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THE BOON'S LICK TIMES.
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F ROM THE STOCKHOLDER.
THE TRUE DOCTRINE-.tfufJum Imparno.
If any friend of Mr. Van Bkreu can produce
from his pen, or from hisiips, a more chaste, com
prehensive cr precious specimen of republican or
thodoxy than the following extract from the recent
speech of General Harrison, at Carthage, Ohio,
wc will ride half a days journey to hear it read.
Well and truly may his slanderers bewail the dny
when they roused the manly old Patriot from the
quiet he had prescribed to himself, by representing
him as "cnged" and in the keeping of a commit
tee. "Mulluni Imparco" much in little may be
truly said of the space occupied by this extract.
The whole substantia of our governments (state
and national) the whole question of Abolition
the whole doctrine of popular suffrage, and much
besides are ali compressed into the compass of a
single lesson at school, and in a style so simple
and elegant as to be comprehensible to the most
It is by no means the least gratification we expe
rience in transferring it to our columns that it was
said of it, a few days ago, by one of the most en
lightened supporters of the administration "It is
tki brut doctrtm."
(JWill the Democrat venture on its rcpublica
lion, or will it continue to content itself, and its
readers, by merely slandering its distinguished au
thor ! We shall see.
'Having recently received a letter from a per
sonil friend, who is a member of an abolition so
cietv, proposing to me two questions, which he re'
quested me to answer; but having from necessity,
arising from the absolute impossibility of my an
swering the numerous letters I receive, requiring
. 1 .. t : . j i i .
Piy opinion upuu puiuiuui .uujwls, uecuneu iu n Fl
aw er any from individuals, I willingly embrace the
opportunity of answering them which this occa-
nion has given me, without violating the rule I had
found rnyselt under tne necessity ot auopting.
The Questions are the following, viz :
1st Do you believe the people of the United
States possess an unrestricted right to discuss any
subject, that to thorn may seem worthy ot consid
2nd Do you believe the people of the United
States have the rijht to petition their Legislature
for the redress of whatever they may deem a griev
ance, and for the adoption of such measures as the
petitioners may think conducive to the welfaru of
I do not hesitate to answer both of these ques
tions in the affirmative. The Constitution of the
United States, and that of our own State, have se
cured to the people the enjoyment of the rights re
lerred to in both questions, entirely unrestricted
but bv their own sense of propriety, and the legal
rules which protect the rights of others. The free
dom of speech and of the press, are the distinguish
inir characteristics of free government. Without
them, we might call our country a Republic, but it
would be so only in name, like that of Runic, un
der the Emperors, it might be a mask to cover the
most horrible despotism. The right of the people
to write and to speak openly and freely upon all
mattersof public policy, "is the palladium of all
civil and religious liberty!" The authors of our
Constitution must have known that it would be
subject to abuses to be used for improper and in
deed sometimes for criminal purposes ; yet they
declared it without restriction. More than half u
century has passed away since it came into opera
tion, and although upon one memorable occasion
it was resorted to tor the purpose ol giving cited
to councils tending to paralyze the effort of the
nation, in the midst of a dangerous war, and to
encourage the enemy to persevere in supporting
their unjust pretensions, still these declarations of
rights in relation to writing, speaking and pub'
lishiug, have been suffered to remain in all their
pristine force. I should be the last person who
could under any circumstances, consent to restrict
them by legal enactments.
I must, however, take this occasion to repeat
what I have before declared, that the discussion of
the right ot one portion of the States which com
pose our Union to hold slaves by an assemblage of
citizens ot other states, which hold none, is in my
opinion not sanctioned by the spirit of the Consti
tutiun. iritis tolerated by the broad and unre
stricted declaration in the Constitution, to which
I have referred, it is forbidden by the general tenor
of that instrument, and the fundamental principle
of the government which it has established. Our
government is certainly one of a very complicated
character, difficult in some of its aspects to be well
understood, lo foreign governments it presents,
and was intended to present, a power clothed with
the most important attributes of sovereignty : and
so far as our relations with them may be concerned
they are to see nothing beyond that which is do
scribed in our glorious motto "E Pluribus L'num.'
We are, however, not "one," in the sense that it
would be understood if applied to other nations
which have been formed from once disjointed and
sf para to parts. Our Union is not that which, like
marriage, merges the whole rights of the parties in
a common siock. we are not.
"Joined like meeting rivers
Which roll into the sea one common flood ,
And are no more distinguished."
