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THEEN VOLUME I. Stljc Sontljcnt Stcmftarfc IS ISSUED EVERY SATURDAY MORNING BY CHAPMAN & SMITH, At three dollars per annum, in advance Advertisemehts First insertion (ten lines or less) $1,00 ; for each subsequent insertion, 50 cents. The number of insertions must be specified on the face of the copy furnished, or it will be published until forbid and charged as above. All articles of a personal character will be charged double the above rates cash in advance ttken admitted. Political circulars or public addresses for the benefit j individuals will be charged as advertisements. On yearly advertisements, a liberal discount will be made. The privilege of yearly advertisers will be lim ited to their own immediate business ; advertisements sent in by them embracing other matter, will be charg ' ed for by the square. QrLettera on business connected with the office must be post paid to insure attention. COLUMBUS : Wednesday Florniug, July 16. 1851. Macon, Noxubee County, July 9th 1051. Editors Southern Standard: I have recently made an excursion through a portion of the nor thern border of Kemper County, some twenty five miles south of this place, and in mingling free ly with the people and enquiring into the state of parties, I learn, that the good cause of Southern Mights is largely in the ascendant, and prospering finely in all that region of country. While there, I was informed by a very intelligent planter that there is not more than a half-dozen Foote or Union men in his beat, where a pretty large vote is polled; and at Wahalack, I learnt from an intelligent source that two thirds of the voters in that region are States Rights men. Thus it will be seen, that in the country, among the intelligent yeomanry, and the honest, patriotic mass, the rights of the south are in safe and reliable hands. Let our friends at a distance in our own as well as other States be of good cheer, let them persevere in the cause of Right, Justice and "Equality in the Union, or Independence out of it," and ere long, all will be well with them, and with the south. But I must not omit to chronicle here, the rich est scene that has come to my knowledge, since the opening of the present canvass, as follows : Two gentlemen candidates for the Convention in this county shrewdly surmising that much good could be done the Union or Northern cause by a pilgrimage of love and personal sacrifice into the extreme western part of this county. In the neigh borhood of a recently attempted to be celebrated place, called "Lick the Skillet," on the border of Winston county. Had a notice of their intended sacrificial mission into that dark region, as they supposed it to be, duly announced to the good people of "Lick the Skillet," and its vicinity, in forming them that said candidates would speak to them, and throw a flood of light athwart their minds upon all political subjects on a day named. And accordingly, the orators referred to, at the time appointed, repaired to the place of meeting where they were at first agreeably surprised to rind a large collection of tire sovereigns of "Lick the skillet," and others residing thereabouts, anx iously awaking their arrival; but they soon ascer tained, that, notwithstanding the assembled audi tors do, if they like, "lick the skillet," they, how ever, are not at all disposed to lick the hands or the feet of their Xorthern oppressors, nor to lap the vapory froth of Yankee apologists here in our midst, dressed up, as they are, in the flimsey bun ting composed of and bedecked with the insignia of a once impartial and truly "glorious Union," would be politicians and orators, who are seeking place and prominence at the sacrifice, not of them selves, but, of every principle of justice and equal ity, and by abandoning every ground of future se curity to their owu section ot the country ! Among several hundred persons present, if I am rightly informed, it was ascertained, that there were but about a half-dozen who entertained sentiments congenial with those of the speakers ! And this startling fact was clearly exhibited to the aspiring candidates for the Convention, by the general ex pression in the crowd, that they had no sort of use for any such apostles of liberty and justice among them as the said candidates; and only in consider ation of the fact, that they had taken it upon them selves to ride so far in the hot sun and choaking dust, would they, the "lick the skillet" folks, per mit such tame submissionists to speak to them on the Occasion I So, the two gentlemen modestly " delivered themselves of their respective huge bud gets of choice scraps, mainly composed of well rounded periods glorifying the Union, then tnanfced the audience for their kindness and patience and vamosed in short order with their combs cut I I will close by respectfully suggesting, in this cublic manner, to the author of "the Bride of Lick the skillet," in "Mississippi Scenes," the pro priety, and the probable pleasure of a speedy vis it to the scene of his glorious inspiration, whilst writing that inimitable production, on the eastern border of Winston, where, no doubt, he would meet with the kindest reception, as one of the Union candidates of Lowndes County, and, per haps, be nominated for the first literary post o distinction among the literati of the Forth. Be- inf, as he i3, a Southern man with JTorthem