Newspaper Page Text
llio Rivolution proper, had plenty of friends.
Scattered, as they were, over all parts of the Union,
and in large numbers, ihey could exert an influ
ence at the ballot box. They could whisper thus in
the pars of those; who sought their influence at the
pulls: "Take care, fiir 1 have wailed lonu enough
tor what has been promised. The plea of poverty
can no longer he made. The Treasury is now full.
Takccare, your neat is in danger." '"Oh ! yes, every
thing that lias been promised shall b attended to,
if" you will give, mo your votes." In this way, fellow-citizens,
tardy, but partial, justice was done
to the soldiers of the Revolution. They modi'
friends by their influence at the ballot box. But
it was different Willi Gen. Wayne's snidiers. The)
were but few in number, and had but out) or two
humble advocates to speak fur them in Congress.
The result lias been, justice has been withheld.
1 have said that the soldiers undrr Wayne expe
rienced greater hardships even than the soldiers ul
the revolution. This is so. Every one can appre
ciate the difference between an Indian and a regului
war. When wounded in until.;, the suldier musi
have warmth and shelter before he can recover.
This could always be secured by the sole ier of the
revolution. In those days, the latch string of m
door was pulled in. When wounded, he was sun
to find shelter and very many of tho-e comfort
which are so essential to :lm sick, hut which tin
soldier in an Indian wnr cannot procure. Instead
of shelter and warmih, he is exposed to the thou
sand ills incident, to Indian warfare. Vet no relict
was extended to those who had thus suffered !
After the war closed under Wayne, I retired ;
and when I saw a man poorer thun all others, wan
dering about the land, decrepid and decayed by in
temperance, it was unnecessary to enquire whethei
lie had ever belonged to Wayne's army. His con
dition was a guarantee of that was a sufficient as
surance that he had wasted his energies utuonglhe
unwholsome swnmps of the West, in the defence ol
the rights of his fellow-citizen, und for the main
tenance of the honor and glory of his country.
Well, fellow-citizens, I can only sny. thai if ii
should ever be in my power to pay the debt which
is due these brave but neglected men, Unit debt shall
first of alt be paid. And I am very well satisfied
that the government carl afford it, froviijbd the
TATCH BTRINIt OF THE TUEASUllV SHALL EVE It UK
MOBE CAREFULLY PULLED IN. Perhaps you will
ask me fur some proof of my friendship for old
soldiers. If so, I can give you it from the record
of Congress. When tho fifteen hundred dollar
law was repealed, I opposed it, as I opposed chang
ing the pay of members of Congress from six to
eight dollars, until we had done justice to, nml
provided for, these soldiers. Von will find my
votes upon this question, among the records of Con
gress, and my speech upon it, in the published de
bates of the lime.
I will now, fellow-citizens, give you my reasons
for having refused to give pledges and opinion
more freely than I have done since my nominal, on
to the Presidency. Many of the statements puh
- lished upon this subject, are by no means correct;
but it is true that it is my opinion that no pledge
should be made by an individual when in nomina
tion for any office in the gift of the people. And
why ) Once adopt it, and the battle will no longer
be to the strong to the virtuous or to the sincere
lover of his country ; but to him who is prepared
to tell the greatest number of lies, and to proffei
the largest number of pledges, which he never in
tends to carry out. I suppose that tho best guar
antee which an American citizen could have ol
the correctness of the conduct of an individual in
the future, would be his conduct in the past, when
he had no temptation before him, to practice de
ceit. Now, fellow-citizens, I have not altogether
grown grey under the helmet of my country, al
though I have worn it for some time. A large
portion of my life has been passed in the civil de
partments of government. Examine my, conduct
there, and the most tenacious democrat ; I use the
word in its proper sense ; I mean not to confine it
to parties, for there are good in both may, doubt
less, discover faults, but he will find no single act
calculated to derogate from the rights of the peo
ple. However, to prove the reverse of this, I have
been called a Federalist. Here was a loud cry ol
' the charge is a lie a base lie. You are no fud
eralist."'J ' Well, what is a federalist ? I recollect
what the word formerly signified, and there are
many others present who recollect its former signi
fication also They know thut the federal purty
were accused of a design lo strengthen tho hands ol
the general government at theexpense of the separ
ate .Mates. Thut accusation could not nur cannot
apply to me. I was brought up after tho strictest
manner of Virginian anti-federalism. St. Taul
himself was not a greater devotee to the doctrines
of the Pharisees, thun was 1, by inclination and a
fathers precepts and example, lo unti federalism. 1
was taught to believe that, sooner or later, that fatal
catastrophe to human liberty would take place
that the general government would swallow up all
the State governments, and that one department of
the government would swallow, up all the other de
partments. I do not know whether my friend Mr.
Van Buren (and lie is, and I hope ever will be my
personal friend) has a gullet that can swallow
everything; bull do know, that if his measures
are not all earned out,, he will lay a foundation fur
others to do so, if he does not.
What reflecting man, fellow-citizens, cannot sec
this! Tho Representatives of the people were once
the source of power. Isitsonuw! Way. It is tu
the Executive mansion now that every eye is turned
that every wish is directed. The men of ollico
and ,jarty, who are governed by the seven princi
ples uf John Randolph, to wit: the live loaves and
two fishes, seem to have their cars constantly di
rected to the great bell at head quarters, to indicate
huw the little ones shall ring.
