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SPEECH OF THE
Hon. Henry Clay, of' Kentucky,
Delivered June 27, 1810, on the occasion of a Pub
lic Dinner, given in compliment to him, al Tai
lorsville, in his native county of Hanover, in the
Slate of Virginia,
Tlio sentiment in compliment to Mr Clay
was received with long-continued applause.
That gentleman rose and addressed the company
substantially as follows ;
I think, friends and fellow-citizens, that, avail
ing myself of the privilege of iny long service in
the public councils, just adverted to, the resolu
lion, which I havo adopted, is not unreasonable,
of leaving to younger men, generally, the peifor.
mance of the duty, and the enjoyment of the
pleasure, of addressing the people in their prima
ry assemblies. After the event which occurcd
last winter at the capital of Pennsylvania, 1 be
lieved it due to myself, to the Whig cause, and to
the country, to announce to the public, with per
fect truth and sincerity, and without any reserve,
my fixed determination heartily to support the
nomination of William Henry Harrison, there
made. To put down all misrepresentations, I
have, on all suitable occasions, repeated this an
nunciation; and now declare my solemn convic
tion, that the purity and security of our free in
stitutions and the prosperity of our country imper
atively demand the election of that citizen to
the office of Chief Magistrate of the United
States.
But this occasion forms an exception from the
rule which I have prescribed to myself. I have
come here to the county of iny nativity in the
spirit of a pilgrim, to meet, perhaps for tho last
- time, the companions and the descendants of the
companions of my youth. Wherever we room.
in whatever climate or land we are cast by the
accidents of human life, beyond the mountains of
or beyond the ocean, in the legislative halls of the
capilol, or in the retreats and shades of private
life our hearts turn with an irrestisible instinct to
the cherished spot which ushered us into cxis
v,,. a.i , .i.it ,:,i, 'i;t,ir.,l n.-in,.;.,
U.111.C .IfcllU J UtVV.ll .Villi UtllllllUl woulu-
tions on the recollection of the streams in which,
during our boyish days, we bathed, the fountains
at which we drunk, the piney fields, the hills and
valleys where we sported, and the friends who
shared these enjoyments with us. Alas! loo many
of these friends of mine have gone whi her we
must all shortly go, and the presence hero of the
small remnant left behind attests both our loss
and our early attachment. I would greatly pre
fer, my friends, to employ the time which this
visit olfords, in friendly and familiar conversation
on the virtues of our departed companions, and
on the scenes and adventures of our younger days;
but the expectation which prevails, the awful
state of our beloved country, and the opportuni.
ties which I havo enjoyed in its public councils,
impose on me the obligation of tou iiing on topics
less congenial with the feelings of my heart, but
posse.-sing higher public interest. I assure you,
l'ellow-citizens, however, that I present my
self before you for no purpose of exciting pre
judices, or inflaming passions, but to speak to you
in all soberness and truth, and to testify to the
things which I know, or the convictions which I
entertain as an ancient friend, who has lived long,
and whose career is rapidly drawing to a close.
Throughout an arduous life, I have endeavored
to make truth and the good of our country the
guides of my public conduct; but in Hanover
county, for which I cherish sentiments of respect,
gratitude, and veneration, above all other places,
would I avoid saying any thing that I did not sin
cerely and truly believe.
Why is the plough deserted, the tools of the
mechanic laid aside, and all are seen rushing to
gatherings of the people? What occasions those
vast and unusual assemblages which we behold
.in every State and in almost every neighborhood?
Why those conventions of the people, at a com
mon centre, from nil the extremities of this vast
Union, to consult together upon the sufferings of
the community, and to deliberate on the means
of deliverance? Why this rapid appetite for pub
lie discussions? What is the solution of the phe-
' nomenon which we observe, of a great nation
agitated upon its whole surface, and at its lowest
depths, like the ocean when convulsed by some
terrible storm? There must be a cause, and no
ordinary cause.
It has been truly said, in the most memorable
document that ever issued from the pen of man,
that "all experience hath shown that mankind are
iiiore disposed to sutler, while evils ore suileianio,
than to right themselves by abolishing tho forms
to which they are accustomed.'' Tho rocent his
tory of our people furnishos confirmation of that
trutn. tney are active, enterprising aim imuni
' eent; but are not prono to make groundless com
plaints against public servants. 1 f we now every-
where behold them In motion, it is because they
feel that the grievances under which they are
writhing can be no longer tolerated. They feel
the absolute necessity of a change, that no change
v can render their condition worse, and that any
, chango must better it. This is the judgment to
which they have come; (his the oriel and compen
dious logic which wo daily hear. Tliev know
that, in all tho dispensations of Providence, they
have reason to be thankful and grateful; and if
they had not, they would be borne with lortitude
and resignation. But there is a pervading con
viction and persuasion that, in the Administration
of L'oveinment. there has been something wrong.
radically wrong, and that tho vessel of slate has
been in tho hands of selfish, faithless and unskil
f il pilots, who haveconducted it admidst the break
ei'S.
