates to the State convention, called to advise and con sult as brethren of erne family, on their duty to themselves, to the country and to posterity, in the prose nt state of political r.ffairs. The senseless demagogue, who denounces the convention be cause the Legislature did not first ask permission of the people, to let themselves (the people) meet in con vention, is unworthy of their confidenceor re.'pect. All admit that the events transpiring, and already consummated, are of the most fearful importance. The Union Mass Meeting itself, was assembled in view of this state of things, and has laid down for its amiable self, no less than six caus es in advance, for any one of which it is ready to dissolve the Union. The Georgia convention just adjourned, foreshadows nearly the same causes admits the dange r of the times, and addresses the North beseechingly and affectionately, not to drive them to the necessity and trouble of dissolving the Union by secession. Other State conventions and meetings speak the same voice. And the great Party at Jackson, were assembled by a Message from a travelling ubiquity, (who may be regarded as their Governor) in view of these impending dif ficulties. Have they averted them by their reso lutions? Has their assemblage at Jackson done all that wTas necessary, for the preservation of the Union and the protection of our rights? Surely if the portentous character of the times, called for a convention of a part of the people of Mis sissippi, thus to meet and express their opinions, with an air of defiance to the representatives of the wdiole, people assembled in their legislative charac ter, we can sec no reason why the whole people them selves, by their delegates, may not meet in conven tion without reference to party and deliberate for for the common good. We are not afraid of the people in convention. They can do no harm ; whatever is their will is politically right. We de sire to have their potent voice upon the question of acquiescence, in the refusal of Congress to pun ish the lawless wretch, who steals,' harbors, or con ceals the slave of the southern man, who dares to settle in the new territory. We desire to see whether they will approve, as a just compromise, a set of measures, which strip the South of all right and interest in the vast domain acquired by a common effort, and for the benefit of all the States alike. A compromise which offers no equiv alent, save the fugitive slave law, which concerns mostly Missouri.Kentucky, Virginia and Maryland. A compromise opposed by our whole delegation in Congress, save a single one, and he not a represen tative of the people, of any district. Shall his voice commit the State of Mississippi without con sultation with her, and against the expressed in struction of her legislature, to a compromise, a con tract, a bargain, so important in its consequences ? And shall the voice of her people in convention, be stifled and suppressed by a party caucus at Jackson, gotten up by one industrious traveller? We hope not ta hear again of this anti-republican doctrine. We trust that bargain and com promises, disposing, without even a pretended equivalent, of the interest of Mississippi in a vast empire the most attractive of any known to the habitable globe, and rich with the precious metals, will not be passed thus lightly over, in this day of republican freedom, and representative responsi bility. To laws passed by Congress in pursuance of the constitution, we are bound to yield obedience, un til repealed. But to a compromise a bargain, made without authority and against the instructions of our legislature, the State is not committed. A con vention of the peeple should be consulted before acquiescence in all time to come, 6hould be de manded, as the right of the North and the duty of Mississippi. What should the JTovcmler convention do: We think the convention should consider and decide: First Whether it is true as the legislature and the October convention of 1849, and the address of the committee of the late convention, all de clare that it is the duty of Cemgress, under the constitution, to enact laws, making it a crime in the territeries under her jurisdictiein, to harbor, steal or secrete any kind of property, whether slave or other property. Without this and other protec- tien of a kindred character, found necessary in the slave States, for the protection of this ppecies of property, against the free-soil, abolition fanatics and felons, who have thronged the new territories, to rob the States united, honest men and one an other southern men cannot go there with their slaves. If they do they will be immediately har borel or secreted, which, as things now stand, un der the famous compromise law, is no offence. The constitution is no protection, because it con tains no penalties. It is to government just what a frame is to a building. Without laws passed under it, it is no more a