Newspaper Page Text
; 1
1
A 3
DECISIVE PROOF OF HARRISON'S
TAMPERING WITH THE ABOLITION
1STS. The Boston Tost of the 24th inst contains
a very able and conclusive article, showing
that Mr. Calhouns letter, communicating the
ubstance of Gen. Harrison's le'.ter, through
a friend, to the A'bohtionists of Massachusetts,
was intended to bring him within the condi
tion of the resolution of the society of his dis
trict, and qualify him to receive Abolition
'votes, according to the terms expressed in it.
- The resolution was as follows:
"Resolved,. Thai no Abolitionist can give
his rote for either of these men Van Buren
or Ilinisonfor the office of President of the
t United States, without coon evidence of a
. fundamental chamre in their lonner views
- and practices on the subject.'
- Mr. Calhoux expressly alludes to this de
. cision against Harrison on the part of his
-Abolition fnends,and then undertakes to satis
fy them by the account he gives of Gen. Har
rison s letter to Ivans, that he had seen in
. it "good evidence" to induce a reconsidera
tion of their resolve. He tells them that he
has seen a letter from the General, which
renders the Joins of the Anlislavery con
vention at Springfield their resolution de-
nouncing Len. Harrison in Ins opinion
quite premature.
When the Massachusetts convention ol
Abolitionists met to nominate a Presidential
electoral ticket, the question arose whether
the indications thrown out by Harrison to
catch Southern votes, should prevent the
convention from directing its efforts to his
advanemtnt. The Boston Post eives the
following account of the convention, and its
debate on this point.
The convention was called by the politi
cal Abolitionists of this State, for the express
purpose of nominating an Abolition elector
al ticket. It was presided over by the Hon.
William Jackson, an ardent Whig and re
cently a member of Congress from District
No. 9. The question under discussion was
the Abolitionism of General Harrison. A
portion of the members of the conxention
were for a separate organization, and anoth
er portion desired to bring the Abolition
force to the support of General Harrison.
On this point the discussion mainly turn
ed." SKETCH OF DEBATE IN THE ABOLI
TION CONVENTION
A member of the convention, Mr. Spald
ing, it was understood, a lawyer, said that he
was a Whig Abolitionist, and was opposed
to any course being taken by the convention
that would endanger the election of Gen.
Harrison. A nomination of a distinct Aboli
tion ticket nf electors, pledged to Mr. Bir
ney, be said, would injure the Whig cause,
because the Abolitionists were generally
Whigs, and such a ticket would draw more
from Harrison's votes than from Van Buren's.
He believed, and as far as he understood the
views of the Abolitionists generally, they
believed, that there wns a choiceof evils
between Harrison an J Van Burrn, and that
Harrison was better for them than Van Bu
ren, because the Whig party was the lricnd
of Abolitionism, and the Democratic party
opposed it. The Whigs in Congress who sup
ported Harrison, had generally voted against
the goglaw, while the Democrats had carried it
by their votes. This, he said, would deter
mine his course. We say, continued Mr. S.
that there is a choice for Abolitionist', be
tween the two candidates of the great par
ties, and why, then, when it was certain that
Mr. Birney could not be elected, should the
Abolitionists, by a separate nomination, draw
votes from Harrison, by taking the larcre
proportion of Abolitionists in the Whg party,
ona mus sirenguien Mr. Van liuren? The
votes for Mr. Birney must come from the
Whigs, if at ail, and this would defeat the
Whigs. This, as a friend to Abolition, he
could not consent to.
Mr. E Wright, jr. replied that Harrison
was ceitain of the Electoral vote ofMasschu
setts, il the Abolitionists went for Mr. Bir
ney. The parties in Massachusetts were so
nearly divided ihat the Abolitionists could
prevent a choice of Electors, because it re
quired a majority. It would then go to the
Legislature. That would be Whig, and
could elect tho Harrison electors, and he did
not despair, that in that event, the Abolition
Electors might lie chosen. He repelled an
intimation that a'separate nomination would
aid Van Buren. None but an insane man,
he said, would suppose that the Van Buren
men hare set us on.