In my deliberate opinion, tho present distressed
state of the country may be traced to tho s ngle
cause of the notion, the encroachments, and the
usumations of the Executive branch of the gov
ernment. I have not lime here to exhibit and to
dwell unon all tho instances of these, as they
havs occurred in succession, during the last tu elve
vears. They havo been again and again exposed
on other more fit occasions. But 1 havo thought
this a otonor opportunity to point out the enormi
ty of ihe pretension principle?, and practices ol
BOON
"ERKOIl
II Y CYRIL . CADY.
that department, os they have been, from time to
time, disclosed, in these lato years, nnd to show
the tepid progress which has been made in the
fulfilment of the remarkable language- of our il
lustrious countryman, that the Federal Executive
had an owful squinting towards monarchy.
Here, in tlio county of his birth, surrounded by
sons, some of whoso sires with him were the first
to raiso their nrms in defence of American liberty
against a foreign monarch, i3 on appropriate place
to expose the impending danger of creating a do
mcstic monarch. And may I not, without pre.
sumption, indulgo the hope that the warning voice
of another, although far humbler, son of Hanover
may not pass unhe ded?
The late President of tlio United Slates ad
vanced certain now and alarming pretensions for
the Executive Department of the Government,
the effect of which, if established and recognized
by the people, must inevitably convert it into a
monarchy. The first of lhc3C, and it was a favor
Ho principlo with him, was, tint the Executive
Department should be regarded as a unit. Py
this principle of unity, ho meant nnd intended
that all tho Executivo ofiicers of Government
should be bound to obey the commands and exe
cute tlio orders of tho President of the U. States,
and that tiiey should be amenable to him, .ind he
be responsible fur thorn. Prior to his adminis
tration, it had been considered that they were
bound to observe and obey the Constitution and
laws, subject only to the general superintendence
of the President, nnd responsible by impeach
ment, and to tho tribunals of justice for injuries
indicted on private cit zens.
But the annunciation of this new and exiraor
dinary principle was not of itself sufficient for
the purposes of President Jackson; it was essen
tial that the subjection to his will which was its
object, should be secured by some adequate sane
tion. That he sought to effect by an extension
of another principle, that of dismission from
office, beyond all precedent, and to caes and
under circumstances which would have furnished
just grounds of his impeachment, according to
tho solemn opinion ol Mr. -uauisou ana uuier
mem1 ers of the first Congress under the present
Constitution.
Now, if the whole official corps, subordinate
to tho President of tho United States, are made
to know and to feci ihat they hold their respective
offices by the tenure of conformity and obedience
to his will, it is manifest that they must look to
that will, and not to Consiitulion and laws, as the
cuide of their official conduct. Tho weakness
of human nature, the love and emoluments of
office, perhaps the bread necessary to the support
or their laimlies, would malio tins result aoso
lutely certain.
The development of tins new character to tue
power of dismission would havo fallen short oi
tho amis in view, without the exercise oi it were
eld to tho prerogative, for which the President
was to be wholly irresponsible. If he were com
pelled to expose the grounds and reasons upon
which he acted, in dismassals from office, the ap
prehension of public censure would temper the
aibitrary nature ol tho power and throw some
protection around the subordinate omocr. Yience
the new and monstrous pretension has been ad-
vanced, that although the concurrence of the Sen
ate is uecessaiy by the Constitution to the confir
mation ol an appointment, the I resident may
subsequently dismiss tho person appointed, not
only without communicatingthe eroundson which
ho has acted lo tho Senate, but without any such
i r
communication to the l'eoplo. themselves, 101
whose benefit all ofiicers are created! And so
bold and daring has the Executive branch of the
Government become, that one of its Cabinet Min
isters, himself a subordinate officer, has contempt
uously refused to members of the House of Rep
resentatives to disclose the grounds on which he
has undertaken to dismiss from office persons
acting deputy postmasters in his Department!
A .U k P.-ncelent
.13 iv uiu giuiuuous aaiiuiJiiuii, uy
Jackson, ol responsibility for all the subordinate
Executive ollicers, it is the merest mockery that
was ever put forth. They will escape punishment
by pleaJing his orders, & he by alleging tho hard
ship of being punished, not for his own acts, but
lor meirs. we nave a practical exposition oi
this principlo in tho case of the 200,000 militia.
The Secretary of War comes out to screen the
President, by testifying that he nev.r saw what lie
strongly recommended; and the President recipro
cates that favor by retaining the Secretary in
place, notwithstanding he has proposed a plan lor
organizing the militia which is acknowledged lo
be unconstitutional. If the President is not lo be
held responsible for n cabinet minister, in daily
intercourse with him. how is he to be iciideied so
lor a receiver in Wisconson or Iowa? To con-
centrute all responsibility. For who ever expects
to see the day arrive when a President ol the u.
Stales will be impeached; or, if impeached, when
he cannot command more than one-third or the
Sei.ale to defeat the impeachment?
But to construct the scheme of practical despo
tism, whilst all the lorms ol Iree government le
mained, it was necessary to take one further step.
By ihe Constitution, tho President is enjoined to
tako caro that the laws bo executed. This in
junction was merely intended 1 1 impose on mm
the duty ol a general superintendence; to see ui.u
ollices were filled, officers at their respective posts
in the discharge ol their official function, and all
obstructions to the enforcement f the laws were
removed, and, when necessary for that purpose,
to call out tho militia. No more ever imagined,
prior lo llic administration of President Jackson,
that a President of the United States was to oo
cupy himself with supervising and attending to the
execution of all the minule details of every one
of tho host of offices in the United Stales.