Rut, tu return, 1 have to remark that my unti-fed-crulism
has been tempered by my long service in
I he employ of my country and frequent, oaths to
support her genera! government; but 1 am as ready
10 resist the encroachments on Siate rights, as I am
to support the legitimate authority of Uiu Executive,
or the general government.
Now, fellow-citizens, I have very little moro to
say, except to exhort you tu go on, peacefully it
you can and you can tu effect that reform upon
which your hearts arc fixed. What calamitous con
sequences will ensue to ihu world if you fail! 11
you should fail, how the tyrants of Europe will re
joice. If you fail, how will the friends of freedom,
scattered like tho few planets of heaven, over the
world, mourn when they sec the bcucon light ol
liberty extinguished thu light whose rays they hail
hoped would yet ponutralu the whole benighted
world!
If you triumph it will he done by vigilance anil
attention. Our personal friends bin political ene
mies, remind us Ihat, Eternal Vigilance is the
price of Liberty." While journeying thitherward,
1 observed this moltu waving at thu head of a pro
cession composed of the friends of the present ad
ministration. From this 1 inferred that discrimi
nation was necessary in order tu know whom to
watch. Under Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, the
eye of the people was turned lo the right source
to llio administration. The Administration, how ever,
now say to the people, "Vou must not watch us,
but you must watch the Whigs! Only do that anil
11 1 1 is safe!" Rut that, my friends, is not the way.
Tho old fashioned republican rule is to watch the
government. Hue that the government does not
ucqnire too much power. Keep a check upon your
rulers. Do this and liberty is safe. If your efforts
should result successfully, and I should he placed in
the Presidential chair, I shall invite a recurrence to
the old republican rule, to watch the administration,
and to condemn all its acts which are not in accor
dance with the strictest cofhi of republicanism.
Our rulers, follow citizens, must be watched. Pow
er is insinuating. Few men are satisfied with less
power than they ore able to procure, if the ladies
whom 1 see around me were near enough tu hear
me, and of sufficient age to give an experimental
answer, they would tell you that no lover is ever
satisfied K ith the first smiles of his mistress.
It is neceary, thrf'r o u'ltch, not the pu 1 i-
ic il opponents of an a dinini -trillion, hut the admin
Istrntinn itself, and to sea that it keeps within thr
bounds of the constitution anil the laws of the land.
The Executive of the Union has immense power lo
do mischief, if he sees fit to exercise that power.
Ho may prostrate tho country. Indeed the country
has been already prostrated. It has already fallen
from pure republicanism, to a monarchy in spirit
if nut in name. A. celebrated author defines mo
narchy to be that form of government in which the
executive has at once the command of tho army,
tho execution of the laws and the control of the
purse. Nuw. how is it with our present executive!
I'he constitution gives him thccon'rol uf tho army
nnd the execution of tho laws, t nuw. only awaits
the possession uf the purse to make him a monarch.
Not a monarch simply, with the newer of the King
of England, but a monarch with the powers of the
Autocrat uf Russia. For Gibbon snys that an in
dividual possessed of these powers "will, unless
closely watched; make himself a despot."
The passage of the Sub-treasury bill will give
to tho President an accumulation of power tho
single additional power that the Constitution with
holds from him, and the possession of which will
make him a monarch. This catastrophe to freedom
should be, and can b, prevented, by vigilance, union
and perseverance.
We will do it," resounded from twenty thou
sand voice", "we will do it!"
In conclusion, then, fellow citizen-, I would im
press it upon all Democrats) and Whigs to uivr
Uf TIIK IDEA Of Vt'ATC'lltNli EACH OTItKIt, AND DIRECT
vouu r.vE to tiik (joverxjient. Do that mid your
children, nnd your children's children, to the l:Met
posterity, will he as happy and as free as you anil
your fathers have been.
."VIoroa.v coi ntv. Mo., J
July 8tb ItHO.J
To Messrs. John M. Glenn, Tho. Pool, W. T.
Howell, J. Gore, and others:
Ciic.vri.KMKN Your luttcrofthe 15ih June,
IC40, nnd addressed In ire through the Rnnn's
Liok Democrat of the 24 1 h June, 1810, I saw
to day, for (tie first lime. I urn now on my re
turn from tho extreme South purl of tho Stute,
which ticcounts for my not seeing the Democrat
earlier.
You nslt my views in reference to 1 lie "Cur
rency ISill" introduced into tho last Legislature,
which will he freely given, as it may hereafier
prevent misrepresentation by those who con
sider "ihe end justifies the means.1'
I have not thut bill before me, nor do I know
the modifications it underwent before its linul
passage in the House of Reprosenutiivis; but
I saw the bill be Torn it was introduced, nnd my
opinion trus ll.cn, and is pet, that the only ex
tent to which tho Legislature should go, was
lo fix a day !y law, after which the circulation
of all bank notes under ten dollars should be
prohibited. Tho bill should Imve gone that
fur, aw no further. This is '.ho opinion I have
expressed every where. The bill introduced
went beyond this limit, and thun f. r mel my
disapprobation. I am in favor of excluding
from circulation nil bunk-notes under leu dol
lars, for two reasons:
First, the vacuum created would be filled
with hard moury
Secondly, it would place our bank on nn
equality with the bunks of other Suites. Toe
bunks of other S.utes (many of them) issue
notes of nil low denoininaiions, down even to n
single dollar, while the bunk of Missouri is
prohibited from issuing any less than ten dol
Ittrs thus extending to tho hanks of oilier
Slates privileges which we deny to our own.