princi RODERICK. Glorious Nef s from Tishemingo. A friend writing-to us on the 17thinst says "I heard Rogeb Babton and Foote, at Jacin to, on yesterdayj Brtoj scores him to the red every lick, I think by next November that there will not be a corporal's gard in Tishemingo for jpoote uur motto here is Quitman, uayib, Thompson, and Southern Rights and down with Whiggery, J?oote aad Submission. The above fully contradicts all the false and ex travagant assertions by the Submissionists, about their strength in Tishemingo county. Jacksonian Treaties with the. Indians in California. "The commissioners hare reported treaties on ar rangements with twenty tribes, assigning them a strip of land on the slope of the Sierra Nevada mouotains, ranging fifty miles N. W., and S. E. by fifty mUes wide. Remarks of Hon. J. II. Adams. Before the Convention of Southern Eights Associ at ions in Charleston. Mr. President : It is no idle affectation, when I assure you it has been with great difficulty I have mustered sufficient courage to follow our dis tinguished Senator, (Judge Butler) in this great debate, whose patriotism all of us unhesitatingly admit, and who is far better qualified, by superior wisdom and experience, to guide and direct our counsels; but I feel that we have reached a point in this great controversy, when mere personal con siderations should not be allowed, for a single moment, to conflict with an honest and fearless dis charge of our duty to our country. Although we have been invited to meet here for the purpose of consultation, it is not to be disguis ed, that the result of our deliberations, be they what they may, will exert a powerful influence over the action of that higher body, to whose as sembling, at no distant day, the whole country is now looking with such intense interest, and in cer tain quarters, with such fearful anxiety. Nor is it to be disguised, that but one feeling pervades our whole confederacy, and this is. that so lar as o. c'u"ui " a.v.uuit:ut are concern 1 1 f 1 "1 t" t . i-iva i- I .-V-. i n .T. . ,-. r. . - -WT 1 - I'd'.i.A.ia ai c wmiug tu ttseiiuus crisis, uncter such circumstances, whether wisely or unwisely called together, now too late to enquire, we owe it to ourselves, we owe it to our constituents, that we deal with each other in plain English; that we do not separate without thoroughly understanding each other; that we indulge a free and frank interchange of opinions and feelings on the grave issue before us. While we should studiously avoid the use of epithets and insinuations calculated or designed to irritate and embitter, let us have no concealments, no faltering, noquibbling, no resort to phraseology iadi win aumn nere or eisewnere 01 a double or doubtful construction. Let us, in a word, endea vor to prove ourselves epual to the crisis in which we find ourselves, and discarding all considerations of self, rising superior to all unworthy struggle, for individual mastery, let our high and sole pur pose be, to pursue such a course, to indicate such a policy, as shall, under the solemn sanction of that high tribunal whose interposition has been in voked, fully vindicate our honor, and restore, if possible, security to a deeply insulted and wrong ed people. With these general remarks, I shall proceed at once to submit my views upon this great question before us. I shall state my positions briefly, with out arguing them at length, which neither my own 1 i 1 i f . 1 . . m inclination or tneiimeoi tne meeting would justify x i T 1 11 1 me in attempting. I shall begin by announcing certain fundamental propositions which will not be disputed by any member of this convention, and which I shall assume as points on which we are all agreed : b irst, we all agree that any State of the confed eracy has a right peaceably to withdraw from it whenever she thinks proper so to do. Second we all agree that the general govern ment has deliberately legislated us out of our share ot the common property of the country, and we teel that the effect of this legislation has been to degrade us from the rank of an equal to that of an inferior member of a common confederacv. Third, That under a vile pretext of a regard for the right of petition, Congress has usurped authority over the institution of slavery, and under a forced and unwarranted construction of the words "exclusive jurisdiction" has already egislated on the subject in the District of Colum bia. Fourth, That the northern States have not only anea to comply with a plain provision of the Con stitution, expressly inserted for our especial pro tection, but by vexatious legislation, have render ed it worse than useless. These propositions I shall not attempt to fortify by argument before this body. And fortunately for our cause, there exists little or no division of opinion in relation throughout our entire State. Those in our bor ders who are ready to controvert them, or defend the past acts of the general government, in num bers scarcely constitute a corporals guard, and thank God, they never have had, and I trust nev er may have a place in the confidence and affections of our people. 