Our union is more properly like an ordinary eo
partnership composed of a number of individuals
. . : ,.r . i
wuoeacn rurnisn a punum ui tiipuai, to oo sou-
jected to the control or the majority of the part
ners. but who each also retain another portion un
der their own exclusive management. With the
l.itlrr neither the partners collectively nor individ
daily have any more right to interfere than if there
existed no sort of connection between them. This
is, also, the theory of our General and State Gov.
erninenta. Over the powers retained by the State
respectively; neither the General Government nor
the other States, nor the citizens of tha other States
an exerciso the least control. It this opinion is
correct', it follows Hint discussions in public as
mobiles in relation to the institutions of other
States, with 4 view to alter or affect tl.am, was
not in the contemplation either of those who framed
the constitution, or those liy whom it was adopted
Let us apply the theory I endeavor to maintain to
this assembly. Wo are here, some 3000 persons,
in the double character of citizens of Ohio and
riiiciis of the United States. In the first, w e can
0 0 N
' ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS. WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO CO Ml AT IT." Jefferson.
Vol. 1. FAYETTE, MISSOURI, SATURDAY, SEFTEMESEK 0, 1810. Xo. 98.
i iii mini iiiiii iii ii i ' ""TTTrTr'!!!rTrrrT"TM"MM"MMTr""' nrr-wi i nun i iiiwiiiiiiMiiiwuiMii iiwiuii i iwiim
undertake the consideration and discussion of any
subject belonging to our State policy, embody our
sentiments in the shape of resolutions or petitions
and in tlio event of a supposed grievance, present
iem to the appropriate btiite authorities tor re
dress. As citizens of the United States we are
competent to consider and discuss any subject of
National policy, and by a similar process submit
the result of our declarations, if we should choose
to do so, to that Department of the Federal Govern
ment which possesses the powor to give us reliet.
Hut in winch ot these characters, cither as citi
zens of Ohio, or citizens of the United States, could
we, consistently with the theory snd spin' of the
Constitution, discuss a subject belonging exclu
sively to any other fetate ;
there are many principles to be luunu in the con
stitutions of some of tho Statps (other limn the tol
eration of slavery) which are very much unlike those
of Ohio. Tho properly qualification of voters for
instance. This is a restriction upon the riiht of
suffrage to which personally I am apposed. I would
accord this important privilege to every citizen.
Having ascertained that he was a citizen, 1 would
not proceed to- enquire the amount of money he
had in his pocket, or what other species of proper
ty ho might possess. With theso sentiments I
might oiler lor your adoption a resolution declaring
that the restricted suffrage in some of the States
was an aristocratical feature in their systems of
government and should be abolished. Such a pro
position could not fail to create much surprise and
bring to the mind of every man in the assembly that
neither in his capacity as a citizen of Ohio nor of
the United States, could he interfere with the peo
ple of Massachusetts, Virmma and Louisiana, in
the management of their domestic concerns. Should
be asked if I thought that any harm could arise
from such a discussion, I answer decidedly in the
affirmative. Harm in more ways than one. It
would tend more perhaps, than any thing else to
destroy the idea ot the perlect individuality and
distinctness of the State governments which has
ever been considered as one of the most important
features in our system. And prepare thu minds ot
the people for tho prostration ot tho barriers which
have been erected with so much art and care be
tween the General and State Governments, and
those of the States respectively, and finally lead to
that oreaded consolidation which, in the opinions
of our wisest and best statesmen would he the im
mediate precursor of the downfall of liberty. Ii
could not fail, also, to impair, if not entirely de
stroy those feelings of confidence and allection be
tween the citizens of the respective stales, which
is the only clleetual bond ot our union.
From the discussion of any question inanab
stract form, no possible injury could urise.
1 conclude with the repetition ot my opinion that
the right of the people to write on, speak on, und
discuss, any subject which may they deem worthy
ot consideration, and that ot petitioning tor the
redress of any thing "which they may consider a
grievance," are secured to them both by the Federal
and State Constitutions, and that these rights can
neither be impaired nor restricted. 1 lie abuse o;
these rights is no argument for abolishing them.
In the forcible language ot the lato distinguished
Chief Justice of the United States "it is an evil
inseparable from the good to which it is allied, a
shoot which cannot be stripped from the stalk with
out vitally wounding the plant from which it is
FROM THE STOCKHOLDER.
Chirge, Cluster! C harge !! On, STANLY! on!!!"