That small bntilwioles drive the liar J money
from circulation, is admitted by most of thu
whtgs, whun they express their willingness, as
most of them do, to exclude all under five
dollars. As I'ur'.her evidence of this luct, I give
you nn extruct from the speech of Daniel Web
ster, delivered in tho Senate of the United
States in 1832, on presenting the bill to re
charter the Bunk of tho United Slates ; and
surely our whig friends will admit Mr. Web
ster to be high authority. If Mr. Webster is
right, then the only question is between hard
money and the small miles, and the peoplo must
choose between l bent. This is the extract
from Mr. Webster1 speech:
"Bui, Mr President, so important is thia object,
lhal I think that fur from diminishing, we ouht ra
ther lu increase and multiply our securities; and I am
not prepared to suy iliai, even with ihc continuance ol
ihu bark charu r, mid under its wisest administration,
I regard this stale of our cunency as entirely pule.
It is evident lo me that the general paper circuluiiou
has been extended tuo far fur llic specie basis on
which il resls. Our system, as a system, dispenses
too far, in my judgment, with the use of gold and
silvor. Having learned the use of paper ns n eijIjhl i
tute, wc use tlut substilulu loo freely. Now 1 think,
sir, that a closer inquiry into the direct source of the
evil will suggest u remedy. Why have vve so slnu
an amount of specie in circulation! Certainly thc
reason is, wo do not require more. Wo have hut to
ask its presence, and it would relurn. U,d we volun
tarily buniih it, by the great amount nf small baiik-notet.
In most ol the .Stales, the banks issue notes of all
denominations, down even lo a single dollar. How is
it possible to retain specie in currency under such cir
cumstances! All experience shows it lo he impossi
ble. The paper will luke the pluce of the gold and
silver. When .Mr. Pitt, in ihu year 17K7, proposed in
Parliament to auihoiizu ihu IJauli of linland to issue
one puund notes, Mr. Uurke lay sick ul Uaih, of on
illness Iroui which he never recovered; und he is
said lo huye written to the late ,Mr. Cuiinintr, "'fell
Mr. Pill, if he consenis lo the issuing of one pound
nous, be must never expect lo see a guinea u"ain."
I he one pound notes were issued and lln'guiueus
disappeared. A similar cause is now producing a siui
ilur effect vviih us. .Sinail notes have cri7rfloliirn
and half dollars from circulation in nil ihe .'Man s in
wieh such notes are issued. I hi ihe oilier hand dol
lars and half dollars abound in those yiales which
havo adopted a wiser policy."
My policy would be to fix a day, sufficiently
remote to give the people who hold the small
notes time to dispose of them, after which it
it should be unlawful to circulate tiny note un
der ten dollars. I would not go bi'yond leu.
because our bunk has the privilege und docs
issue ten dollar notes. I would miiku no dis
lincliou but worn our bank and those nf oilier
Status, and thus avoid retaliation, liut when
ever the people require thoif own hank lo issue
no note less than twknty dolltirs, then I would
tuko from tho bunks of othor Slates the privi
lege of circulating bore any notes less than
thosu issued by our hunk.
These are my views, and if there is aiiv
thing in the Currency Bill uppo-cd to thum.
U meets my disapprobation.
1 have the honor to ho,
Your obedient servant,
Til. KI'.YNOLDS.
We Imve recent accounts of two Van Buieu
editors having raised the Harrison flu?, viz: the
Bahiuioic American, und Louisiana Advertiser
also ol the discontinuance of four Van Huron
and neutral purlers. No faint sk'tis.
Tho seiiii-annuiil statement of the Statu 1J ink
will he found in our columns to-day. It shows u
regular curtailment of the discounts nnd business
of the Parent Bank, at leiW, for Ihe histsix months;
and a diminution of the menus of our citizens lo
thut extent, at a time when they could least bear
it. Acid lira.
The censu- of the territory of low.t has been
nearly completed. 1 1, will not. much exceed fifty
thousand.
Ml. TllOinus Watson, Kite cdiloi of llio M.s
sou,! Aigu, has '.ecu luWoided by the President
with i!i3 o'!i ;o of Pystiiia-iti-f t St. Link
pMPmHmii'lvilinManiMRMi!
Coiiiiiiqinic.it ion.
Fur Ihe Times.
NO. III.
All ye holiest Democrats who've espoused tho cause
of Matty,
Please stop and " luke a bird's eye glance" at the
following "data."