. Under tho constitutional injuction jusl men
tioned, the lato President put forward that lnosl
extraordinary pn tension that the Constitution aud
laws of tho United States were to fee executed as
he understood them, and this pretension was at
temped to be sustained by nil argument equally
extraordinary, that the Piesident, being a sworn
ofheer, must carry them into effect accouling to
his sense of their meaning. Tho Constitution
and laws were tq be executed not according to
their impoit as handed down to us by our ances
tors, as interpreted by contemporaneous exposi.
tions, as expounded by concurrent judicial decis.
ions, as fixed by an uninterrupted course of Con
gressional legislation, but in that sense, which a
President of tho United States happened to un
derstend thorn!
To complcto this Executive usurpation, one
further object remained. By the Constitution,
the command of tho Army and the Navy is confer
led pi) the President. If he could unite the purse
LICK
CEASES TO BE DASGEROUS, MIES REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMliAT Fl'."
FAYETTE, MISSOIKI, SATURDAY, AI CJIST 22, I S 10.
to tho sword, nothing would bo loft to gratify the
insatiblo thirst for power. In 1333 tho President
seized the Treasury of United States and from
that day to this it has continued substantially un
der his control. The seizure was effected by the
removal of one Secretary of the Treasury, under,
stood to bo opposed to the measure, and by the
dismissal of another, who refused to violate the
law of the land upon the orders of the Presi
dent. It is, indeed said that not adollarin the Trea
sury can be touched without n previous appro
priation by, law, nor drawn out of the Treasury
without tlio concurrence and signatures of the
Secretary, the Treasurer, the Register and the
Comptroller. But aro not all theso pretended
securities kilo and unavailing forms? We have
scon that, by die operation of the irresponsible
power of dismission, all those ofiicers ore redu
ced to mere out unata, absolutely subjected to the
will of the President. What resistance would
any of them make, with tho penalty of dismiss,
ion suspended over their heads, to any orders of
the President to pour out the treasury of tho U.
States, whether an act of approbation existed or
not? Do not mock us with the vain assurance of
the honor and probity of a President, nor remind
us of the confidence which wo ought to repose in
his imagined virtues. The pervading principles
ofour system of government of all free govern
ment is not merely the possibility, but the
absolute certainty of infidelity and treachery, with
even the highest functionary of the State; and
hence all the restrictions, securities, and guar
anties which the wisdom of our anecslor? or the sad
experience of history had inculcated, have been
devised and thrown around the Chief Magi.s
trate. Here, friends and fellow citizens, lot us pause
and contemplate thi3 stupendous structure of Exe
cutive machinery and despotism which has been
reared in our young Republic. The Executive
branch ol tho government is a unit, through-ui
all its arteries and veins there is to bo but one I
heart, one head, one will.
rrM. . - l r . i. .
'"'""o "
subordinate . xecutive ollicers ami dependents m
i.
.- . ... ,i .
uiu u uueu oidies ua.s oceu esuoimtu, in an oui-;
cinl report, lounded on puolio documents made
by a senator lrom South Carolina, (Air. Cal
houn,) at one hundred thousand. Whatever it
may be, all of them, wherever they are situated
ate bound imp ie ty to obey the orders or the
n . . . i l i . ii- .i- ...
President. And absolute obedience to lus will ,
is secuieu una cuiorccu oy mo jiuwci ui ui.smis-
sing them, at his pleasure, from their respective
places To make this terrible power of dismission
nioro certain and efficacious, its exercise is cov.
ered up in mystetous secrecy, without cxpu-urc,
without the smallest responsibility. The Con.
stitution and laws of the United Slates are to be
executed in the sense in which the President un
derstands them, although that sense may be at
variance with the understanding of every other
man in tho United State3. It follows, as a
necessary consequence from the principle dedu
ced by the President from tho constitutional in
junction as to the execution of the laws, that, if
an act of Congress be passed, in his opinion, con
trary of the Constitution, or if a decision be pro
nounced by the courts, in his opinion, contrary
to the Constitution or the laws, that act or decision
the Piesident is not obliged to enforce, & he could
not cause it to bo enforced, without a violation,
as is pretended, of his official oath. Candor re
quires the admission that the principle has not yet
been pushed in practice to these cases; but it
manifestly comperhends them ; and who doubts
that, if the spirit of usurpation is not arrested nnd
rebuked, they will be finally reached? Tne
march of power is ever onward. As times and
seasons admonish, it openly and boldly, in broad
day, makes its progress; or, if alar n be excited
by the enormity ol Us pretensions, it silently and
secretly, in the dark of the night, steals its de-
ous way. It now stoims and mounts the
ramparts of tho fortress of liberty; it now saps
and undermines its loundations. r malls', the
command of the army and navy being already in
the President, and having acquired a perfect con
trol over tli3 Treasury of the United Slates, he
has consummated that frightful union of puise and
sword, so long, so much, so earnestly deprecated
bv all true lovers ol civil liberty. And our pro.
sent Chief Magistrate stands solemnly and volun
tarily pledged, in the lace ol tho whole world, to
lollow in the lootstcps and cany out the measures
and the principles of his illustrious predecessor!