We have a penchant for good speeches. If we
were to make a speech ourselves, and print it, we
would "be at our best" und so we think of other
orators. In Congress, especially, if a man does
not tell the truth in his speech it is not for want
of books, or other means of coming at the facts.
The Cuckoo notes of our cotemporary having "died
away" on the subject ot lienerul Harrison s abo
lition, and it being now entirely certain that that
distinguished soldier and statesman will bo elected
to the Presidency, we propose to give our friend
Cush" an opportunity, and an excuse, for trim
ming his sails to the popular current, by shewing
him what leg is best fit by the black boot of negro
philisin. lie will perhaps be surprised to discover
that he has been in the kitchen all his life or at
least sinco he quit the Whig party fur the mess of
pottago he'.d out by the purchase of the Democrat.
Wo find the work odmirably done to our hand
toward tho conclusion of one of the speeches which
were called out from the Hunurab'o EdwurJ Stan
ly, during the late session of Congress. Since
that time his Slate (North Carolina) has ratified
his estimate of the relative claims of the contend
ing candidates fur the Presidency and "settled the
Extract. MmVan 13c hen's Abolition.
I wish now to contrast his opinions and conduct
with General Harrison's. Mr. Van Duren has bee,,
called a Northern man with Southern principles ;"
not so called by his enemies, but by friends who
a.-e trying to strengthen him in the South.
J. have referred before toliisvotein iiu senate
of Now York, when the Missouri question
agitated tho whole country, but I will give it
The following resolution was introduced in the
Senate of New York :
"Pkeamble and Resolution. Whereas the in
hibiting of the further extension of slavery in
theso United Slates is a subject of deep concern to
the people of this State ; and whereas we consider
slavery as an evil much to be deplored, and that
every constitutional barrier should bo interposed to
prevent its further extension ; and that the consti
tution of the United States clearly giving Congress
the right lo require of new states not comprehended
within the original boundaries of the United States,
the prohibiting of -slavery as a condition of their
admission into the Union : therefore,
'Resolved, (if the honoruble Senate concur
therein,) That our Senators be instructed, and our
Representatives in Congress be requested, lo op
pose the admission as a Slate into the Union of ur.y
of any Territory not comprised as aforesaid, mak
ing the prohibition of slavery therein an indispen
sable condition of admission. '
"On the SWlh Junuary, 1620, the Senate took
up the resolution and passed the same unauimously.
the following Senators being present :
"Messrs. Adams, Austin, Burnum, Bartow,
Browne, Childs, Dudley, Dayton, Diluiiss, Evans,
Forthington, Hammond, Hart, Livingston, Lounds
berry, McAIurtin, Moons, Mallory, Moore, Moves,
i'uine, Ross, Uosenerantz. Skinner, Swun, VAN
BL'KEN, WiUon, V'ouug 20."
Here was evidence of "Southern principles !"
Observe the date ; Missouri was not oduiilted. In
1610, the bill fuiled, on account of opposition to
slavery. And when this awful dhcussion threat
ened a dissolution of the Union, Martin Vun Bu-
rcn , was adding fuel to the flauio.
In lS'.M.he voted lo allow free negroes tho right
of suffrage. Another evidence of "Southern priu
In in tho Mcnale of tho United Slates,
thero was a bill for tho establishment of a Tcrri
'.orial Government in Florida. I copy the following
from tho journals of the Senate :
"The Senate resumed, as in Committee of tho
Whole, the consideration of the bill for the estab
lishment of a Territorial Government in Florida ;
and, the bill having keen amended, it was reported
to the House accordingly ; and,
On tho question to concur in the amendment to
the llth section, to strike out, after the word 'free
dom.' in tho 1 1th line thereof, the residue of said
section, as follows :
'"No slaves or slave shall, directly or indirect
ly, be introduced into the said Territory, except by
a citizen of the Lnited States removing into the
snid Territory for actual settlement, and being, at
the lime ot such removal buna fide owner ot such
slave or slaves ; or any citizen of tho United States
travelling into the said Territory with any servant
or servants, not exceeding two : and every slave
imported or brought into the said Territory, con
trary to the provisions of this act, shall thereupon
be entitled to and receive his or her freedom."