1 he next proposition I shall an nounce, is to my mind equally clear with the foregoing, and I shall be disappointed if it does not meet with as ready assent from this body, viz: that a settled purpose pervades a large portion of the iSorth to destroy our property, and ultimately degrade and ruin us, and that this purpose is detained speedily to become the fixed feeling of a whole section ot the confederacy, which by mere force of numbers can control the action of the gov ernment. Does any one doubt the truth ot this position ? Does any one ask for proof of this as sertion ? Let him go to New York the great Em pire State, and behold our political destinies under the absolute dominion, of one who desecrated the forum, and shocked the moral sense of the nation, bv proclaiming for himself and his followers "a ;t. i.ne wi thering scorn and contempt which this declara tion drew down upon him from an indignant and ourtaged senate, have fallen harmless at the pride of victory, the master spirit in the most powerful fetate in this contederacy. Look at Ohio, the great State of the West, under the lead of Giddings t Co., passing laws securing to Your stolen slaves the writ of habeas corpus, and making it felony to aid in their restitution. Go to Massachusetts and SLsk yourself how and by whom was Sumner the abolitionist elected to the senate. Visit Bos ton and ponder over the ominious fact, that the constituted authorities of this misnamed modern Athens, have actually closed the doors of old Fa neuil Haft upon their own Demosthenes. Turn to the public press and see these great arteries steadily infusing the deadly poison into the public mind. Approach the altar, and hear the terrors of Hell preached against all who will not join in a crusade against us and ours. Is the miserable mockery of the trial and surrender of Sims, the delivery of a runaway in New York, and another in Philadelphia are these lorced, costly and haz ardous vindications of the fugitive act to be held up to us as evidence of a returning sense of jus tice on the part of the north, in opposition to the startling fact that three of the most powerfu States of this Union are, politically governed by men who publicly declare the law to be unconsti tutional, and boldly avow their purpose to pro cure its repeal ? - Are these flimsy cobwebs to blind our eyes to tne tact that both of the great political parties o the .Worth court the influence and obey the man dates ot abolitionists " Six months ago it was proclaimed in the Senate, and by high authority that the compromise act had killed abolition. Killed, Mr. President ! It has has had imparted to its renewed vitality. It has been steadily march-i in from conquest to conquest, exulting in its strenolh. and gloating over its ultimate triumph. In less than five years, if not crushed, it wil give Jaw to the republic. VV e only cheat oursely Za - W show ourselves deal ante to the voice of reason and experience, if we hope to save our hv tp I vino- on compromises witn men who have once,EUxrenri uiemselves to spirit of fanaticism. Recognising no 4T, .;irl law, ac- COLUMBUS, LOWNDES COUNTY, MISSISSIPPI, SATURDAY, JULY 19, 1851. knowledging no obligation, its war is one of exter mination. Those who cross its path must become its victim or its vicior. I will not dwell on this point. The whole history of abolition, its rise, progress, present power, and ultimate aim, un mistakably point us to our destiny. When to this you add the hissory of the imposition of taxation aud its disbursraent by the federal Government for the last tweenty years, well may our Senator declare to you that the Southern States occupy the degraded condition of prescribed political commu nities. Mr. President, I have rcome deliberately to the conclusion, that this Union cannot, and ought no longer to exist. To us of the South it is a hard bargain. It has failed to accomplish the ends for which it was instituted. The compact creating it has ceased to be of binding effect on those who, by mere force of number, can control its action. We have suffered until we can suffer no longer. It is time we should seek new safeguards for our future security. This brings me to the consideration of the real question before us, and on which some difference of opinion seems to exist. Shall we send forth to the country, the dcvldi mluu that South Carolina will secede from a Union, faithless to its own ob ligations, regardless of our rights, and no longer compatible with our interests and safety. The ob jection to this course, so far as I can comprehend it is, that it will deprive us of the co-operation of the other Southern States and defeat the formation of a Southern coufederacy, an object we all have so much at heart, co-operation and a Southern Confederacy I lhere was a time when there was some magic in the words. I once listened with hope to the sound, and lingered with delight over the glowing picture which eloquence has so often drawn of that magnificent confederacy, which co operation was so sure and so soon to usher into ex istence. But the humiliaiing realities that sur round us, have broken the charm and dispelled the illusion. With whom will you co-operate ? With Virginia ? A littie more than a year ago her legislature solemnly resolved to resist legislation on the slave trade in the District of Columbia, at all hazards and to the last extremity; and but yesterday she resolved to submit to such legislation, i t . i i ft .,i anacooiy intimates ner displeasure, at tne course she thinks South Carolina will pursue. Mr. Pres ident, what a melancholy spectacle is here presen ted. The land that gave to the world the genius that penned, and the immortal