The sum of tho whole is, that there is but one
power, ono control, one will in ttie Mine, au is
concentrated iu the President. lie directs, orders,
omiivitids the whole machinery of tho S'.alo
Through the oilicia! agencies scattered throughout
the lutid, and absolutely subjected to his will, he
ex"culo-i, according to his pleasure or caprice, the
.vhole power of the Commonwealth, which has been
ab-orbed and engrossed by him. And one sole pre-
hmiinates iu, rind animates the whulo of, this vast
community, li this bo not practical despotism, I
am incapable of conceiving or defining it. Names
are nothing. The existence on nou-e.vistenco of
irbkury government does not depend upon tlu title
or denomination 0:!stoweu on the duel nut upon
the quantum of power which he pos-esses Liid
wields. Autocrat, sultan, emperor, dictator, king,
doge, president, ureull mere names, iu which the
puwer rn-pectively possessed by them is found, but
is to bo looked for iu the Constitution, or in the
established usages ami practices of the several
S:ates which they govern und control. If the Au
tocrat of liussia, were to hu called tho rro-id.ent ot .
the llussias, tho actual power remaining nii-i
changed, his authority, under his new denomination
would continue undiminished; and it the President .
I the I. ailed Stutes were to receive the title of the
Autocrat of the United Slates, the amount of his :
authority would not be increased without an ultera-;
tion o ice Constitution. ,
General Jackson was a bold and fearless reaper, !
carrying a wido r.nv, hut l.o d..l not gather llic
whole harvest, ho left some ghi.nlugi lo his faith -
fid successor, nnd ho seems r. vdived to sweep
clean tli field of power. The duty of inculcating
on tho official corps lbs active ex -r inn of their per -
sonal and official inll leuc? wis ! fi bv him lo be
enforced by .Ur. Van llureu in all popular elections
u u moi biii-ii-h:iii niui ion oi.i iai corps no
hound implicitly to obey the w.ll of Ihe 'msid
It was lint sufficient that this obedience was co
erced by tlio tremendous power of dismission. It
soon been me apparent that this corps might ba ben
eficially employed lo promote, in other matters than
the business of their ollices, the views Hid interests
of tha President and his party. They are fur more
efficient than any standing army of coual numbers
A standing uriny would b-j separated, and stand out
e i-.l Ii l. II L ... i- - .:-.. 1
iroui mw i eupiu, wuuiu ow un onjeci oi juuiuusy
utiu buapiciuii, uiiu, ueini. always hi corps or in uc
lai hmeuts, could exert no iiillueuce on popular
elections. lint the official corps is dispersed
throughout the country, in every town, village, und
city, mixing with ihe People, alt: tiding their meet
ings mid tcuveiili 'lis brooming rrhruivu and ciem-
nn
JL JL
hers of committees, and urging and stimulating
partisans to aetivo and vigorous exertion. Acting
in concert, and throughout the whuio Union, obey
ing orders issued from the centre, their influence,
aided by Executive patronage, by tho Tost Office
Itnpartment, and all tho vust other means of the
Executive, is almost irresistible.
To correct this procedure, and to restrain the sub
ordinates of the Executive from uM interference
with popular elections, my colleague (.Mr. Ciiitskx
fifin, now present.) introduced a bill in the Senate
He had the weight of Mr. Jeil'erson's opinion, who
issued a circular to restrain Federal ollicers from
intermeddling in popular elections. He had before
iiim tho Rritish example, according Io which, place
men and pensioner were not oulyYorbiddeii to in
terfere, hut were not, soma of them, even u Mowed
to vote at popular elections, li.it his bill loft, them
free to exercise the elective franchise, prohibiting
only tho use of their official iiilluoticu. And how
was this bill received in the Smite! Passed, by
those who profess to admire the character and to
pursue tho principles of Mr. Jelh'Tsun! Xo such
Uiing. It was denounced as ii sedition hill. .And
the justodiun of that sedition bill, which was in
tended to protect office-holders against the People,
was successfully used to defeat a measure of pro
tection of the People tigai:ist the o'li holder
Not only wci ; they left unrestrained, hut they were
urged and stimulated bv n:i oilicia! report to cuiplov
their influence in behalf of the Administration ii't
the elections of the People.
Hitherto, the Army and the Navy have remind!
uninfected by the power of dismission, nid they
have not been called into the political sorvi -e of the
Executive. i!ut no attentive obseiver of the prin
ciples and proceedings of the men iu power could
fail to see that the div was not distant when they,
too, would be required to perforin tlio partisan of
fices of the President. Accordingly, t!ie process of
converting them into Executive ins'ruinents hu
commenced in a Court .Martial assembled at lii.lt.i
moro. Two officers of the Aroiv of tie; I'nited
States have been there put upon their solemn trial,
on the charge of prejudicing the Democratic purlv
by making purchase for the supuly ol t!i Armv
from membersof the Whig party! It is not pre
tended that tho United States were prejudiced bv
"?. ' Zu, w'i. .1 "S' .V"" 1 '."-"r0'
,un ,.!, ),, t ,o cn,.l .,C .1... I.l..-..:
- ,i i.io .iii.tiiui v.r.t-
tion. jjut tl(, K)ir. was, that to pnreha-c at ul!
trom llie oppjueril-s, instead or the friends, of
Administration, was nn injury to the Democratic
party, which required that the offenders sh inid be
put upon their tria! before a Ccurt .Mania'; And
th.is tr,a' ,v" """eu at the instance ol a com-
l", ;" ' :,,7 , ,T, , t' L""l"":l! "
and prosecuted by t.'ieui! I ne scanualous snectae
is presented to an enlightened world of the Chief
Magistrate of a great People executin" the orders
of a self-created puwer, organized within tho bosom
of the State, und, upon such an accusation, arraign
ing, before a militiary tribunal, gall uit men, win,
are charged with the defence of tno honor and the
interest of their country, and with bearini its eagles
in the presence of an enemy!