' Mr. Leavitt of New York, (editor of the
Emancipator,) who had previously spoken
with decided condemnation of Mr. Van Bu
ren, at pledged utterly against Abolition in
all its forms, said that he was open and plain
in his course, while Harrison was aiming se
cretly to gain the slave States, by serviluv
to the South and the Northern Abolitionists
by confidential professions. It was now well
known that letters from Harrison, with in
junctions of secresy, had been privately cir
culated at the South ever since Harrison
was a candidate ia 1839, pledging him to the
slaveholders. John M Berrien of Georgia
had a private lerter from Harrison in 1839,
on the slave side, a Mr. I lost the name
orLouisnna or Alabama, had another of these
secret p.edges to the South. Mr. Rives, or
some friend of his, had another. These let
ters were concealed until after the Harris
burg Convention, where, by another process,
the votes of Abolitionists in that body were
secured for the nomination of Harrison; and
as toon as that was done and the nomination
acceded to by abolitionists at the North, we
then find the Whig slaveholders in Georgia,
Alabama, Virginia, &c rallying to ihe sup
port of Harrison, on the ground that he was
lor to be relied on for slavery than Van
BureruHe believed that more recently other
secrefc dges, by private letters from Gene
ral ti;u Jbnorhistrienii3,nauDccn,orwouiu
be.cirt Vued amon a Southern Whin slive-
hnldertR'hich would probably cume to light,
and upon which it was relied lo rally the
South lor his suport. Mr. Rives, or some
friend of his, had undoubtedly got such a let
ter. '1 his, and this only, could account for
the recent rally of the Whig party at the
South, upon ilarrison. The South, he re
lieved, would eventually, and that soon,
change its position from the Jeflersoniau
doctrines, as they were called, of 1798, and
Co for a high tariff and a national bank, with
a view to strengthen the slave power; ana
tlerefore he did not rely upon their past op
position to these measures to induce them to
oppose Harrison now, if thev could depend
on his pledges to their paramount principle,
slavery, by which they could plunder ttie
North, IJut they must' be sure of that, and
this accounted lor Harrison s opposite course
at the North and South.
This was one side of the picture. He
meant to be impartial, for he regarded neither
part-, and looked upon both as the enemy
of Abolition. While these secret pledges to
slavery were circulating at the South, the
opposite opinions were confidently ascribed
to Harrison at the North, to secure the Abo
litionists. This double process of conceal
ment had hern carried on with considerable
success by Harrison himself.. He. (Mr. Lea
vitt) knew the fact that Harrison, since his
recent nomination, and before, had gained
much of their favor and confidence in his
personal intercourses with the Abolitionists
of Cincinn iti. He had visited the nntislave-
ry rooms there, and had led many true hear
ted Abolitionists to belive he was with them
in the great work of emancipation. Charles
Hammond, and even Mr. Birney himself had
been deceived by this course, and had a ban
dage put over their eyes. Delegates to the
American Anti-Slavery Convention had
pledged themselves to that convention, that
Ilarrison was fully committed to anti-slavery.
Mr. Gates ol New Yoik (a Whig Aboli
tion member of Congress) I. ad written a
letter which he (Mr. Leavitt) had seen, af
firming, from facts within his knowledge, that
Ilarrison had changed his opinions on Aboli
tion sin :e his speech nt Vincciti:cs, and Ins
Cheviot oration, which is quoted by Mr. Ri
ves in his letter to the iigimans, to prove
Harrison's pro slavery.
Mr. I said this was not the first time
that Harrison had courted the Abolitionists.
After his vote in Congress for the admission
of Missouri in 1822, he went home, and to
conciliate the Abolitionists, whose influence
then was sufficient t- defeat his election,
he wrote a letter, in which he made it a mer
it with them that at the a"c of eighteen
he was an AUlitiuiiis and a member of an
Abolition mciet v. This is now used to make
him an Abolitionist at the North, while at
the South it is explained by the slaveholders,
in private letters from Damsons friends.
it not from himself, that it meant only the
abolition of the slave trade.
Such was the course of Goner:.! Harrinn,
to carry the South and the North. Van Bu
ren relied on paiiy machinery to carry the
Noith, anil a subserviency to slavery to se
cure the South. Bill he at least had no con
cealment of tiis opinions. Van Buren Mood
on but one side or tins question. Abolition
ists knew him as an open opponent: but
Harrison was trying to stand on both sides,
lie had descended to a lower deep. He
(Mr. L.) could vote for neither. Both were
unworthy the votes of freemen; lot he pre
ferred an open enemy to a lulse menu.