It was determined in the affirmative : Yeas 23,
"Un motion by Mr. Mills,
"The yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth
of the Senators present,
"Those who voted in the affirmative are,
"Messrs. Barbour of Va., Benton of Mo.. Brown
of Lou., D'Wolf of R. 1., Eaton of Tenn., Elliott
of Ga., Gaillard of S. C, Holmes of Miss., John
son of Ken., Johnson of Lou., King of Ala.,
Lloyd of Md., Macon N. C, Noble of la., Pleas
ants of Va., Smith of S. C, Southard of N. J.,
Stokes of N. C, Van Dyke of Del., Walker of
Ala., Ware of Ga., Williams of Miss., Williams
"Those who voted in the negative arc,
"Messrs. Barton of Mo., Boardmen of Conn.,
Brown of Ohio, Chandler of Mo., Dickerson of
N. J., Findlay of Penn., Holmes of Me., King of
N. Y., Knight of R. I. I.nnrnan of Conn., Lowrie
of Penn., Mills of Mass., Morril of N. H., Otis of
Mass., Talmer of Vt., Parrott of N. H., Rusrgles
of Ohio, Seymour of Vt., Thomas of 111., VAN J3U
REN of N. Y."
Mr. Van Eurcn and his colleauge, Mr. King,
who was the leader of those that opposed the ad
mission of Missouri, voted against the Senators
Macon and Stokes from North Carolina, and other
Southern Senators. Ho voted against striking out
this restriction. Another "Southern principle'
And what has he done for the South 7 lie ad
mits in his letter to several gentlemen in North
Carolina, that Congress has the power lo abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia ! What won
derful attachment for "Southern principles !" How-
well calculated to excite the enthusiasm of the
"Southern chivalry !"
(In a late letter to a gentleman in Norlli Caro
Una, Mr. Van Bureii says his opinions are un
Let the comparison be made between him and
But what other 'Southern principles" has Mr.
Van Buren 1 Are his tariff votes "Southern?"
He voted for the tariff of 1824.
He voted for the tariff of 1623, called tho "bill
of abominations." I learn from the Journal that
Mr. Hayne moved "that the bill bo postponed in
definitely." Messrs. Berrien, Branch, Hayne,
Macon, Tazewell, and Tyler, voting to postpone,
and Messrs. Benton, Johnson of Ky., and Van Bit
ren voting against it. On the question "shall the
bill pass as amended," it was determined in the
affirmative. Mr. Van Buren voting fur the bill,
and tho Southern gentlemen I have mentioned
voting against it. Yet he is called in compliment,
"a Northern man with Southern principles." He
not only voted for these tariffs, but when in the
State of New York, in 1827, lie was accused of
dodiring a vote on the wolien bill. On the 10th of
July, 1627, before a meeting in Albany, held to
send delegates to a tariff convention, he gave his
reason in full. H e not only advocated a tariff for
revenue, but fjr "protection."
"Mr. Van Buren said that, having now stated,
as fully as the time would admit, his general views
upon the subject, his opinion of the settled policy
of the State as to the propriety and expediency of
unotuing legislative protection to ihe manufacturing
interests of the country, by temperate and wise,
and therefore salutary laws, and Aw readiness to
aid in the passage of all such laus, lie w ould trcS'
pass for a few moments," ccc.
And to afford another instance of his "Southern
principles," so worthy the admiration of "all the
chivalrv," 1 quote the following patriotic reasons
for his supporting a tariff. Mr. Van Buren said:
"He owed many thanks to the meeting for the
very kind attention with w hich he had been listened
to by the gentleman, between many of whom and
himsc.f there bad, upon public mutters, been differ
ences of opinion of long standing. (V77ia silU'
alion in reference to tho wool-growing interest was
well known lo most of ihem. He had lit present
invested more than sTi20,OllO in SHEEP, and farms
devoted, and which ho meant to devote, to that bu
siness. Je felt all proper concern for his own in
Icrest, and would, of course, cheerfully unite in all
suitable measures for its advantage. C0
What a candidate for gentlemen advocating
"Southern principles!" Ttfenty thousand dullars
in sheep and farms, thirteen years ago, must have
increased by this time, and as he is well known to
ftel "all proper concern for his own interest," he is
unquestionably a tariff man now. Well may
mtiD so rich in sheep and lands sneer at the candid
ate of the hard-cider and lop -cabin men!