Eut the Army and Navy ore too small, nnd in
composition are too patriotic to subserve all the
purposes of this Administration. Hence the re
cent proposition of the Secretary of War, strunglv
recommended by tho President, under color ,f a
new organization of the militia, to create a siaudino
force of L'OO.CUO men, an amount which no con
ceivable foreign exigency can ever make necessary.
It is not my purpose now to enter upon an exami
nation of that alarming and must dangerocs plan
of tho Executive Department of Ihe Federal Gov
ernment. It has justly excited a burst of general
indignation; and nowhere has the disapprobation of
it been more emphatically expressed than in this
ancient and venerable Commonwealth.
The monstrous project may bo described in a few-
words. It proposes to create Ihe force by breaking
down Mason and Dixon's Line, expunging the boun
daries of States, melting them up into a continent
mass, to be subsequently cut up iu'o ten military
parts, alienates lie) niililia I rota its natural associ
ation, withdraws it from the authority and com
mand and sympathy of its constitutional officers,
appointed by the States, puts il under the coniunnd
of the President, authorizes him to cause it to be
trained, in palpable violation of the Constitution,
and subjects it to be called out IVjm remote and dis
tant places, at his pleasure, and on occasions not
warranted by the Constitution!
Indefensible as this project is, fellow-citizens-, do
not be deceived by supposing that it has been or
will be abandoned. It is a principle of those wlio
are now in power tint an election or a ro-i!octioH
of the President implies the sanction of the People
to ell the measures which he had proposed, and all
the opinions which he had expressed on public af
fairs, prior to that event. We have seen this prj,,.
ciplc applied on various occasions. Let Mr. Van
lJuren be re-elected in .Xoveiuher next, and it will
be claimed that tho People have thereby approved of
this plan of the Secretary of War. All entertain
tiie ojuiiion that, it is important lo train the milidu
and render i'. ell'cctive; and it will be insisted, in the
contingency mentioned, that the People have de
monstrate I that they approve of that spocitie plan.
There is more reason to apprehend such a ci.-n-e-rt'ienC'?
from the fact that u committee of the Senate,
to which this sit 'eject was referred, instead of de
nouncing the scheme us unconstitutional and dan
gerous to liberty, presented a labored apologetic
report, and I ho Administration majority iu that
body ordered twenty thousand copies of tho apology
to be printed for circulation among the People. I
t ike plea -urn in testifying that one Admiiiisimlioti
Senator had the manly independence to denounce,
in his place, the project as unconstitutional. Tut
Senator was from your own Slate.
1 have thus, fellow citizens, exhibited to you a
true and faithful picture of Kvcutive power, us i:
,ias been enlarged mid expanded within the last few
years, nnd as it. has been proposed furtuer to ex
tend it. Il mershaduws every other branch of toe
government. Tho source of legislative uucr is
no longer lo !id found iu the capilol, but in the pal
ace of Ihe President. In assuuiing lo be a pan of
lei legislative power, us Hie President recently
did. coiii rtiry to tlio Constitut ion, .n .uuld have
neea neiirer the actual fact if hu had alleged thai
ho was toe sole legisliiive power of the Union.
How is it possible for p'.iulic liberty to lc preserved,
and the constitutional distributions of noucr, among
the departments of govern. nent, to be lit liolaiued.
uulcis Ihe Kx -cutivo career be eh.-ekc j and retrain
ed
I h niav b- iir-'e.l that two securities exist : first.
, tlIlt the' Presidential term is of shor1 duration ; and
! 4(.vum!v. the tiivlivo I'r.iuehi-e. lint it has hcioi
already fhowu that whether u depository of power
; i. arintmre or ,-oi.:-,ii i ui : 1,,,,-i-te ,' , .
,.,,:i ,... ,i. ,i,. :,. ,o- ,i, tlf.i,,i !,.r,.,. I, ,t
' , ulmni. 0f power invested. The dir.a-
,,,., , ,. ... ..... .. .... , ... .,, .,. ,.,
e.vis'eiice,
nt. trenenillv
or;er than tne Presidential lerm.
bother the eutivo Ir iueluse bean adeipiale se
curity or not, is a problem lo be solved next .Vi'veui
her. I hope and believe it yjl is. Hut if .Mr. Vun
13 ore.i should be re-ehcled, llu po.ver already ue
ipiired by tho Executive be i muiiieil, uu ltiiul which
is in progress beud.led lo that depirt.n ut, it is my
ueli'ooruto judgment tint there wnl he in, hope re
I ;nuii., fur n0 communis-.
I O
ot the liberties ot the
: ejemtry
And yet tho par'i.ius of this Ireuie i.lous Exec
live power arrogate to themselves the nuiiionf dem
ocrats, and bestow upon us, who are opposed to it,
the deiiomimiiion of federalists ! In the Senate
of ibft 1'niled States there nro live gentlemen who
were 'n.-uiVrs o! the fed i il pai'y, and four ol
ES
1
Jefferson.