protection than a naked frame. It is true, that under the constitution, civ il remedies may exist, actions of trespass, trovec, detinue &c, but of what avail is an action at law against an insolvent abolitionist. Nulla bona would be the short story of a tedious and expen sive law suit, followed by the loss of the slave and the cost of suit, besides attornies fees. It is there fore, for the convention to say whether such pro tection is the constitutional duty of Congress to the southern States. To the northern States pro tection is amply afforded. If such a duty exists on the part of Congress, under the constitution, the convention should next inquire,- has it been omitted, or has it been "faithfully and effectually and not inadequately and illusively performedl" Can we safely carry our negroes there? If omit ted, is it a duty any less important than the pro tection of the same kind of property at the other end of the Union? Have Missouri, "Kentucky, Virginia and Maryland, any more right to the per formance of her constitutional duty by Congress, than the other States of this Union? Is acquies cence, submission without complaint silent sub mission, quiet assent, as a compromise a bargain. the duty of the south, under the incalculable inju ry, to say nothing of the degrading insult which is thrown upon her by this omission, neglect, and ac tual refusal of protection, in the passage of the com promise law? The remedy. If "quiet assent," "silent sub mission" is net our duty, what redress should the cutm-ictioii lfs and direct. - - - ' , . - We propose, first, a "respectful remonstrance" against the omission of its constitutional duty by Cemgress, and a 'Solemn protest,' against its longer continuance, to be presented to the Con gress of the United States by special agents, dep uted for the purpose. Second, resolutions, direc tory to the legislature, instructing them, after the lapse of a given time, if Cemgress shall not have pe rformed her constitutional duty to the South, in this respect, to impose a tax for revenue purposes discriminating in favor of the southern fanners me chanics and laborers, on particular articles pro duced and manufactured by the States, encourage ing the outrage on our rights and honor. Not an import duty, but a revenue tax on property in the hands of our citizens, after it has changed its im post character and come within the undoubted ju risdiction of the legislature. Also, for the same purpose, to exenpt from State taxation, goods, di rectly imported through our southern cities, there by building up our southern ciies, Mobile, Ne Orleans,, Savannah, Charleston and Galvesto, and bestowing our patronage on our frien home, instead of our enemies without the ht&i We are aware that some questiem has been attemp ted to be raised as to the constitutional power of the State legislatures on this subject. We examined it with care throughihed-ba''. ;. O f federal convention, contemporaneous " and judicial decisions, and feel satis, convention will find no difficulty on th is a naked question, as to the right c, property of our citizens in our own lit in the judgment of our people may 'be terest of the State. A right exercised establishment of our State government always been the policy ot our State er Deiore oisp-itea, m collecting m iue to jmpo.ft a neavy specinc lax on carnagfi 'jewelry, plate, and many articles of luxuryyaferjve(i almost ex clusively from the northeratates. This power is not to be confounded wb7 the power of laying du ties on imports, which is prohibited to the States; nor with the power toj regulate commerce between the States. But it is'the ordinary taxing power, when the same subject of taxation, in the course of its commercial round, myets with distinct powers, having concurrent jurisdiction to tax it. As prop erty belonging to the citizens of Mississippi, her people have the right to tax it for the support of the State government, as they please, without con sulting the government of the United States. We are satisfied that the bare announcement by the southern states. I ineir determination, nmrl ' ' o ly to enforce this policy, would do more to give strength lo the constitution and Union to the States under it, than all the canting rhapsodies and hyp ocritical professions of power loving demagogues that ever have been of ever can be uttered in their praise. The remedy we propose is practicable, it is peaceable, it is moderate, it avoids the degra ding infamy of "silent submission," quiet assent," to acknowledge wrong gross outrage and lawless injustice as a compromise, which, in hono,jwe could not seek to amend. It addresses itself to the-- people of the States aggrieving us to their in terest in union under the constitution, and nVt their politicians. It advances the commecis',' manufacturing and agricultural interests of - , southern States diversifies their labor by turr r J 1 I' i si 'i 1 3 - fr, "HirAtiiirj i