spirit that triumph antly vindicated the great chart of American liber ty, has become the nursery of a new school of statesmen, who draw their lessons of patriotism from that comfortable philosophy, which teaches submission to "present ills rather than fly to those we know not ot. W ill you wait on JNorth Caroli na ? The honorable Senator has paid a merited compliment to North Carolina, in the early days of the Republic, but let Lini point me, if he can, to a single oasis in this wide wasts of federalism. There is not here a single hook on which to hang a hope. It remains to be seen whether the gallant Clingman will not be sacrificed, because of the excess of his zeal in defence of Southern Rights. Turn to Georgia and gather hope if you can by listening to praises to a glorious Union from the lips of Cobb, Stephens and Toombs. Her conven tion marched up to the hill and then marched down again. With a majority of her people, the test of patriotism and the passport to honor, is , a buse of South Carolina, and those of her sons who have manfully stood up for Southern Rights, unseduced by the patronage and unterrified by the powers at Washington. How stand matters in Alabama" V lsions ot federal honors, 1 fear have absorbed the soul of her amiable King, and the fiery Clemens, who was so eager to "face the mu sic," has lowered his colors before the first roll of the drum has been sounded. In Mississippi the prospect, though not altogether cheerless, is by uo means encouraging. I know, sir, that in all these States, and throughout the South, we have many gallant friends who think as we think, and who feel as we feel, and who at the first tap of the drum will rally to our standard, ready to sink or swim with us in upholding our cause and theirs. But these friends are in a minority in their respective States, and without some new issue must continue. If then, it is idle to wait for co-operation, what ef fect will, our declaration have upon the cause of our friends in these States. Will it weaken or strengthen them ? Surely Mr. President, it can not injure them for us to say to them, that we are in earnest, and we intend to do what they expect us to do, and wiiat tnemselves are laboring to bring public opinion up to in their respective States. On the contrary, dispirited by desertion at home, will give them courage to learn that the cause has not been abandoned everywhere, that one blow at least will be struck in defence of the proscribed and doomed South. Sir, it must, it will infuse" fresh zeal and renewed activity to their ranks. A righteous cause never looses by an open and fearless course. In such a cause we all feel em barked. Let us then defend it like men and leave the consequences to God. But, Mr, President, independent of all consid erations as to what effect such a declaration will exert "on the cause elsewhere, we owe to our peo ple a distinct and unequivocal avowal of our in tentions and purposes. If we are in earnest let us say so m so many words, and let the public mind be fully prepared for the grave issue. Let the people fairly contemplate it in all its hazzards and all its consequences. On the other hand, if we only propose to gratify our vanity bv the lavish expenditure of fervid but iiointless eloquence; it we only intend to maintain our equality end de fend our rights by the formidable battery of round ed periods and sounding resolutions, let us at once, without advancing another step, proclaim the hu miliating tact. In our opinion, one single act in such a farce is quite enough. It is too costly an entertainment tor a change ot scenes, or the intro duction of interludes. Let the drop curtain close at once over us and our proceedings. Increased taxation, to be justified by a remote contingency we are afraid to face, is, 1 assure you, music to which the people will not willingly dance. The truth is, turn and twist it as you may, we have reached that point in this controversy when we must choose one of two alternatives; we must either advance a step forward, or take a step backwards. There is no possible middle ground on which to stand. . To doubt, to hesitate, to waver at this stage of the game, will inevitably lead to disgrace and disaster. For one, I infinitely prefer that we give in our adhesion now, than at some future pe riod. Mortifying as it will be, it will be far less ridiculous and disgraceful than to keep up a game of gasconade and bluff, under the desperate idea that we shall finally be rescued by the interposi tion of some political legerdemain, which may shield our bodies, but which will leave us degrad ed m our own eyes, and contemptable in the eyes of the world. " Will a declaration that, in our opinion, past ag gression not only justifies, but demands, our se cession, defeat or postpone the formation of a Southern confederacy, which we all desire, and which our friends, ill advisedly, as I think make a c?"litlCr. "precedent to any action whatever on art csf Sniit.li Carolina T The idea mat we are to obtain a Southern confederacy by. the de liberate, preconcerted, prearranged co-operation of any number of the Southern States, is to my mina, a most latal delusion. x Under existing cir cumstances, it is folly to expect it madness to nope it. i care not what the nature of the griev ance, what the outrage perpetrated, what the dan ger impending, it :c contrary to reason and all ex perience, to