Rev. Aukl Baow v, a delegate from
Northampton (Mr. Win. B. Calhoun's dis
trict,) said that he knew something of the
course pursued to induce the Abolitionists
lo support Gen. Harrison in preference to
to any other candidate. Secret letters weie
circulated not only at the South but at the
North. This fact he knew. A convention
was held of the Abolitionists of Hampshire
and Hampden counties, in Mr. Calhoun's
district, the latter part of January last, in
which strong resolutions were passed against
supporting cither Ilarrison or Van Buren.
After that convention, Mr. W. B. Calhoun
had written home letters from Washington to
convince the Abolitionists that they were
wrong in opposing Ilarrison. Copies were
privately handed round among the Abolition
ists by the Whigs and he (Mr. Brown) had
seen some of them, in which Mr. Calhoun
slated that General Harrison was with us
(the Abolitionists) and would go all lengths,
and that he (Mr. Calhoun, had this from
authority, which was understood to mean
General Ilarrison himself. But at the end
of the letter was this remark, "make such use
of this as you think best, but do not let it get
into the papers!'' This was sent by a mem
ber of Congress, to induce us to believe that
Harrison was an Abolitionist, and ought
to receive our support. But it must not pet
into the papers. Oil no! That would hurt
Harrison with the slaveholders! It was
wrong to deceive us. if it was not so. I
have also understood, said Mr. Brown, that
mere was anotner letter in circulation, from
a great man in Ohio, who certified that he
knew General Hamsan was an Ablitionists;
but I could never see it. It was to be kept
from the press. Sir, liberty has notion? to
gain be the election of Martin Van Buren,
so far as the slave is concerned, but he is
open and manly in his coirse. But this
course of General Harrison u too mean to be
thought of.
Dr. Johnson compared plaintiff and defen
dant, in an action at law, to two men duck-
ingweir ncaas in a ouckct, and miring each
other to remain longest under water.
(From the CalsUll Recorder, of June 25)
44 GEN. HARRISON AT LARGE."
In the Recorder of the 4th inst. we pub
lished an article, a column in length, under tbe
above heading, copied from the Washington
Globe, giving the particular of a street ren
counter of Gen. Ilarrison with Gen. Hale,
a member of the Methodist Church in Cin
cinnati. It was Mr. Buchanan's explanation of
Harrison's participation in making this act
a law of the Territory, and its efiec.ts upon
poor citizens that caused the candidate of
Federalism for the Piesidency to make use
of the blasphemous language attributed to
him on that occasion. No sooner was the
account made public at a distance from the
place where it occurred, than the Federal
leaders gave their followers the cue, and it
was pronounced a newspaper fabrication
coined for political effect. Such has been
the case in this country. Its falsity has been
openly asserted A dispute arose upon the
.1.- W:Ji ' l
suujcci in me iuwu oi iiiuiiuin, uuu uue
of the parties concerned, Mr. Strong, to
satisfy himself and friends more fully, ad
dressed a letter of enquiry to Gen. Hale,
whose answer confirms all that has been
published. The following is the correspand
cuce :
Scicncecille, N. Y. May 27, 1840.
Gen. Charles Hale Sir: 1 1 having ob
served in the Cincinnati Advertiser, a state
ment of a rude attack upon you by General
Ilarrison in the streets of Cincinnati, which
in the opinion of the people generally is
highly discreditable to General II if true;
but being a "newspaper account," many
arc not disposed to give it credence. There
fore I take the liberty of addressing an en
quiry to you in relation to the truth of the
said statement. By giving particulars of
the allatr at your earliest conversation, you
will obl'ge,
Respectfully, vour obedient servant.
" E. P. STRONG.
Cincinnati, June 4th, 1840.