Conceiving it the duty of every man to weigh
well, in the buluuue of his candid judgment, the re
lative claims of the two candidates fur tho Presi
dency and knowing nn better means to aid in of
fecting this object than by reading dispassionately
tho papers supporting each candidate, I became a
subscriber to the Missouri Argus. I read that pa
per, and read it with (hat spirit which will admit,
the force of truth mid testimony, and after nn un
biassed review.of its character, I mini say, that the
manner in which il discusses the question of the
Presidency, I lament and disapprove ; because it is
tinnwurrantable and unsatisfactory. It is unwar
rantable becauso it resorts to tho most gross niisrcp.
resentalions, and tu thc most infamous slanders :
it is unsatisfactory because it does not even attempt
to sot before the country tho claims of Martin Van
Buren, but seeks lo clevute hint not upon his own
merits not upon tho services which he has ren
dered as a sl itesimn but seeks til elevate him by
debasing his opponent by inventing und publish
ing against Gen. Harrison, the most scurrilous
charges and the most unfounded falsehoods which
the bruin of ahira.1 partisan ever conceived. I did
not set down to write a homily in reference to the
extraordinary and shameful policy which has been
adopted, but merely and simply to trouble you and
the public, with an instance or two of the foul and
dastardly means employed by that paper, to defame
a hero "who has fought inure battles than any
other American Genera! and never sustained a de
feat," and a statesman "who has filled every grade
nf public station, with honor to himself and with
dignity to his country." In the Argus of the 2(ith
June, I find the following unfounded statements re
lated :is uc's purporting lo hn "Reasons why no
Democrat c;i n vote for (ion. Harrison."
"tlen. Harrison is now supported by the whole
Federal party, is an old Federalist him-elf, and
supported the Federal Alien r.nd Sedition law ad
ministration of old Joint Ai'uius."
"While Governor of Indiana Territory, Gon.
Harrison approved a law restricting tho right of
suffrage to freeholders possessed of at leat fifty
acres of landed property."
"Gen. II. will not make any public declarations
of his principles, but refuses to answer the reason
able inquiries of the people."
"The truth of all these statements can he fully
attested by a reference lo public documents."
Here JUr. Editor are just thirteen lines which
contain just as many "huge lies" as any man could
possibly compress in tho same number of English
words being on an average of little more than
one lie to erery two lines, (!) as I will proceed to
prove "by a reference to public documents."
"Well now for the analysis."
1'alschnod first : "Gen. H. is now supported by
tho u-lmk Federal party."
Extract from a "public Document ;" being the
Keply of the Hon. Mr. Stuart, of Illinois, tu a sim
ilar charge to the above, made by Mr. Reynolds of
the same state.
"My colleango did not examine his ground be
fore hu made a declaration so unjust, iedid nut
look into the ranks of his own party. Sitting near
him he would have found two uuti-war liritish Fed
eralists who vote will! him daily, if he hud
stepped into the Senate, he would have found three
of the leading members of his purty there, anti-war
Federalists. If he had examined ihe cabinet of thc
President, he would have found one, if not two of
the cabinet, of Mr. Van Huron's confidential advis
ers anti-war Federalists. The gentleman from
N. York (Mr. Morgan) has given the names of
mnrc thun fifty of the prominent leaders of the
Vun Huron purty-in ihe fcitulo of New Yurk, who
were anti-war Federalists. The gentleman (Mr.
Sullonslall)from Massachusetts has given the names
of many anti-war Federalists in the State who arc
prominent members of the Van liuren party, and
three of llieni run by that parly as candidates for
Congress."
Falsehood second "Gen. unison is an old
Federalist himself."
Now "glance" at these public documents."
"Cincinnati, Feb. 27, 1810.
My Dear Sir: I remark, in rep'y to your letter
of this morning, that during, the contest between
Mr Jefferson and the elder Adams, Gen. arrison
and myself were residing in the N. V. territory,
and of course had not the privilege of voting. At
that lime, 1 was in habits of great intimacy with
Gen. arrison, although I was o Federalist (hon
estly so) and he a Hi-publican of the Jefferson
schoul. I supported Adams warmly ; and he, with
equal warmth supported Mr. Jijferson. During
that controversy, from 1790 to IfjOU inclusive, I
conversed und urgucd with him times without num
ber he sustaining Mr. Jrjf'erson, and I Mr. Adams.
You may assure your 'friend, that there was nut a
more consistent, decided supporter of Mr. JeJJ'erson
in the. X. W. Territory than. Ilea. Harrison. For
the truth of this declaration I most willingly pledge
my reputation. stale to you uhat I .vif, anil
'hard und know. When the Alien and Sedition
law passed, tho General was not a member of
Congress. Ho neither voted nor hud an opportu
nity of voting on that law.
Your friend,
J. UUF.NET."
o.. V .M.SoUTUIiATE.
Extract from Gen. orrison's reply to John
llandoplh, which will be found in a "public docu
ment" the official Register of Debutes, vol. 2,
part 1. page !?fij. " It was not in his nature (said
Gen. .) lo be a violent and prescriptive parlizau,
hut he had given a linn support to the Republican
Administrations of Jefferson, Mudison und Mon
roe." Extract from arrison's letter, to the Editor of
the Inquisitor, which will be found in the Eichmund
Enquirer of tho d'h Oct. lW'J.