calculr.td that the Southern people, separated by State lines and distracted by inter nal party divisions, will ever, voluntarily, meet together, gravely discuss the question, quietly ar range the terms, and unite on any such scheme. xio government ever was, or ever will be, called into existence by any such co-operation. Sir, if we are to have a Southern confederacv. and I have no doubt of it, it must, it can only, be brought about by separate State action. If secession is revolution, then the revolution must begin some where. Some one must strike the first blow. Some one State must throw the tea overboard. This done and the rest must inevitably follow. care not to look beyond a field of Lexington. Com mon wrongs and common dangers must unite com mon sufferers, and lead to common sacrifices and common efforts. Ami why shall not South Caro lina strike the blow ? la there any thing in her past history to render her unworthy to lead the forlorn hope in this or any cause in which her hon or and her rights are at stake ? Does any one of ... ner sisters aoubt but that her sons will prove them selves worthy descendants of men who have en riched their soil with her blood, and have illustrat ed every page of her history with undying exam ples of courage and patriotism ? Sir, it will not do to talk any longer about prevailing prejudices, deep seated jealousy against South Carolina ; and that any attempt on her part to move, will drive others off. Men who can be driven from duty, who will desert his own cause, from any such pal try considerations have not the spirit," and never intend, to defend their rights. If her cause is to rest on co-operation with such materials, then the day of our deliverance will never dawn. To hope for such co-operation is submission, to lean on it is degradation. This hue and cry about South Carolina, raised by bought up political dema gogues, can only be silenced by a direct appeal to a practical issue. My life on it, when this issue is fairly made, the great mass of the Southern peo ple will be found true to us and true to themselves. Mr. President, I do not feel called upon to dis cuss the question whether secession be a measure ot peace or of blood. It is a matter about which it is idle to speculate. Time alone can solve the problem. As a measure of peace, our Senator re gards as its most alarming aspect. This to me is passing strange. He has, said with great confi dence that he believes no man will be found bold enough to advocate separate secession, if it leads only to our own national existence. For one, I unhesitatingly declare, that I infinitely prefer a separate State existence to a continuation in a Un ion governed by heartless fanatics and political scoundrels. hat sir, is to hinder our separate national "existence 1 lias not South Carolina with in herself, ample resources to maintain such an ex istence ? Have we not intelligence enough to de vise our own form of government, and virtue enough to sustain and preserve it. South Caro lina, peaceably out of the Union, left free to es tablish her own commercial relations, and its clear to my mind, that she possesses within herself means, and can provide for herself the cheapest, the mildest and the purest government that ever encouraged the hopes or blessed the labor of man. W ith me government is not a matter of geography. Its value does not depend on extent of space or a- mount of population. To command my respect and challenge my obedience, it must inspire confi dence instead of distrust, it must bring repose, not agitation, it must stimulate hope, not fear, above all it must afford security, that security which en ables me to feel that what I have is my own, and that I may quietly sit beneath my own vine and fig tree, with none to molest or disturb me. Next it is conjectured that the government will ptobably resort to a quasi blockade, and that un der its operation the commerce ot Charleston is to destroyed. Well, the auswer to this is that block ade of any kind is coercion, a forcible denial of the right of a State to withdraw from the Union, and as such we must meet it. Now I admit that se cession may and will probably involve serious sa crifices, and that these will fall most heavily on our cherished city. But shall this deter us ? Our father took counsel neither of their fears nor their weakness. If we shrink from the sacrifice now, will the future find us willing to incur it ? I regret that my friend has reduced this great question of liberty and right to the standard of dol lars and cents. No people who measure their principles by the money standard can long pre serve their liberties. It commerce can only flour ish at the expense of those stern and manly vir tues which alone qualify a people for self-government, then let it "perish." In the day of Moul trie and Rutledge, appeals to the commercial fears of the city found no response, although the issue then as compared with the present, was a mere ab straction. The honorable senator says that he has too much respect for us, to suppose that secession commends itself to us, because of the facilities it may afford for successful smuggling. In this he is right. But if, as he intimates, the federal gov ernment shall resort to petty commercial restric tions for the purpose of annoying and breaking the spirit of our people, then, sir, I' would meet it with smuggling. There is as much dignity in the