E. P. Strong, Esq.
Dear Sir: Yours of the 27th u!t., came
duly to hand, and in answer, I have to in
form you, that the enclosed statement of the
attack of (Jen. Wm. II Ilarrison ujKn me
is substantially correct, and took place on
Fifth strec, in front of my office, during the
iasi nioruii, aner me meeting oi me j'cuio-
cracy in this city, and on the evening there
after. The convention was as follows: The
Ueiiend asked me if I was at the inetini' at
the Court-House when Buchanan made" his
speech? I answered I was not. He (the
General) then commenced cursing Buchanan;
said Buchanan had calumniated him, anil
was a ii..M.r.l MDL.MMttli lor sying
tli.it lie had signed a lull wiule l-ovcrnor ol
Indiana, that a limn should not vote w ithout
holding fifty acres of land; GOD DAMN
HIM, (Buchanan) he was a lawyer and knew
better, for the ordinance of the Tterritory
required ir., and he (Harrison) would not ve
to any law the legislature passed. I then
said to him Uiey make some charges against
you in their morning papers about selling
white men at auction by the sheriff, in Indi
ana, lie (ilarrison) then saul, there was a
great may horse thieves we had in the
Territory no Penitentiary, and jails of very
little consequence, and had no other way of
punishing them. I then said to him, (Har
rison.) did this law allude to all crimes, or
only to the higher f He answered, it alluded
to nil. I then remarked how did Mr. Buc
hanan calumniate voti, when he only ex
plained the law? He (Harrison) got into a
violent passion, trembled and frothed at the
mouth, an I said Buchanan was a DAMNED
SCOUNDREL, and any person who took
his part, an.1 the party were all a set of
DAMNED SCOUNDRELS (!!!) I then re
marked to him, that this was strong language
to use to me, and I should not permit it.
He (Harrison) then said, by way of an apolo
gy, that he did know that I was a friend of
Buchanan. I then asked him if he did sign
Ihe him In sell irhith nun at auction while
G.nrnment of Indiana. lie said, he did.
I said. I think you did wrong. He replied,
think I did right. I said, then Gen ral.
you w ill give me the same privilege to think
for myself. This is the substance of the
attackl
General Harrison called on me the next
mig, and after conversing on the sul-
jeet, said, " I (Harrison) must retract. I
acknowledge I did wrong last evening. I
must retract." I then told him I knew he
would come back; and observed to him that
I had prayed for him on my knees. He thank
ed me, and left.
These arc the facts, and as the truth, I
must give this answer.
Your obedient servant,
CHARLES HALE.
First as to Gen. Harrison, admissions.
He admits he opposed the veto power, but
would not use it upon "any law the Legisla
ture passed."" He admits that he signed the
bill to sell white men at auction, and is of
the opinion that he did right, for the reason
that they had no Penitentiatry, and jails were
of very little consequence." Was Ohio with
out a Penitentiary when he voted for a
similar law for that State ? Jails we presume,
he has considered of "very leltle conscquence.n
I Ie admits that the Indiana law was not intend
ed for the punishment of the higher grade of
crimes, but was to apply to all crimes com
mitted within theliinits of the Territory. Yes,
for inability to pay "fines andcottf obtain
ed for trial of offences, such as "card playing,"
"keeping nine-pin alleys," "assaults and bat-
j It 44 I r . - .1
iv ry, -driving lasier man a wain over a
bridge," "selling a glass of liquor without li
cense," 4;c.,&.c.
Inhumanity certainly is one very promi-
nent feature of his character, as these legi:
lative acts making poor people liable to be
sold in default of payment of "fine and
costs, however small the amount, nfay show
Finally, in regard to his profanity. This
portion of his character we leave for the con
sideration of professors ol religion. We are
content with the fact that in no instance
can charges of the kind be laid to Yr. Van-
Curen. How far Gen. Ilarrison is a be
fitting candidate for the Presidency, the peo
ple will judge, to the severe rebuke of the
dulerent factions which now compose the
Federal party.
o
Taking the Census. Scene: .1 house in
the Country. Inquirer. Good morning mad
am. Is the head of the family nt home !
Mrs. Touchwood: Yes, sir, I'm at home.
Inq: Hav'nt you a husband I
Mrs T: Yes, sir, but he ain't the head of
the family, I'd have you know.
Inq: How many persons have you in your
family i
Mrs T: Why, Hess me, sir, what's tiiat
to you? You are mighty inquisitive I think.
Inq: I am the man that takes the census.
Mrs T: If you was in your senses, you
would'nt ax such impcrtiuent questions.
Inq: Don't be affronted, old lady, but an
swer my questions as I ask them.
Mrs T: "Answer a fcol according to his
folly" you know what the Scripter says.
Old lady, indeed!
Inq: I beg ycur pardon, madam; bat 1
don't care about hearing Scripture just at
this moment. I am bound to goaccording to
law, ami not according to Gospel.
Mrs T: I should think you went neither
according to law nor Gospel. What business
is it to you to enquire into f.'lks' affairs, Mr.