"1 deem myself a ll :puhlic,ui of what is ruin
uionly called the old JiJI'ersmiian school, and be
lieve in the correctness of that interpretation of
the constitution which has been given by the writ
ings of that illustrious statesman, vho was at the
head of thu party, and others buljngin! tu it, par
ticularly the eclrl.ratnl li.'solutiuns of ihu Virginia
Legislature, during Ihe Presidency of Mr. Adams."
It will be recollected thu! after tho passugo of
the fuinuus Alien and Sedition luw, must if not
nil of tho Statu Legislatures passed Resolutions in
regard to thoso laws. On tho !i()th December lb2U
the joint committee of the Ohio Legislature, of
which Gen. Harrison, was Chairman, repurted the
Ohio resolutions. We have only room for the first
one of the live which wt.ro passed. It is as fol
lows: Jlcsohed, by the (imeral Assembly of Hie
Slate of Ohio, That in respect to the powers of
the Governments of tho scveru! States thut compose
ihe American Union, und uf the powers of the
Fedcrul Government, this General Assembly du re
cognise and approie the dnclrinas ussertcd by lh
Legislatures of Kentucky und Virginia, in their
resolution of November ind !'.' ember, W-iS and
January MOO, and do consider that their pi inclpks
have been recognised and adopted by a majority bf
tho American people '
So much for the charge that arrison "is nn old
Federalist" and so much the "atlostatiun" il re
ceives "by a reference to public Documents."
Falsehood third andfourth-"Grn. 'iriison sup
ported thc Federal Alien and Sedition law admin
istration of old John Adams." .,
The charga that he supported Adams Und his
administration is answered and amply refuted by
the foregoing testimony : but did he approve of ihe
Alien nnd Sedition laws as is intimated by the
Argus and as is directly alledgcd by the address
which was adopted by the National office-holders
convention, which ossenibled at Baltimore a few
weeks since! Let the following facts from "public
documents" be recorded as my answer. Extract
from urrison's reply to John Randolph : "He was
not in Congress (Said Gen. .) when the standing
army was created, and the Alien and Sedition laws
wore passed, and if he had been, he could not have
voted for them, anr! would not if he could." My
opposition to the Alien and Sedition laws was so
well known in the Territory, that a promise was ex
torted from me by my friends in the Legislature,
by which 1 was elected, that I would express no
opinions in Philadelphia, which were in thc least
calculated to defeat the important objects with
which I was charged. '
So out goes another of "the hundred eyes" or
lies of the Mo. Argus.
Falsehood Ji fth "'A'hile Gov. of Indiana Ter
ritory, Gen. unison approved a law restricting
the right of suffrage to free holders possessed of at
least fifty acres of landed property." Two minutes
reflection in regard to the powers and duties of a
Governor of a Territory would bo sufficient to de
tect tho falsity of this charge; but we have the
testimony from "public documents" at hand to
prove its total variance with the truth. Extract
from a letter recently written by Gen. Harri-.on to
Charles Schmidt, Esq. of Cincinnati : "I must
take this occasion to sny, that the purtofalaw
passed by the Indiana Legislature in the year 1307
and which has been recently published in this city,
which prescribes a freehold of fifty acres of land
as necessary to qualify a man as an elector, is a
quotation from the ordinance of Congress, which
was the Constitution of the Territory and over
which neither the. Legislature, or myself had any con
trol, and which it was our duly to support. That
all my life I have been opposed to a property quali
cation for the exercise of the clectivo franchise
and that both the legislature and myself would gladly
have extended the right f suffrage as it now is, had
it been in our power.
With tho ponderous club of truth, then, wenguin
"bung up" another of the many eyes (tVs) of the
Argus !
Whilst upon this subject I wilt charge that Matty
Van Buren himself is in favor "of a properly qual
ification for the exercise of the elective franchise'
and the charge is "attested" by i tie proceedings of
the New York Convention of 1621, as also, by
olland's life of Van Duren, pages 181, 162 and
193.
Falsehood si.iih and seventh "Gen. arrison
will not make any public declarations of his princi
ples, but refuses to answer the reasonable inquiries
uf tho people." That this is basely and utterly
false I refer to tho sources from which the forego
ing facts are extracted os also to his public speeches
at Columbus and Fort Meigs, made during last
month and to his recent letters to Messrs. Lyons,
Schmidt, Williams, ulic.
Falsehood eight and last, but largest of all .' "Thc
!n(( of all these statements can be fully attested
by a reference to public documents." The fuels
adduced in the course of the shove letter prove
"beyond all lingering of doubt" not only that the
whole "1U lines contuin on an average of little
more than one lie to every two lines" but also that
the statements of such a reckless and unprincipled
Editor does not merit the least confidence from this
community. I will say in conclusion that if the
Argus can "atiest" his charges " by rcferenco to
public documents" I call upon him, as a citizen and
as one of his subscribers, to afford us evidence of
such attestation.
&.C.
To Mr. Cady, F.dilor of the Times.
Deaii Sin: It has occiired lo mo, that it would
not be wholly uninteresting, to yourself, and others
of our friends, to ascertain, through an rye-witness
what the great democratic party are doing in this
part of the county.