defence as in the attack. I know Mr. President, that those in power deny the right of a State to secede, and the employ ment of force has been held forth to deter us. If this be so, if it be true that secession is merely the right of revolution, then I ask what becomes of the great fundamental truth of our revolution, that government derives its authority from the consent of the governed, and that the people have the right to amend, alter and abolish it at will. The general government is a creature, not a mas ter, xorce, as a means ot perpetuating its exis tence over its own members, is not an element in the Constitution, and the heaviest trial to which it will ever be exposed, will be its employment. Webster, Clay and Filmore, may preach it, but they will find no followers to enforce on the map of xorth America the government oi the sword The people of this country who are to do the fight ing, cannot unlearn themselves if they would. The sword will fall powerless, the musket will never be leveled, when told that it is against a people who only ask the right of self government. If we acquiesce in the denial of this right, if the doctrines of Webster are to be silently engrafted on the Constitution, then sir, ours in not a confed eracy of independent sovereignties, but a vast con solidated Empire a huge deformity, and we shall soon hnd ourselves the miserable victims of a ra pacious, heartless, soulless despotism, compared with which the rule of the Autocrat of Russia will be mildness.and mercy indeed. Iam aware, Mr. President, that at all times and under the most favorable circumstances, it is extremely difficult to effect a fundamental change of government. Independent of various causes that operate more or less powerfully against all changeand experiment, there are to be found in all communities, two classes, the one from instinct and the other by position, who always side with the existing government, r.nd resist its overthrow. There are capitalists and office holders, Hnd they yield a powerful influence in every country. It is easy for these men to cry revolution, and paint in its train, to frighten the timid and ignorant, terri ble scenes of suffering, cruelty and bloodshed. How far these influences have already been ex erted in sowing the seed of dissension in your ranks, or to what extent they may hereafter be ex erted in swerving the State from her true course, I will not undertake to say, but it is clear to my mind that the men for once deluded themselves. Now, I deny the right of the federal government to employ force against a State. But, suppose I am wrong, and that these capatalists are right, and secession brings revolution. What let me ask, will they gain by averting it now In escaping the terrors and blood of a civilized revolution, they are only reserving themselves for the more refin ed cruelties and the more terrible horrors of that servile revolution, which abolition is sure to brinr and which will sweep over the land like a desola ting scourge, consuming them and their substance. Viewed, then, in its worst possible aspect, it seems to me, we have no alternative left us. Submis sion is present degradation, to be followed by fu ture ruin. Let us, then, grapple manly with our own troubles, and not basely shuffle them off on posterity. I have thus, sir, in as short a compass as pos sible, submitted my views on the great issue be fore us. I know they will be received for what they are worth, and no more. They have how ever, been honestly conceived, and as frankly a vowed. I shall vote for the resolutions and the address, because, they met fairly the question be fore us ; because, in a word, they look directly to a dissolution of this Union, "a consumation," in my opinion, "most devoutly to be wished." In fact, sir, I regard this Union at this moment as vir tually dissolved. It may drag out a few years of stormy convulsive existence, but its vitality is gone. The cement that held it together melted away. The cords that banded it about have been burst asunder. It has lost its hold on the affections, on the hearts of our people, and I trust has lost it for ever, lie the issue, then, one of peace or of force. I have made up my mind to meet it. I have come to my conclusions cooly and deliberately, and sir, I sleep on them soundly. I would strike the first blow with the certainty ofbeiug whipped into sub mission, rather than strike from a position to which we are impelled alike by the dictates of duty, of honor, and of patriotism. In the language of our dead McDuffie, I would rather see South Carolina the cemetery of freemen than the abode of slaves. Anti-SIaYcry Convention in Illinois. This Convention, relying upon the God of the whole earth, and especially the God of the op pressed, for his approbation of their cause and its ultimate triumph 1. Resolved, I hat no man or combination of men has any more right to enslave a man than he has to' claim exclusive possession of the light of the sun, the air of our 'atmosphere, or the waters of the earth. 2. Resolved, That the slaveholder has no more right to compel us to participate in his sin than he has to enslave ourselves.