Sir, Mr. Van Buren may boast of his "proper
concern" for his own interest; he has never showed
any concern for the interests of his country. This
nation, left so "prosperous and happy" by General
Jackson, has been convulsed with distress since
Mr. Van Buren has presided over its destinies. He
has never suggested any thing for the alleviation
of our sufferings. He dues not acknowledge lie is
bound to do ony thing for the country. Let the
Government take care of itself ; all communities
are apt to expect too much, is the consolation wc
receive from the sheep candidate of "Southern
principles." But the people are coming to tho res
cue. They will take a furmcr from his plough
who, although he has nut invested twenty thoiisund
dollars in sheep, though ho has not at the public
expense visited the King of England, though his
sons have not boen to visit Queen Victoria, and
been treated like lords, among dukes, earls, and
princes of the earth, jet he is one of the people
His life has been spent in the service of his coun
try. His lifo has been often risked for that coun
try. His friends do not advocate his election as a
"Northern man with Southern principles," or
Western man with Eastern principles, but as an
American with American principles, which he has
supported with unwavering fidelity.
Mr. Chairman, I have detained tho committee
longer than 1 expected. If this debute has been
irregular and out of time, it is not my fault. The
example was set by tho Administration. Charges
have been modo which I felt it a duty to expose.
Slanders have been started hero which I felt buund
to delect, which I havo refuted. When this ir
regular debate commenced, I rose in my seat and
protested against it. Tho Administration party
allowed and encouraged it. Let them take tho re
Sir, I hold the President responsible before the
American people, for the agitation of this subject.
The Globe, which he reads daily, supported by his
patronage, the official authorized expositor of his
opinions, is incessantly endeavoring to excilo the
Southern country upon this subject. Continual
efforts are madoby this paper, to urray ono portion
of our peoplo osuinst the other. It snnrpia nri
pains to create sectional differences. The Presi
dent can control this at his will. If he believes
there is no danger to be apprehended, why does he
not say so I It he believes there is danger, why
has he not raised his voice against theaboliiionists!
Why could he not last summer, when travelling in
New York, take occasion to say to them, as Harri
son did at Cheviot and at Vincennas. tlmt thnir
measures wore presumptuous and unconstitutional?
When he addressed his democratic fellow-citizens
at Castlo Garden, could ho not have said a word of
reproof ! Why has he not introduced the subject
into his message to Congress Is it because a
'proper concern for his-own interests," requires
him to devote his considerations to his lurge.mvcst
ments in sheep and farms 1
Sir, I have never believed there was any danger
to be apprehended from abolUonists; I havo al
ways told my constitticnts so. I believe a large
majority of our Northern peoplo are devotedly at
tached to our glorious Union ; I believe a lare
majority are disposed to protect our constitutional
rights; I know they arc. The subject gives me no
uneasiness. The people cannot always be duped.
The Whig parly the true democratic party of this
country have determined to resist the monstrous
schemes of this corrupt Administration. Against
the sub-Treasury the Executive mammoth bank
with their proposal, so appulling to a rrnublican
heart, for raising an army of two hundred thousand
men, we are now contending.
Wo offer a well-tried patriot well tried in the
field ond in the councils of the nation to lead us
on to victory. He is luontified with the peoplo
II is interests are our interests. Having spent the
larger portion of his life among the poor, he feels
for them. Ho is pledged to serve but one term
He will not be electioneering, or tryin" to elect a
successor after he is elected. Believing, if elected,
he can have no other object in view than his coun
try's good, we offer him to the people as tho candi
date of reform.
We raise our banner; our watchword is, "There's
no such vord as fail." And "with a firm reliance
on the protection of Divine Providence," wo cheer
fully leave the issue in the hands of tho American
From the Madisonian.
ULTRA FEDERALISTS WHERE
Whatever may have been the character of the
old federal party, it is that of tho modern federal
party, now in power, winch requires our piesenl
attention. Tho Ethiopian cannot change his
skin nor the leopard his spots nor the federal-
tst his ciiaracteiuucs. As wo remember the
worst characteristics of the old federal party, so
we see in the party led by Mr. Van I3uren. eve
ry feature of that ancient heresy now left, and
indeed tho prominent disciples of that school.
As they were opposed to the last war, so ihcy
hated and abused those who fought its battles and
carried it through. Tho natural dislike of ihe
anti-wtir federalists lo the American officers and
soldiers w ho achieved cur victories by sea and
land, is warmly cherished still in their bosoms,
ond they evince it by pouring all tho wrath once
evelled asninst Mr. Madison, now a-Miust the
only General to whom a British army surrendered
during that war. Parties are known by th..ir
leaders let us see whether the leaders of the
party who have stolen into power in the dis'iiise
of Democrats, as Mr. Jefferson predicted "they
tniitht, are not some of tho worst of the old feder
al party, without reference to their present con
duct, which ulono would bo sufficient to prove
.1...:. m wi, .i i 1
uieu iuuiiuiy. miu uiu Liny.