The community, about Glasgow, has been in the
utmost commotion, for the laslweck, about a grand
Democratic Barbecue, which waste come off on the
11th; at first it was noised abroad, by ono of the
most prominent members of the party, here, thu1
the Whigs wore not wanted on the occasion, and
that if perchance, any should attctid, they would be
insulted. This declaration was made in the pres
ence of many respectable gentlemen, one of whom
had, on the papers being presented to hiin, sub
scribed his name and puid his dollar. So soon, how
ever, as this intelligence reached him, being a plain,
peaceable citizen, and feeling n common with every
gentleman, a degree of unwillingness to be insulted
or kicked out of company, he rather expostulated
against such proceedings, when ho wus ilatly told
that his room would be preferred to his company,
and thut his nuine would be erased und his dollar
returned, which was done. This as you mny im
agine, created some tulk, and was looked upun by
the gentlemen of tho party as an instance of the
grossest illiberulity; finding it likely to produco a
split (as iscouiuiun now-a-days with tho party) a
counsel of war was called, at which were present
some three or fuuruf the leading men, and as many
mure of their satellites, when tho following dia
logue ensued between thu threo whom I shull for
the present denominate, Sir John Fulstull', Justice
Shulluw, and Slender.
S'i John. Well, what in the Devil's name have
you drugged mu here fur, come, speak quick, for
1 am in u hurry and dont intend to he boineiing my
bruins with your d d Ibolery.
Slender. Why, the fact is, Sir John, we aro all
in a srnull priuiiuury and we should liku it you
would help us outuf it yuu know about this din
ner -
Sir John.-- know what do I know. I know
wo ure to have a dinner, uud that'sall 1 Iciow about
it.
.ScnrVr.Woll, I said, you knew, lhat we did
not want tho Whigs, there, and if they wont there
they would be insulted. So I scratched off the
name of one that had been requested to subscribe
and paid him his dollar back, und it is making a
devil of a fuss among the people here both Whigs
und Democrats; they say it was wrong, und unless
an invitation is given to the Whigs, they will think
we want to keep our proceedings secret, or are
afraid to Imve tho Whig iim-i lest thy convert
over to Iheir side some of those who you know,
are on ihe fences already. All wo go for, you know,
is just to keep those we have, It is not in our power
to make nny new converts. Now toll us what we
had belter do?
Sir John. It I had notion? Hie to do, hut just
to keep the d d party out of difficulties, I shuiild
have enough to keep me employed You get your
selves into scrapes without having wit enough to
get out of them, and you come to me and ask me lo
help you- now I tell yuu, Sir, I'll do no such thing.
Slender. Well, dont you think I hnd better deny
ever having said so. You know, if they do prove
it, it will make no difference, my word is certainly
good against the word of a dozen Whigs. Judge
Kobbins, you know, proved by 90 or 40 Whigs, at
Rocheport who had known him in Kentucky that he
was no abolitionist, but Doctor Scott, who never
saw him or heard of him before in his life, en id he
was, und you know, we ull believed what Doctor
Scott said.
Sir John. AM but there is a great difference
between yon and Doctor Scott, and I tell you that
we all did not oven believe what Doctor Scott said
by a d d sight, of course we protended to believe
it, but thought you had sense enough to knuw
that it was ull for effect.
Slender. -Why, Sir John, you seem to be in a bad
humour. I hope you dont mean lo mount the fence
too; if so, we ure gone.
Sir John- No Sir, I never intend to be on the
fence, and d d me if I like any such insinua
tions. When I quit the party I'll do it openly and
honestly, and besides, I never deny any thing I say.
I go for honcs'y and truth, and d d my buttons
if I think there is much of it in politics, thpse days.
I have been reading the Globe, and the Democrat,
and occasionally the Richmond Enquirer, hoping
that they could explain this Army bill, so as to ease
my conscience in voting for Van Rurcn, but I tell
yon, Sir, the more they stir it, the more it stinks
rely upon it, it isa dangerous scheme it is placing
too much power in tho hands of the President.
With all the money of the government and two
hundred thousand nion at his command our liber
ties are not worth "hat. Snapping his fingers.)
Slender. Rut isnl that better than to have Gen.
Harrison, who Mr. Quesenberry and Doctor Scutt
say is an abolitionist!
Sir John. Abolitionist! the Devil! Mav'ut you
better sense than to believe that. What can be
stronger than his Vincennes speech, and all his for
mer acts on ihat subject? Have you seen his let
ter to Lyons'!
Slender. No. Was it in the Democrat? I never
read any thing else.
iS'ir John No, it was not, the Democrat never
publishes any thing in favor of Harrison, their
business is to prove him an ubolitionist, if they
can. but they 'cant come it.
Shallow. Lrentlenien, we are all members ot the
ffrcat Democratic family, and vve can discuss tnat
tersand things freely together. No.v, Sir John, do
you not think thnt Gen. Ztrrion is more of an
abolitionist than Martin Van Buren!
Sir John. No, d n my buttons if I believe
any such thing. Look at thc nets of the two men.
