Newspaper Page Text
bers lo Congress," and to the Bills of Feins
and Penalties attempted to be fastened
upon us by Col. Denton and his Clique
" llesolved, That the free trade party have
shown themselves to be destitute of Demo
crattc Principles, in refusing to recognise
the editor of the Reporter and other edi
tors, as democrats, because they dared to
be free and oppose error in principle, with
which the free trade party cannot succeed
before the people.
Resolved, That as we believe there are
many true Whigs with the free trade party
who are blinded and deceived by their as
sumed name of Democrat, and led astray
by prejudice and early education, that we
therefore recommend to our friends to hold
county conventions in their respective
counties and invite our opponents to attend
and discuss the points at issue. For this
purpose we suggest to the Central Club of
this county the propiicty of appointing a
time and place for such convention.
After the adoption of the foregoing pre
amble and resolutions, the following was
adopted, and signed by the Club.
Resolved, That we whose names are
hereunto attached, will be prevented by
nothing but sickness, death, or some unfor
seen accident or casuality, from attending
the polls in August and November nest,
and casting our votes for those who will be
most likely to carry into effect the princi
ples of the whig cause.
Resolvcd,1'hsit the proceedings of this
meeting be signed by the Chairman, at
tested by the Secretary, and a copy for
warded to the Editors of the Boon's Lick
Times, with a rcqust that they give it a
S'lacc in their paper: and that the Glasgow
'ilot be requested to copy the same.
Resolved, That the Club now adjourn to
meet again on the 2d Saturday in June next
at 12 o'clock, at Wm. Harvey's school
house, one mile north of Wesley's Chapel,
and three miles south of Roanoke
JOSEPH BONNELL, Chairman.
J. Jones, Secretary.
From iho National Intelligencer.
MR. CLAY ON THE TEXAS QUESTION.
The following letter from Mr. Clay to the
editors, was forwarded from Raleigh on the
day of its date, but did not reach our hands in
time for publication earlier than to-day.
To the editors of the National Intelligencer.
Raleigh, April 17, 1814.
Gentlemen: Subsequent to my departure
from Ashland, in December last, 1 received va
rious communications from popular assembla
ges and private individuals, requesting an ex
pression of my opinion upon the question of
the annexation of Texas to the United Stales.
1 have forborne to reply to them, because it
was not very convenient, during the progress
of my journey, to do so, and for other reasons.
1 did not think it proper, unnecessarily, to in
troduce at present a new element among the
other exciting subject; which agitate and en
gross the public mind. The rejection of the
overture of Texas, some years ago, to become
' annexed to the United States, had met with
general acquiescence. Nothing had since oc
curred materially to vary the question. I had
seen no evidence of a desire being entertained,
on the part of ary considerable portion of the
American people, that Texas should become an
. 'integral part of the Uniifd States. During
my sojourn in New Orleans, I had, indeed been
-greatly surprised, by information which I re
ceived from Texas, that, in the course of last
..fall, a voluntary overture had proceeded from
'-the Executive of the United Slates to the Au
ihorities of Texas to conclude a treaty of an
nexation; and that, in order to overcome the
repugnance felt by any of them to a negotia
tion upon the subject, strong, and, as I believed,
-erroneous representations had been made to
them of a state of opinion in the Senate of the
United States fuvorablo to the ratification of
euch a treaty. According to these represen
tations, it had been ascertained that a number
-of senators, varying from thirty-five to forty
two, were ready to sanction such a treaty.
I was aware, too, that holders of Texas lands
and Texas scrip, and speculators in them,
mere actively engaged in promoting the object
of annexation. Still, 1 did not believe that
-any executive of the United States would ven
ture upon so grave and momentous a proceed
ing, not only without any general manifesta
tion of public opinion in faor of it, but in di
Tect opposition to strong and decided expres
sions of public disapprobation. But it appears
that 1 was mistaken. To the astonishment of
the whole nation, we are now informed that a
treaty of annexation has been actually conclu
ded, and is to be submitted to the senate for its
consideration. The motives for my silence,
- therefore, no longer remain, and I feel it lo be
my duty to present an exposition of my views
and opinions upon the question, for what they
may be worth, to the public consideration.
I adopt this method as being more convenient
than several replies to the respective commu
nications which 1 have received.
I regret that I have not the advantage of a
view of the treaty itself, to as to enable me to
adapt en expression of my opinion to the ac
tual conditions and stipulations which it con
tains. Not possessing that opportunity, I am
constrained to treat the question according to
what I presume to be the terms of the treaty,
if, without the loss of national character, with
out the hazard of foreign war, with the gen
eral concurrence of the nation, without any
danger to the integrity of the Union, and with
out giving an unreasonable price for Texas,
the question of annexation were presented, it
would appear in quite a different light from
that in which, I apprehend, it is now to be re
garded. The United Slates acquired a title to Texas,
extending as 1 believe, to the Rio del Norte, by
the treaty of Louisiana They ceded and re
linquished that title to Spain by the treaty of
1819, hy which the Sabine was substituted for
the Rio del Norte as our western boundary.