Vol. 1 Ao. 28.
them have suddenly transformed into democrats,
and aro now warm supporters of this Administra
tion, whilst I, who had exerted the utmost of my
hiirnhle abilities lo arouse the nation to a vindica
tion of its insulted honor and its violated rights,
and to the vigorous prosecution of tho war with
Great Britain, to which they were violently oppos
ed, find myself, by a sort of magical influence, con
verted into a federalist! The only American citi
zen that I ever met with, who was an avowed mon
archist, was a supporter of tho administration of
General Jackson ; and he acknowledged to me that
his motivo was to bring about the system of monar
chy, which his judgment preferred.
There were other points of difference between
the federalists nnd the democratic or rather repub
lican party of IV.H, but the great, leading, ruini
nent discrimination between them related to the
constitution of the Executive department of the
government. Tho Federali , Is believed that, in its
structure, it was too weak, and was in danger of
being crushed by tho preponderating Weight of the
legislative branch. Hence they rallicl around the
Executive and sought to give it strength and ener
gy. A stivtig government, an energetic Executive
a as, among them, the common lnn-piagc and the
groat object of the day. The Republicans, on tho
oidriry, believed that the real danger lay on the
side of the Executive ; that, ha', ing a continuous
t'ild uninterrupted existence, it was always on the
'!?' ready to defend tho power it had, and prompt
iu acpiiring more ; and that the experience of his
tory demon si rated that it. was the iiieroachiie' at.d
rpitijf
'tirtinent. Tliev
therefore.
rallied
around the people and tlio Lel.-liture.
Vs hat are the positions of the two great parties
of the present day! Modern demo ;r;cy has re
duced the federal theorv of a sYoir' ar.d ener '.uic
j li.veeulivo to practical operation. It has turned
l from the people, the natural ally of ynitiiie democ
racy, to the Kxecutive, and. instead of vigilance,
i jealousy, and distrust, havo given to that depart
' incut all its confidence, and made lo it u vital mr
I render of nil the powers of government. The re-
cognized maxim of royal infallibility is trans
planted Iroin tlio UriUsii monarchy into modern
American democracy, and the President can do no
wrung ! This new school adopts, modifies, chan
ges, renounces, renews opinions at the pleasure of
the Lxecutive! Is the LianK ol the I nited States
useful a:.d Viiuu'de institution ! Ves, unani
mously pronounces tin; i.emocralic Lo'fis! iture of
'ennsyhania. The president vetoes it as a perni
cious and oanjerous cstaoli-umeut. The democratic
majority in tie; si.n: Legislature pronounce it to
be pernicious ami dinrg-ro'is. The. democratic ma
jority ot to;.- It oise oi f.epreseutatives of the L'ni-
ted States dcCiare the dep jsiies of the public mo
ney in the Dank of tho United Stutes to La safe.
The President tays they are unsafe, und removes
them. The democracy suy they are unsafe, and ap
prove t!.c removal. 'The President says that a
scheme of the Sub-Treasury is revolutionary and
disorganizing. The democracy says it is revolu
tionary and disorganizing. The President says it is
wise aud salutary. The democracy say it is wise
and salutary.
The Whigs of l-M) stand where, the Republi
cans of 1795 stood, and where the Whigs of the
Revolution were, battling for liberty; for" the peo
ple, for free institutions, again-t power, against cor
ruption, against Executive encroachments, ugaiust
monarchy.
We are reproached with struggling for offices
and their emoluments. If we acted on the avowed
and acknowledged principle of our opponents.
that the spoils bulling to the victors," uo should
indeed be unworthy of the support of the People.
Xu ! fellow-citizens; higher, nobler, more patriotic
motives actuate the Whig pu rty. Their object is
tne restoration ti t;1B (.institution, the preserva
tion of liberty, the rescue of the country. If they
were governed by the sordid and seldsh motives
acted upon by todr opponents, and unjustly im
puted to them, to acquire office and emolument,
tney nave cn.y to cuane their names, and enter
the Presidential palace. llie gate is ulwuvs w'u
open, uiiu u.v pawi is no narrow one Which leads
through it. The last coiner, too, often fares best.
On a re-survey of the few past years, we behold
enough to sicken and sadden the hearts of true pa
triots. Executive encroachment has quickly fol
lowed upon executive encroachment ; persons hon
ored by public confluence, and from whom tiothiie
but grateful end parental measures should haie
ilowed, have indicted stunning blow after blow in
such rapid succession ihat, before the People could
recover I ruin the reeling eriectsol one, another has
fallen heavily upju them. Had either of the various
instances of Kxecu'ive misrule stood out sepuruto
and alone, so that its enormity might have been
seen and until upo i wr.n composure, t lie euudem
nation of the Executive would have long since been
pioiuniuced ; but il has hitherto found safety und
impunity in tne hewn jcriug ellects of the multitude
of its misdeed . The nation has been iu the cuioii-
tiun ot a intn who, having gone to bed after his
barn has been consumed by lire, is aroused in t.