Hav'nt you seen the case of Lieutenant Hooe, who
Iibs been tried nnd condemned upon the evidence of
two negro slaves, and the President has sanctioned
Lhe proceedings. I tell vou what gentlemen, that
and what ho has done before in New York, smells
strong very strong. I fear Van Huron has ruined
our party.
Shallow. I never shall believe it. Look at the
Hurricane, wo have too many good Democrats
down there fir us to be beaten by Gen. Harrison. I
would spend tiie last cent of money I have (and I
have a few bits and pics left that I hav'nt bet on the
election) before I would suffer tho United States to
go for Harrison. I will write another piece for the
Democrat; did you see the one signed urricane
Roy? I think as long as he can write, and Pegleg
can spf ak, we are in no danger.
Sir John. Damn Pegleg and his whole genera
tion, I never did vote for him, I never will, and if
the democratic parly of Howard, cant find four
gentlemen to represent them, damn me, if I dont
quit the pnrty, that's all. I'll do it, by blood! I
will not stand it. So, good morning. Exit, Sir
John, evidently in a passion.
Slender. Why did you say any thing abuut Peg
lec? Didiyou not know, that it was a subject on
which Sir John, was very touchy. He is a moral
man, and really has conscientious scruples.
Shallow. I knew he did not approve of his mor
als, but I thought he would support him on account
of his talents; next to Mr. Benton and Gen. Jackson
I consider him the greatest man in the world,
though I confess between us cousin Slender, thut I
think there was one other man spoken of, by the
party, who is fully his equal, he cant speak so" well
but just give hiin pen ink and paper, and if he cant
decide the Presidential election, my name is not
Shallow.
Slender. Whot's his name. Do I know him!
Shallow Perhaps you do-he has several names.
Sometimes when lie wishes to write about com
merce, and manufactures, and flourins mills, and
steam boats, Grand River, &c, he calls himself
"Water Street," but when he goes it upon politics,
and talks about tho "patriotic ladies" of Saline,
and the Rocheport convention, ho calls himself a
"Hurricane Roy," Cun you guess now. Ha, ha,
ha, ha.
Slender. I rather ihink I cah. But is it true,
that you have on idea of going on to Washington
to assist Amos with the extra Globe!
Shallow. I had a thought of doing so, and wrote
to Mr. Benton on the subject, but he gives it as his
advice that I had better remain here and help Mr.
ejuesenberry, as it is probable the elections in this
State aro not so certuin as ho had once thought
them.
Slender. Well, you have not yet told me what
you thought about my denying what I said about the
Whigs being invited to our dinner. I should like
lu have your advice, as Sir John, would n'Jt give
his.
Shallow. Why just deny that you ever said it,
and if the Whigs should hear thut you denied it,
just deny that you over denied having denied it,
that's all.
Slender. An excellent plan indeed; I will follow
your adiice. Ex-cunt Omnes.
And so ho did deny having ever denied that he
denied it, and so this caucus bruke up, satisfied
that the rc-electiun of Mr. Van Buren, had been
advanced, at least, one hundred per cent. One thing
alone hurt their feelings, tho prospect of losinsr
Sir John.
Should you think this expose worthy of notice, I
will ho obliged to you to insert it. So soon as I can
gather my ideas, I shtll give you a full account of
the Rurbecue, and an extract of Doctor Redman's
speech, taken down in short hand, under un um
brella, during the ruin.
Yours &C ,
AN EYE IN GLASGOW.
For the Times
Mr. EniToii: Through the medium uf your col
umns, 1 wish to usk the fullowiiii; questions, and I
hope Mi. Wauu M. Jackson, will be good enough
to answer theui.
1. Did you not in 1830, pretend to be an uncom
promising Democrat?
2. Were you not a candidate for the caucus nom
ination in lail, and did yoit not exert yourself to
procure tho nomination?
II. After being outvoted in the caucus, did not
several of the Whigs, propose lo give yuu the sup.
port of their party, provided you would oppose the
nominated candidate, and did you or did you not
ueccpt their proposal, and desert your ovvii political
party for the sake of ollice!
4. us the lupse of ten years, made you more
honuat than formerly, and if not, please inform the
public, whether tho Whigs can uaiu buy vou up,
provided thc dt;.,umt: agree to .'.cl yo..l
5. Do you think, a mtn, who 3old himself to the
Whigs in 1830, could be Induced to trade with them
in 1810, and if not, Rive us the reason, why Ihe
democrats should trust you without an experience?
These re plain and homely questions, but they
are asked in sincerity, and ns you now pretend to
belong to the party, who pretend object to Gen.
Hahhison, for concealing his opinions, I hope you
will answer. "DATA'
For the Timet.
' QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS. '
Who gavo "cross ways" certificates in 1830,
when he was the nnti-enucus candidate for the le
gislature ?
Answer : Wade M. Jackson.
Who aftciwards offered os a candidate for Cap
tain in the Black Hawk war, and was badly
beaten ?
Answer: Wade M. Jackson.
Who then run for Lieutonnut in the same com
pany, and was badly beaten 1
Answer : Wade M. Jackson.
Who then run for Ensign in die same coinpu.
no, and wa3 badly beaten ?
Answer : Wade M. Jackson.