1. Marltii an Buren,
Who opposed the re election of Jlr. Madison, in
flagrant bdlo 1812.
J. J.cvi Woodbury,
Who was elected Governor of New Hamnshiie
in 1S23, by the voles of the federal party.
3. Roger B. Taney,
Of lath-hatchet and Baltimore mob memory
and who, for performing a service in removing
the deposites, which Sir, Puano scorned to do,
was rewarded with the mantlo of the lamented
Chief Justice Marshall !
4. Jamu Buchanan,
U. S. Senator fiom Pennsylvauia--Ex-Minister
T 1 I Tl . ..
to ivussia cornered rjy joiiu imvis lor his
speech against high wages a pillar of the Ad
ministration author of the most denu nciutory
speech against the Democratic party ever perpe
trated, and who, in 1S28, declaied in tho Senate,
"I have been called a federalist, and I shall never
be ashamed of tho name.
5. Buel Williams.
Van Buren s U. S. Senator ftom Maine, who
assisted to burn James Madison in elfigii, in
6. Henry lluhlard,
Van Buren Senator from New Hampshire, who
was primo mover in getting up the meeting at
which delegates were chosen to the llarlj'ord
Convention fro in New Hampshire.
7. Gctrret D. Wall,
Van Buren Senator from New Jersey, who says
the office holders bio bound lo interfere in elec
tions, and who said in the United States Senate
in 183S, "here, sir, in the presence of the
American people, I aroiu that I was a federalist,
and acted with that party, zealously and active
ly, so long as their flag waved in New Jeisey.''
S. William Wilkins,
Ex Minister to Russia, why, in oration delivcicd
during the Inst war, denounced Mr. Madison, and
tho whole Democratic party.
9. Henry D. Gilpin,
Attorney General of the United States, lute So
licitor of tho Troasuty.
10. Thomas Hartley Crawford,
Of Pennsylvania, Indian Commissioner, &c.
11. JohnM. Head,
United Stales District Attorney at Philadelphia.
12. John Kcane,
Of Pennsylvania, Commissioner of French
13. Boss Wilkins,
Late of Pennsylvania, United States District
Judge in Michigan.
11. George M. Kcim,
Member of Congress from Pennsylvania.
1.3. Richard Rush,
LD'The first man who ever mounted the black
cockade as a federal badge; a federalist, till pur
chased by an office by the democrats; a member
of Mr. Adams' cabinet; candidate for the Vice
Presidency on the ticket with Mr. Adams in
1828; then an applicant for a situation in the
United States Bunk, and its advocate, until dis
appointment opened his eyes to iis enormities,
(and especially the enormity of not providing for
him,) en nnti mason until he found his anti-ma.
sonic hobby-horse could not carry him from Har
risburg to Washington, (into the United States
Senate,) then a supporter of this Administration,
and D3"very soon after, Smithsonian Agent at
London, with a salary of $5,000 A YEAP.
16. Charles J. Ingcrsoll,
Who once honestly declared that had he lived
during tho Revolution ho, too, would have been
a Toky. No doubt of it.
17. Martin Crittenden,
Who, as Governor of Vermont, issued his proc
lamation prohibiting tho Veimont militia from
crossing the Lake to defend PlallslturB acainst
the invasion of the British troops.
18. Dutcc J. Pearce,
Late member of Congress from Rhode Island.
19. Rct. George Bancroft,
Collector of the Cusloms at Eoston.
20. l?j;. H. Everett, of Boston.
21. Wm. C. Bryant,
Editor of the New York Evening Tost, who
abused Jefferson in a poetic satire.
22. John II. Prentiss,
Member of Congress from New York, who once
exclaimed, "Democracy! a monster wild as that
which roams tho Libian wastes, and joys to
drench his tusks in blood a pestilence that
spreads contagion over the whole extent of our
country a pernicious blast, that withers every
thing it touches.
25. George R. Dacis,
Late bank commissioner of New York.
20. John P. Cushman,
Formerly a federal member ot Congress ap
pointed Judge by the Albany Regency.