.uoriiuig vo winic.ss ins uwciueg Louse wrapt in
.1 II ....1- . . , . , . .
i.auies. oiuooi uuu presuuipiuu, is nau tl.e Execu
tive become, that penetrating in ils intluence the
nail of a co-ordinate branch of tl.e liovcrnuiciit
by melius of a .submissive or instructed maiorirv
of the Senate, it has caused a record of tue eo.uit.rv
to be t-d'ice.l end expunged, the inviolability of
which was gu iraiuceu cy a solemn iiMUtiction ot
the Coustiiution ! And that memorable and scan,
dalous scene, was enacted only because the odl-n-sivu
record contained un expression of disappioua
tion of Executive-proceeding.
Il this state of things were to reiinin if ihe
progress of Executive usurpation were to continue
unci e.-k ed, hope. ess do.-pair u u ! ,1 seize the public
mind, or the People would b goaded to net
open ai:u violent rcsisfini'.?. tint, thank Hod, tue
power ollaj Presi. lour, fearful u ' 1 1 1 rapid as it
sirih. s nave ueen, is not yei too great lor the power
ol the elective franchise , and a bright and (.lori
ous prospect, i.i the election of Wiu.t.ui ilcxi.',
11ai:i:,s.i, has opened upon the country. Toe ne
eossi.y or ueuuugooi rulers Ins deep, y penetrated
tl.e hearts ol the I'oople; and We every Where be
hold cheering manifestations of that I, a, pv event
Ihe tact ol his elee'iou uloiie, without rif.reriC'
lo the mi a-uics of his Adioii.istrat ion, will pow
cituoy eoti'rileite lo the security and happiness, ot
loeleopie. It will bring assurance of li,e cessa
tion oi n.ui long series ol Uiiastroiis experiments
ivniui hu.o so greativ I'.hlicted the People. Con
cei.ee tvid uiiiiitdi-lelv leiile, credit be restored
active business will return, prices of products wi
us..-, mm i.iu i copio will leel uiiu know that, in
stead o Iheir servants beinir o.-cuiiied in dei isin
measures for their -uin and destruction, they will
be assidiously employed iu promoting tluir w'ell'ure
and prosperity.
Hut grave and serious measures will, u ipiestiou
ablv, early and anxiously command the earnest at
tention of Ihe new Administration. I have no au
thority to announce, and do not pretend lo announce
the purposes uf the new President. I have no
knowledge of them uther than that which is acces
sible to cverv citizen. In what I shall suy as to
the course of a new Administration, therefore, I
mean to express my own sentiments, to speak for
m Vsil f, without compromising any other person.
I.' pun such an occasion us this is, in the midst of
ihe comnauioiis of my youth, or tin ir descendants,
I have felt that il is due lo them nnd lo myself ex
plicitly to declare my sentiments, without reserve,
and lo show that I have been, and, at 1 sincerely
believe, the friends with whom 1 have acted have
been, animated by the disinterested desire to ad
vim',) the best interests of the country and to pre-r-cr'.e
its free insii'u'i ms.
The first, and, in my opinion, the most important
object, which should engage the serioui attention
of a new Administration, is that of circumscribing
the Executive power, and throwing around it such
limitations and safeguards as will render it no lon
ger dangerous to tho public liberties.
Whatever is the work of man, necessarily par
takes of his imperfections ; and it was not to be
expected that, with all the acknowledged wisdom
and virtues of the frameis of our Constitution, they
could have sent forth a plan of Government, so
free from all defect, and so full of guarantees, that
it should nut, in the conflict of embittered parties
and of excited passions, be perverted and misinter
pre'ed. Misconceptions or erroneous constructions
of the powers granted in the Constitution would
probably have occurred, after the lapse of many
years, in seasons of entire calm, r.nd with a regu
lar temperate Administration of the Government ;
but during the last twelve years, the machine, driv
en by a reckless charioteer with frightful itnnetu-
ositv, has been irrcntlv iarrcd and iolted. and it
needs cartful examination and a thorough repair.
w nn tlio view, therefore, to the fundamental
character of the Government itself, and especially
of the Executive branch, it seems to me that cither,
by miieudments of the Constitution, when they are
necessary, or by remedial legislation, when the ob
ject full, within the scope ol the power of Con
gress, there should be,--
lt A provision to render a person ineligible to
the office of P.cdJent of the I'liited States aftu
service of one term.
Much observation nnd deliberate reflection have
satisfied mo that too much of the timi, the thoughts
and the exertions of tho incumbent, are occupied,
during his first term, in securing his re-election.
llie public business, consequently, sutlers; and
ensures are proposed or executed with less re
gard to tho general prosperity than to their influ
ence upon the approaching election. If llieir iitni-
ulion to one tenn existed, the President would on
exclusively devoted to the discharge of his public
lilies ; and he would endeavor to signalize his Ad
ministration by the benih'crnce and wisdom of its
measures.
lid. That the veto power should ht more precisc
delined, and hi subjected to further limitations
and rpiulihcutiuns. Although a large, perlmns the
ir-est proportion of the acts of Congress passed
at tl.e short session of Congress since the com
mencement of the Government, were passed within
three last days ot the session, and when of
ourse tho President for the time being had not the
ten days for consideration allowed by the Constitu
tion, President Jackson availing himself of that al-
iwuncc, has tailed to return important bills.
When not returned by the President w.lhin the ten
ivs, it is a question whether thev are laws or not.