Who then run for Orderly Sergeant in the sjine
company, and was badly beaten ?
Answer : Wade M. Jackson.
Who is now the caucus candidate for the Le
gislature ?
Answer: Waio M. Jackson.
These things can never bo forgotten by
AN HONEST DEMOCRAT.
GLS.OW MALE & FEMALE SEMINARY.
Ma. Cadv:-I attended the examination of this
institution on Thursday and Friday last, and was
Uuly grutitied at the progress the pupils have evi
dently made in the sercral branches of science they
aro pursuing. I heard classes examined in Arith
metic, lhe Latin, Natural Philosophy, Chyniistry
&c. In all these branches, the students gave satis
factory answers to every question proposed, and
they were numerous and uf a difficult character. At
the close of the exercises, the Rev. W. H. Lewis,
made a few pertinent and appropriate remarks, iii
which he expressed his high satisfaction at thepro
grsss of the pupils, and at the faithful and and able
mannner in which the institution had doubtless been
conducted.
The compositions were of a high order, and gave
abundant evidence, that Education in this Seminary'
is of an entirely practical nature. Those who pat
ronize the institution, have every reason to be
pleased, and will no doubt do all they can to sustain
it. There were several compositions of so high an
order, that if I can procure a few extracts, I should
like fur lhe public to have them. The following
arc the subjects of the different compositions,! with '
the names of the young ladies and gentlemen, who
cumposcd them.
Maria A. Bull On Evil Speaking,
Lucy A Harrison On Hope,
Mary E. McCoy On the Formation of Character,
Elizabeth Herndon On Female Character,
Agnes W. Lewis On the Importance of Order.
Sophronia J. Lewis The Power and Glory of the
Creator as displayed in the Creation,
Mary A. Turner The, Planetary System,
Ann Jane McCoy Trust not Appearances,
Henrietta Bull The Beauties of Nature.
James 0. Swinney On Union,
John Kerr Vulue of an Unspotted Reputation,
Benjamin W. Smith n forming the habit of
Drunkenness,
Bolivar Shackelford On Republicanism,
James B. Roid History' of a School Room,
tienry tuner i.viis ot Intemperance,
John Giller On Education,
Henry W. Roid On Government.
There were several others not now remembered .
I trust tho frionds of education will exert them
selves in the vicinity, to render such encourage
ment to the institution, as to remunerate suitably
tho Teachers engaged in the noble work of im
parting instruction to the rising generation.
Respectfully,
A SPECTATOR.
July 13th, 1840.
PUBLIC MEETING IN GLASGOW.
At a meeting of a portion of the whigs of
Chariton township, held in the town of
Glasgow, on Saturday, the 1 1th July, 1840.
Col. J. M. Ukll was called to the chair, and
Twos. N. Cockeiiill, appointed Secretary.
The object of the meeting having been
briefly explained by Messrs Vaugiian and
Cockkkill, on motion it was
Resolvetl, That we will have a BARBE
CU E at this place on Saturday, the 25th inst.
lor the purpose of fair, , ojen and temperate
discussion of the politics of the dav, at
which lime and place all political partios are
respectfully invited to attend, not only to
"eat and hear," but to speak, guaranteeing
to our political adversaries the same rights
in discussion which we take ourselves.
Resolved, That the ladies are all respect
fully and particularly invited to attend.
On motion, a committee of five was ap
pointed to attend to the rules and regula
lioiis governing the public discussion
lo appoint other committees, &,c. Where
upon, James Jones, II. C. Vauuhan, Thomas N.
Cockkuill, W. D. Swinnev and W. U.
Citii.Ks were appointed.
A committee of ten was then appointed
to solicit subscription, consisting ol tlie tol
lowing gentlemen: J. T. Cleveland, J. II.
Kstii.l, W. b Dunnica, Joseph u'jhes,
I'jt'MUNt) Lewis, John Madkox, E. J. Hays,
C. C. Cun, W. D. Swinney and V. N. Fea
el. Also, the following gentlemen were np'
lointcd to attend to the arrangements of
the table keeping order and to give spe
cial utttMiliiiii lo the ladies, etc. A. C.
W'oous, J. T. Cleveland, 1'. W. Nowlin,
V. llooroN, Wm. A. Wilson, C. P. Bonhu-
KANT, J CHIN TlIltNEn, 1 ). B. VVllllE, K. Ii.
Kunnion, (.). S. Coleman, E. NV. Uatkkin,
1. L. yuur, Same. Cakuoll, S. W. Lewis
E. It. 1'ulliam, Wm. Chump, Benj. Tuiinek,
E. Ei.-iiEit, J. F. Finks, Win. 11. Wousham,
John W. Feazle, Saiul. Wii.hoit, A. 1).
Ruck, 11. 11. A'. Sanders and John IIaiiki-
SON. '
Chi motion, JiesohcJ, That the chairman
secretin y sign these proceedings und that
the fditors'i-l" llio Bonn's J.ick Times otui
Boon's Lick Democrat be requested to in
to' t tlicm in their respective papers.
The. meeting then adjourned.
J. M. BULL, ('niii in in,
T. N. L' i Kt.nn.t., ScriYliirii,