Thingumlob?
Inq: The law makes il my businos-, good
woman and if you don't want to expose
yourself to its penalties, ycu must answer
my questions.
Mis T: Oh, it's the law is it? That alters
the case. But I should like to know what
business the law has with people's household
Inq: Congress made the law, and if il
don't please vou,you must t:.lk lo them.
MrsT: Talk to a fiddle-stick! Why Con
gress is a fool and you're another.
o
Discoveiiv ofa New Continent. The
incennrs, on? ot the bmpsel the exploring
expedition, has it seems discovered a con
tinent near the Antarctic circle. The first
land made was, on the I9:h January, C4, 20
South latitude; ::nJlM. 13 East longitude
from Grecen w i jh. The Vinccnne., from this
point, run down a coast 1700 miles to the
97th degree of East longitude; and was often
so hard upon shore as to get soundings with
a few fathoms of line, during which time she
was constantly surrounded by ice islands
and berg, on I experienced many heavy
a!cs of wind. She has brought several spe
cimens of rock and earth, procured from the'
land, some of them weighing upwards of a
hundred pounds.
This discovery is of no value whatever,
save for the purpose of enlarging our knowl
edge of Geography. It seems that a land
ing was not cilected; and proh.ibly very lit
tle would have been eained by it.
A French exploring expedition the As
trolabe and Zelee bv a rem irkable coin
cidence, discovered a part of the s;ar.e con
tinent, on the same 19lh January, ia latitude
C6 and long. 130 East. The French landed
in boats, and brought away some rocks, Sec
It is well known to nil who are familiar
with exploring expeditions that manv at
tempts have heretofore been made, in the hope
of discovering a continent in the antarctic
circle. Indeed it has alwas been believed that
a great body of land existed there, from the
fact that the southern hemisphere,in the high
er latitudes is much colder and more shut
in by ice than the northern. About sirer.fi
degrees of latitude is all that has been attain
ed by navigators towards the south poles;
while, at Spit.bergcn, in the latitude of eighty
north, a colony was established at one time;
ana a town bunt, with a port of entry, into!
which a vast many sperm whales were
brought, where the' oil was extracted and
made an article of export. This was the
town of Smeercnhtirg which has the un
rivalled distinction of having been in a cold
er region than any other ever yet attempted
on the face of the globe.
Astothi merits of this new discovery
we are rather doubtful. Ten or twelve years
ago, there were some positive statements,
which went the rounds of the newspapers,
that nn antarctic continent had, about that
time, been run down, many hundreds of
miles. If any of our readers recollect the
statement, and can funrnish us with it,wc
shall feel under obligations to them.
Atlas.
The
Declaration of Independence the
Great Charter of American Liberty was
promulgated on the Fourth of July. 177G.
The memorable Veto of the British Ameii
can Banke next step towards the com
plete establishment ol our Nationr.l Freedom
dates from the Fourth of July, 1 832.
The Independent Treasury which marks
the third grand epoch in the progress of the
Democratic principle became the law of Ihe
land on tho Fourth of July, 1 840. Albany
Argus.
Lord Btron. Odo morning a party came
into Ihe public rooms at Buxton, somewhat
later than usual, and requested some tongue.
They were told that this Lordship had eaten
i t all. "I am very angry with his lxmlship."
said the lady loud enough for him to hear
the observation. "I am sorry for it, Mad
am," retorted Lord Byron; "but before I
ate the tongue, I wns assured vou did not
want it." "
From the Mo. - Argus.
GENUINE WHIG DOCTRINE.
" This is not the time to act daintily in the
choice o f men for whom to vote.'" St, Louis
New Era.
This doctrine is fully carried out by the
Era's friends or else why, in the name of
common sense, if they were at all "dainty1
or particular in their choice,' would they be
voting for a "man of straw" like Gen. Har
rison? It is not enough, however, that they
select a candidate for the Presidency whose
feeble talents and imcccile character make
all of "dainty ' stomachs who presume to
think for themselves, sicken with disgust
at their party and mourn the necessity which
drives them to cast a vote for such a man, (a
necessity arising ns they falsely allege in the
pasenes3 and degradation of the people,)
but, according to the Si. Louis New Era,
you must not have"daintly" stomachs in re
gard to constables and coroners, and Justices
of the Peace and members of the Legisla
ture you must vote for them all, just as the
nominating committee may tell you .you
must not be "dainty," you must not ask
whether a candidate is honest, of good char
acter, fit tor the station, worty of confidence;
but you are limited to two question 1st.