27. Edwin Croswcll,
Editor of the Albany Arsus, member of the Al
bany Regency, and lor marry years in the receipt
of SMU.UOU a year as the Hegency btate printer
28. Peter D. Yroom,
Une oi those who have ceen toisted into tne
House of Representatives contrary to the wishes
ol u niaionty ol the "legal voters ol .New Jer.
sey, ond who permitted an affidavit to be read on
the fl or of Congress, impugning tho integrity of
Gov. renmngton, which he knew lo be Jalse, and
which has since been acknowledged to be so bv
the man who made it.
29. James Carroll, V. B. member o( Con.
gross from Maryland.
30. I rancis I Uoiaas, . B. member oi Lon
i;ress from Maryland.
31. J. T. 11. Worthington, V. B. member of
Congress from Maryland.
32. Gov. Grason, V. B. Governor of Md.
33. Judge Heath, V. B. man in Baltimore.
31. Dr. Taylor, V. B. ex-member of Con-
gross from N. Y.
35. Judge Vanderpoel, of N. Y.
30. . J. De Graff, V. B. ex-member of Con-
.mess ho. ii i. .
37. Herman Knickerbocker, of Schagliticoke,
a Federal member of Congress during '.he war,
and at present a patent Vun Buren man of tire
38. Harmanus Bleaker, appointed by Van
Buren Minister to the Hague, was, in 1812. a
Federal member of Congress, and a signer of
the celebrated nnti-war minority report, with Jo-
siah Quiucy, George Sullivan, and other celebra
30. Willi-im Hunter, of Newport, R. I.
Charge des Affairs at the Court of Brazil, a Fed-
ral member of Congress during the war, a British
tory educated al Oxford, and an Englishman in his
habits, associations, and family connexions.
40. Edward Rogers, V. B. member of Con.
cross Irom in. l .: son just appointed unarge w
41. Samuel Cushman, who, during the war,
"hoped to God that every American soldier
who marched to Canada would leave his bones
42- Henry Vail, V. B. cx-membcr of Con
gress from N. Y.
43. Jiio. C. Broadhead, V. B. ex. member of
Congress from N. Y.
11. Samuel Harker,
Editor of iho Baltimore Rcpublicau, formerly
editor ol the Delaware Gazette, who, in 1827
said, "we will never ask forgiveness for the po
litical sin which stamped upon us ihe name of
Fepebalist; we delight in the 7iame. Who,
again, in 1S23, said : ,-To us, the name of feder.
alisni is a subject of no reproach. We rejoice to
hear it, and hope that our efforts lo honor and
support it, may be such as it merits. While oth
ers ore ouhacoring to hold it vp to scorn, and
are deserting its standard for the purpose of se
curing power and emolument from other hands,
il shall be our jilory lo support its cause, and
our feeble powers shall always be employed to
display its beauties to others "
45. The author of tho Loco Foco address of
the Van Buren National Convention, recently
held at Baltimore, is said to be Mr. Jno. A. Dix,
of Albany. Ttiis gentleman, we are assured,
ii an old Federalist, and is therefore in his na
tive element when he is engaged in writing Van
Buren addresses. Mr. Dix'i first name is John
46. Another old Federalist
among the supporters of Mr. Van Buren, is Col.
Howard, lute Van Buren member of Congress
47. Another is Virgil Maxcy, Mr. Van Bu.
rrn's Minister at the Court of Belgium.
4S. Another is Mr. Gotham Parks, Vau
Buren United Stale Marshal for the Stale of
49. Another is Mr. Branch, of North Caro
lina, a member of the last Cabinet, and a sup
porter of Mr. Van Buren.
50. Another, if we are correctly informed, u
Mr. Samuel W. Morris, Van Buren member
of the present Congress, from Pennsylvania.
Wo might go on wilh this Jit-t till we filled
our paper, but it is unnecessary. We havo
shown, wo trust, where tho most ultra of tho
old Federalists are to be found. They had ever
a love of power, and of "the spoils of office."
and we have accordingly seen them
' crook the pregnant hinges ofthe kne
Where thrift dolh follow fawning."
Goto the shrine of power, and you will, ii
them the most devout worshippers ever ready to
do the will of their master, and lo receive their
JT.OM THE NEW YORKEK.
THE BUNKER HILL MONUMENT.
Our leaders are already apprised that iho ludiui
of Massachusetts are making active exertions
for the completion of tho long neglected Mo.iu
mcnt on Bunker 1111, in comp'iano with a t
appeal madi by tho Monument Committee
through its Chairman, J. T. Bdokinghnn. Est.