- ; 5 3. liesoh'ed, That, in our belief, the Judgment Day will prove that it is bad enough for any man to be damned for his oicn sin, without his volun tary assumption of the guilt of the slaveholder, by sustaining him in his iniquity. It must be sheer love of sin that induces a man to sustain another in crime, for which he receives no earthly compen sation, and can expect nothing but the frown of God and the contempt of all enlightened good men. 4. Resolved, That the Fugitive Slave Law pass ed by Congress in 1 850 involves us in the slave holders' guilt, if obeyed. 5. Resolved, That this law outrages humanity, Christianity, the citizens of the free States, and the sense of justice common to all mankind. It appoints a court of one judge, whose decision is final; it commands him to hear testimony only against the accused, it offers the judge a bribe to decide against the unfortunate wretch who loved and sought liberty; it suspends the trial by jury; it denies the prisoner the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, which Englishmen wrested with such difficulty from the dastardly tyrant John, and which free Americans were wont to esteem and love. In short, if the system of American slavery is, as Wesley says, "the sum of all villanies," the Fugitive Slave Law is the sum of all outrages against decency, justice, and the rights of the free States. C. Resolved, That the Fugitive Slave Law is unconstitutional. It has been defended by pro- slavery men by this argument, viz : that the law of 1850 is but little more stringent than the law of 1793 upon the subject of absconding slaves. But the Supreme Court of the United fetates pro nounced the law of 1793 unconstitutional, namely : that section which enjoins upon State officers to execute a law of Congress. In other respects, the ablest jurists and lawyers have denied the consti tutionality of the law of 1793. Among their names is to be found that of Daniel Webster. The ablest lawyers have pronounced the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 unconstitutional. 7. Resolved, That it is right to refuse obedience to an unconstitutional law. Violent, forcible re sistance we do not recommend. More evil than good would be the result of forcible resistance. But, as Christians, we ought to disobey, and haz ard the penalty. 8. Resolved, That while we ask of Congress no act transcending their constitutional authority for the abolition "of slavery in the several States, we do demand that they go to the very verge of their legitimate power to remove this foul blot from our national escutcheon. 9. Resolved, That we will resolutely and firmly resist every effort of the slave power to extend over us its tyrant sway, by making our territory a hunting ground for any fleeing from oppres sion, and ourselves participants in the cowardly chase. 10. Resolved, We do not believe that the Union of these States is in the slightest manner endan gered by this agitation of this question respecting the Fugitive Slave Law of 1830, or by its amend ment, 'or by its repeal. The planets of the solar system are in about as great danger of dissolving their union with the central luminary. The sag cious statesmen of the slave States know that a majority of their citizens are in favor of the Union; that, without the Union, slavery would be abolished; that a war between the free and slave States must, almost immediately, result for the mouth of the Mississippi, and that war must - be exterminating or abolish slavery. They know that England can not be permitted to aid and colonize the seceding States, because it is the fixed policy of the nation that no more foreign colonies shall be planted upon the soil of North America. A war, destructive of slavery, perhaps of the slaveholder, must be the result of secession from the Union. 11., Resolved, That our duty as men, as citi zens, as patriots, and as Christians, is to obtain NUMBER 25. the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850. -We will obey God rather than men, where God enjoins what man forbids. 12. Resolved, That we advise the organization' of a National Anti-Slavery Party, and hereby pledge ourselves, in the event of 6uch an organi zation, faithfully to support such candidates only for official stations as shall have given full proof of thorough attachment to the principles of equal universal liberty. From the Mississippiun. A lard. To Dr. Edward Pickett, Editor of the Flag : Sir, For some weeks past a controversy has existed between Senator Foote and myself, in re gard to certain personal matters. It closed, to my entire satisfaction, with my publication of the 27th ult. The Senator himself having wisely declined a reply to that which was unanswerable. With this dispute of Senator Foote I am now done; not a word more is necessary. The facts are before the public, and I am not uneasy, as to public opin- : . : ii t. . .i . .. ion, cumermng me aciors in me transaction. Pillt fur you. Sir, the "man Pildaj-" .C Cviio Foote, I have a word. In my controversy with Senator Foote, being purely a personal one," the Editors of the Mississippian, who are gentlemen, have interfered not at all, though my personal friends. On a former occasion, you thrust your tongue into that which concerned you not. A sec ond time you have done so, though I refrained from noticing you; your principal has ingloriously fled the field, yet have you made yourself busy in a matter of a highly delicate nature, proud to per form a service for which his conscience was not pre pared. In so doing, you have forgotten the dic tates of prudence, and discarded the claims of truth in your ambitions eagerness to do the