Are you a Harrisonite? 2d. Were vou put
on the ticket-by the Commitce? The an
swer to these two questions in the affirmative,
renders it certain that the candidates will,
if elected, make a first rate officers, and
any further interrogatories are impertinent,,
and display a meddling dispostion and a "dain
tiness" and nicety upon these subjectsw hich.
arc highly discreditable.
o
Identity of Whigism and Federalism.
The following is an extract from the able ad
dress of Hon. C. P. Van Ness, recently de
livered before the democratic convention in
Vermont. It is "confirmation strong" of tho
perfect identity of the whig party of to-day
w ith the federal anti-war paity of 1812:
" In the year 1813, the federalists obtained
a majority in the House, of Assembly of this
Siate, but we still retained a greater num
ber of the Council. A resolution was pass
ed by the latter body and tent lo the house
fur concurpence, which proposed that the
members of both Houses should convene, on
a day mt niioned, to offer up thanks to Al
mighty God for the victory obtained by the
American army under Harrrison, near the
river Thames, over the combined forces of
the British and Indians. On the question-of
concurring w ith the Council in passing the
resolution, ninety five, all republicans, voted
in favor of it, and every federalist against itr
there being one hundred and eight federal
ists, (that it is, for war w ith their own govern
ment.) and, 1 Him, that Lut one of these has
come over lo our party. I also find that
thirty three of them arenowdead, BUT OF
THE SEVENTY FIVE LIVING ONES,
EVERY MAN except ONE already allu
ded to IS A THOROUGH GOING MOD
ERN WHIG."
A:u-j h'f Of Dr. Franllin Many years
since some gentlemen set up an assembly for
dancing, and desiring to make a distinction
and to assume a rank above the mechanics,
they at first proposed tl is among the rules
for regulating the assembly: That no mc
chnn:c,or iiK cliLiiio's w ife or daughter, should
Lc adnnltrd on anv tern.s. These rules be
ing shewn to Dr. Franklin, for hi opinion,
he remarked, one of them excluded God
Almight!y ILm4 s ," said the manager.
Because,' replied the Dr., 'he is notoriously
the gientest Mechanic in the universe, hav
ing as the scriptures testify, made all thincs,
and that by weight and measure. The in
tended rewgrnth-men, became ashamed of
their rule, and struck it out. and no distinc
tijn has ever sin:e been made.
Com v::' Rrs Wheat. The FreJrirt
(Md.,) Herald contains some very favorable
notices of this w heat, as show n by the pro
duct of some samples of it sown fast fall, in
ihat county. Mr. Ilenrv LiVhtcr it stntnrl
to have sown a bushel and a half of this gol
den rock wheat, and that, making some ne
cessary allowance lor the injury which part
of it sustained by being sowu too near a
wood, the product of that quantity of seed
imght he estimated at fifty bushels. , Patrick
O'Xe!!, near Frederick city, had a lot of three
acres sown with this wheat, the product of
which he expects to he from 110 to 150
bushels. The grains, in one head numbered
90: and the product of .rood samples is said
to be from CO up to ISO croins to the head.
Halt Pat.
Conc.rks.: 1 the Senate on the 1 3th. the
Navy Approbation bill was passed, and the
subject of the District Banks taken up.
In the House ti e Armv Bill was still under,
consideration, Messrs. "Graves, Downing
and Hunt spoke against the bill, the war, the.
administration, and perhaps the Indians too.;
Mr. W. O. Fuller of Kentucky, made
an animated and eloquent speech in" defence
of the war, warmly vindicated the conduct
of the Government, the officers and troops,
and attributed the failure of our campaigns
to the nature of the country, and the pecu
liar character of the enemv. When Mr,
Butler concluded, Mr. Graves again took
the floor, and the house adjourned.
The mind ofa thinking man resembles the
soil beneath whose surface lie manv nrr inns
seeds. Every rain calls forth hnH nnA L
ry beam of the sun produces flowers. Fruits
fail not in their due time. The flower mr.
den of a mind merely learned, endures but
one night. The flowers wither away under
the rays bl tho sun, and are followed by no
fruits. . . '