In Bjston, Salem, Worcester, and most of tha
large towns of the S-tau, Fairs arc to be held,
and comm tieca havo been appointed to receiva
contributions of mcrTiey and fabrics, in aid of the
noble enterprise, rroni the venerable matrons
who were spectators of iho conflict to bo com-
memorated, down to tho youngest of the village
school-girls, a'l shaie the general enthusiasm,
and all lend an effort to the cause. La Boston
The Great Fair' will taku place nexl week,
under the direction of the wives of Daniel Web-
ster, Aaron Bancroft, Edward Piescott, and
others. We find in ilia Ncw-York American
the following poem by one of our own contribu
tors a daughter of Massachusetts suggested by
tho recent events connected wilh this effort.
The Ladies' Answer to the Bunker Hill Appeal.
Of Freedom hath gone forth.' Whitlier,
We are coming, wo are coining !
We have heard the thrilling call ;
We are coming from the hill-side,
We are coming from the hall !
The city pours its thousands,
And the hamlet sends its pride,
As fought our patriot sires of old,
In battle side by side.
Again the call hath waked us,
As it woked our fathers then,
When the voice that thrilled the mjuntains
Thrilled the valley and the glen.
We are coming, we are coining.
The daughters of the brave,
The memory of the patriot dead
From cold neglect to save.
Ho'y and dear to all our hearts
Those hero sires of old,
Who left ' the herd upon the lea,"
' The plooghshare in the mould.'
We are coming to the rescue
We answer for the free ;
The green graves of tha slaughtered dead
A hallowed shrine must be.
We are coming, wo are coming.
Again their deeds to tell,
Till the solid marble bearcth
Their names where first they fell.
Joying to pour their hearts' best blood
On soil so rich and free,
And watering with that noble stream
The tree of Liberty.
Now from each household of our laud
Beneath its ample shade,
'We are coming, we are coming '
Be the thrilling answer made.
We are coming, we are earning,
To breathe its hallowed air ;
We are coining, w c are coining.
From homes beautiful and fair ;
Wc arc coming, we are coming
High thoughts our booms fill;
One watchword wakens every heart :
The name of Bunker Hill !
There Freedom's tire was lighted,
And its flame was oroad and high,
Till a wakened and rescued lunj
Sent up its lalt'.e-cry !
'Old Massachusetts ." dost thou no.v!,
To gem thy 'lordly crown,'
Aught richer than that battle-field
Which tells tf thy renow n ',
Home of the pilgrim sires who crossed
The waste and trackless sea !
Wus it not meet that on thy soii
The first brave strife should be !
Dear to thy children in thy home,
Dear to thine exiles far
To Freedom's sons in every age
It shines a beacon star.
We are coming, we are coming,
To ruUe an altar-shriuc
Sacred to Freedom's honored nanm
On hallowed soil of thine.
We are coming, we arc coining,
That thy murtyrs brave and free,
In the record of the Future,
Shall e'er be linked with thee ;
That upon thy glory never
One dimming shad may fall
We are coining from the lull-side,
Wc arc coining from the hall !
The Difference. Gen. Harrison captured
at the battle of the Thames 600 stand of aru.s, 5
vessels of war, and ammuniiion and stores worth
31,000,000. Can any body shew when and
where Mr. Vau Buren ever saved a life or earned
a dollar to the country.' On ihe contrary, after
accumulating a princely private fortune for him
self during a life of luxury and rase, has he not
sipiandcit-d al the rale of $2,000,000 ol iho pub
lic funds annually since he has been President?
lhat being the annual averago excess of his
expenditures over those of Mr. Adams. Gen.
Harrison has made himself pooi in enriching us,
and aficr a long life of hnrd public service, is
obliged lo work for bis daily hi end. Within a
period of two years he rnuied ihe enemies of his
country al Tippecanoe, at Fort Meigs and at tha
Thames, and thus rescued thousands of lives and
millions of piopeily from n savage foe. Mr.
Van Buren hus spenl more than three years, and
$20,000,000 of money, in the Florida war with
out even subduing a meagre baud of Indians,
a handful of savage hat Gen, Jackson once said
he could make a breakfast of. Now, whose ser
vices are most entitled to tha reward? which" of
the two men most deserve the confidence of th
country? Xcwark Daily Advertiser.