dirty work of your master. To prove your capacity for the part assume! by you, and, perhaps, properly assigned to you, you have, at the outset, volunteered the ready false hood, that "My cards were issued for political ef fect." They were personal, and were so inten ded. Senator Foote has political sins to answer for of a far more heinous nature than any wrung done me, for which he is now on trial, and must answer. Pleased at your success, you then utter the un qualified falsehood that tLere "is no real conflict between Grneral Foote and Major Hunt's state ment." Both are before the public. It can judge. I have before paralleled them. I shalf not do so again. Were you really in s?arch of truth, I might; but to commend the truth to you would emphatically be to "cast pearls before swine." But you say that, "originally, both cards as signed the same object for Gen. Foote's call upon me, but that the reason for the oljeit was differ- -eutly stated;" that this would have so "appeared, but that you overlooked Major Hunt's card, and "erased" the statement. Now Foote and Hunt conflict; both cannot be correct. Vou exculpate both by thrusting yourself between thesi. A false hood is the result, as will ever be the case when such men as yourself are allowed to mingle in the affairs or statements of gent.0men. I have said, in a former publication, that tte statement that I had made myself busy in a mat ter of a highly delica nature between Generals Quitman and roote,' was hile in any nd cverv sense. You say that you are informed that this can be proved to be true against me. In so dng, you nave insinuated wnat you know to be llse. These two gentlemen had been engaged in a pub lic discussion. I, among hundreds, spoke of w hat, I understood, had been said and done in debate. So far I interfered. No further. I exercised a right belonging to all. If General Foote thrust upon the public, through the medium of a speech. "matters of a highly delicate nature, the public cannot be censured for noticing them. It is to be charged to his own want of delicacy and propriety, and is not helped by a prevaricating subterfuge. which owes its origin to the plastic conscience ot a supple toady. i ou seem to be dissatisfied, because I have not descended to particulars respecting the members of my family, who were present, when Gen. roote burst into my private chamber. Aiotives of delicacy have forbade me to say more on this sub ject; fully appreciated, I am aware, by every true gentleman, but which, i am not surprised to see, are lost upon the obtuse sensibilities of a man who has ever been a stranger to them in his own walk and conversation in life. In conclusion, let me say to tou, sir, that this controversy with you has not been sought by nie. a ou have forced it on, and I stand prepared to de fend myself, and shall do so with a firm but a free hand. Let me advise you to follow your own af fairs. Interfere not with those who have not wronged you. When you will do so, heed the note of prudence and the voice of truth more nearly than you have done in your wanton and malicious assault upon me. JO. BELL". Which of us Finds Favor with the North ? It is a fact worthy of notice that while the prin ciples and objects of the Southern Rights party are denounced by the free States as factious and treasonable, the Union party are greeted with sym pathy, encouragement and hearty well-wishes. The exceptions to this are trifling and of little mo ment. Some few of the abolitionists we believe have admitted the abstract right of a State to se cede, but neither the number of thete nor anything they Have done, entitles them to be classed as an exception, or barely so. Take the press of the Ncrth, the speeches of northern orators, the rc solves of northern legislatures, and public meet ings, and all other means by which northern opin ion is ascertained, and it will.be seen that practi cally the whole North is unanimous in expressing a hope of success to the Union Party of the South. We ask no one to take this statement from us with out examination. We would far sooner they would investigate the matter for themselves for we "feci certain that the truth will appear as we have sta ted it. What then is, to be inferred from this ? It ap pears to us that the conclusion is, that the people of the north are of the opinion that the Union Party of the South are acting in furtherance of northern . principles and northern interests. In this, our brethren of the north may be mistaken, but it will be one of the rare instances in which their sagacity has failed them, when calculating the chances of the profits to themselves. We ask . our readers and our friends of the Union party, to look at this matter for themselves, and reflect on ;t. Not to take some insolated scrap in regard to, the doctrine of secessiou as an evidence of north ern sentiment, but to lock at all the elements which go to make up public opinion, and express the wishes of the north. In another column we give some extracts which are illustrative of what we have been saying. Madisonian. Two of the b'hoys passing up street yesterday, were interruptedLin their conversation, in front of one of our churches, where they observed a man,, tugging away lustily at the bell-rope. "I say. Bill," said one to the other, "don't that bell tol ling, remind vou of your latter end? "No" re- I plied Bill, "but the rope reminds inc of jours'."