It is very certain that the next Congress cannot act
ipon t'.ein oy u iciding whether or not they shall
iccome laws, the President's ol icctions notwith
standing. All Ibis ought to bs provided for-
At present, a bill returned bv tho President, cm
only become n law by the concurrence uf two thirds
of the members of each House. I think, if Con
gress passes a bill after discussion aud considera
tion, and, after weighing the objections of the Pre
sident, still believes it ought to p.s. it should be
come a law, provided a majority of r' the mem
bers of- each Uovse concur in Us passage. It tha
wo'ght of his argument and the weight of his in
riiienco conjointly cannot prevail on a majority.
rainst their previous convictions, m my opinion
the bill ought not to be arrested. Such is the pro-
isions of the constitutions of several of the Stale?,
and that of Kentucky among ihem.
3d. Ihat the power of dismission from office
hould be re -tric'.ed, und the exercise of it be ren
dered responsible.
I no constitutional concurrence of the Senate is
necessary to the confirmation of all important ap
pointments; mn, wuiioui consulting rue senate,
without any other motive than resentment or ca
price, the President may dismiss, ot his sole plea
sure, an odicer created by the joint action of him
self and the Senate. Ihe practical ellect is to nul-
ify the agency of the Senate. There may be, oc
casioiiallv, eases in which the public interest re-
piires un immediate dismission n ithout wuitiii" fur
the assembling ot the Senate ; but, in all such ca
ses, the President should be boun lto communicate
fully tho grounds and motives of the dismission.
The power would be thus rendered responsible
witijiMitit ine exercise or tne power is utterly re
pugnant to free institutions, the basts of which is
perfect responsibility, and dangerous to the public
liberty, tis has been already shown.
Ph. that the control over the I reasurv of tin
United Slates should be conh led nnd confided ex
clusively to Congress ; and all nuthoritv of thn
President over it, by means of dismissing "the, Sec
retary of the Treasury, or other persons bavin" tho
immediate charge of it be rigorousl- precluded.
You have heard much, feiiow-citizens, of the
divorce of banks and Government. After crin-
; them, and impairing their utilitv, the Execu
tive and its partisans have systematically denounced
them. The Executive and the country were
warned again and again of the fatal cotirse that has
been pursued ; but the Executive nevertheless per
severed, commencing by praising and ending bv
Uicrviug the State batiks. Lnder cover ot the
moke which has been raised, the real ol 'ect all
.long Ins been, and vet is, to obtain the possession
of the ui r. v power ot the union. 'Thai aceou.-
p'ished and sanctioned by the people the union
o: the s.vord and the purse in tl.e lands of the
President effectually secured, and farewell to
American liberty. The Sub-Treasury is the scheme
f r effecting that uniun; and, I am told, that of ull
the days in the y ur, that which gave birth to our
nat onal cxistei.es s nd freedom is the selected dav
to be disgraced by u-heiing into existence a incis
ure, imminently perilous to the litierty which, on
tlntantrversiiry, we comm-mimuarto in joyous fe.
rivals. Th'.s. in the spirit of destruction which
ailitua'cs our rulers, would thr-y convert a day of
gladness m.Uif glory into a day of sidncss and
in uin.ing. I'V.l jw-cilizens, there is one divorce
urgently demanded by the sati ty and thn highest
intercs s of the country a divorce of the Prusi
dent I'.orn tho Tseasiiry of the L'niteJ SiuUs.
o.h. That the np'jeintmcnt of members of Con
gress to any office, or aiiv but a few specilied office--,
during their continuance in office, and for one
year thereafter, bo prohibited.
This is a hiickniyed theme, but it is riot less de
serving serious consideration. The Constitution
now interdicts the appointment of members of Con
gress to any office created, or tho emolument of
which hud b;en increased, whilst he was in office.
In tl.e purer days of the republic, that restriction
might have b." n sufficient, hut in thusc mure degen
erate lirr.es, tis necessary, by un amendment of
the Constitution, lo give the priueiplj greater ex
tent. These ere the subjects, in relation to the perma
nent character of tl.e govern nent itself, which, it
seems to i:,e, are worthy the serious attention of
the people, and of a new administration. There
are others, of an administrative nalhre, uhich re
quite prompt an-J careful consideration.
1st. The currency of the countrv, its stability
und uniform value, and, as intimately and indissolu.
bly connected with it, the insurance of the faithful
performance ul the fical services necessary to the
Government, should bo maintained and ecured by
exercising an rue powers requisite to lliose objects
with which Congress is constitutionally invested.
ihese are the great ends to be aimed at Ihe
means are of subordinate importance. Whether
these ends, indispciiuhSe lo tho well-being of both
the People mid toe Government, are to be attained
by sound and af.) S'uU banks, carefully selected,
and properly distributed, or by a new tank of ihe
United States, with such limitations, conditions,
and restrictions as have been indicated by expen
ei.ee, should be le't to ihe arbitrament of enlight
ened public opiuieii.
Candor ami truth require me to say that, in my
judgment, whilst banks coutiniio to exist in the
eo.ir.try, the services of a Blink of the L'nited State
cannot be safely dispensed with. I think lhal the
power to estahlish such a bank is a settlrd question;
settled by Washington and by Madison, by iherieo
pie, by forty years acquiescence, by the Judiciary.
nd by both f the great pnr'ics Inch a long held