This treaty was negotiated under the adminis
. tration of Mr. Monroe, and with the concur
rence of his cabinet, of which Messrs. Craw,
ford, Calhoun and Wirt, being a majority, all
southern gentlemen, composed a part. When
the treaty was laid before the honse of repre
sentatives, being a member of that body, I ex
pressed the opinion, which i then entertained,
and still bold, that Texas was sacrificed to the
, acquisition of Florida. We waated Florida;
but I thought it must, from its position, inevi
tably fall into our possession; that the point of
a few years, sooner or later, was of no sort
of consequence, and that in giving five mil
lions of dollars and Texas for it, we gave more
than a just equivalent, lint if we made a
great sacrifice in the surrender of Texas, we
ought to lake care not to make too great a sac
rafice in the attempt to re-acquire it.
My opinions of the inexpediency of the trea
ty or 1819 did not prevail. The country and
congress were satisfied with it, appropriations
were made to carr) it into effect, the line of
the Sabine was recognized by us as our boun
dary, in negotiations both with Spain and Mex
ico, after Mexico became independent, and
measures have been in actual progress to mark
the line, from the Sabine to Red river, and
thence to the Pacific ocean. Wn have thus
fairly alienated our title to Texas, by solemn
national compacts, to the fulfilment of which
we stand bound by good faith and national
honor. It is, therefore, perfectly idle and ri
diculous, if not dishonorable, to talk of resu
ming our title to Texas, as if we had nover par
ted with it. We can no more do that than
Spain can resume Florida, France Louisiana,
or Great Britain the thirteen colonies, now
composing a part of the United States.
During the administration of Mr. Adams,
Mr. Poinsett, Minister of the United Stales at
Mexico, was instructed by me with the presi
dent's authority, to propose a repurchase of
Texas, but he forbore even to make an over
ture for that purpose. Upon his return to the
United States, he informed me, at New Or
leans, that his reason for not making it was,
that he knew the purchase was wholly im
practicable, and that he was persuaded that, if
he made an overture, it would have no other
effect than to aggravate irritations, already
existing, upon matters of difference between
the two countries.
The events which have since transpired in
Texas are well known. She revolted against
the government of Mexico, flew to arms, and
finally fought and won the memorable battle
of San Jacinto, annihilating a Mexican army
and making a captive of tho Mexican presi
dent. The signal success of that revolution
was greatly aided, if not wholly achieved, by
citizens of the United States who had emigra
ted to Texas. These succors, if they could
not always be prevented by the government
of the United States, were furnishod in a man
ner and to an extent which brought upon us
some national reproach in the eyes of an im
partial world. And, in my opinion, they im
pose on us the obligation of scrupulously avoid
ing the imputation of having instigated and
aided the revolution with the ultimate view of
territorial aggrandizement. Al'er the battle
of San Jacinto, the United States recognized
the independence of Texas in conformity with
the principle and practice which have always
prevailed in their councils of recognizing the
government 'de facto,'' without regarding the
question dejure. That recognition did not af
fect or impair the rights of Mexico, or change
the relations which existed between her and
Texas. She, on the contrary, has preserved
all her rights, and has continued to assert, and
so far as 1 know yet asserts, her right to re
duce Texas to obedience, as a part of the re
public of Mexico. According to late inlelli
gence, it is probable that she has agreed upon
a temporary suspension of hostilities; but, if
that has been done, I presume it is with the
purpose, upon the termination of the armistice,
of renewing the war and enforcing her rights,
as she considers them.
This narrative shows the present actual
condition of Texas, so far as I have informa
tion about it. If it be correct, Mexico has not
abandoned, but perseveres in the assertion of
her rights by actual force of arms, which if
suspended are intended to be renewed. Un
der these circumstances, if the government of
the United States were to acquire Texas, it
would acquire along with it all the incumbran
ces which Texas is under, and among them
the actual suspended war between Mexico and
Texas. Of that consequence there cannot be
a doubt. Annexation and war with Mexico are
identical. Now, for one, I certainly am not
willing to involve this country in a foreign
war for the object of acquiring Texas. 1
know there are those who regard such a war
with indifference and as a trifling affair, on
account of the weakness of Mexico, and her
inabilaty lo inflict serious injury upon this
country. But I do not look upon it thus light
ly. I regard all wars as great calamities, to
be avoided if possible, and honorable peace as
the wisest and truest policy of this country.
What the United States most need are union,
peace, and patience. Nor do I think that the
weakness of a power should form a motive, in
any case, for inducing us to engage in or to de
preciate the evils of war. Honor and good
faith and justice are equally due from this
country towards the weak as towards the
strong. And if as act of injustice were to be
perpetrated towards any power, it would be
more compatible with the dignity of the na
tion, and, in my judgment, less dishonorable
to inflict it upon a powerful instead of a weak
nation. But are we perfectly sure that we
should be free from injury in a state of war
with Mexico? Have we any security that
countless numbers of foreign vessels, under
the authority and flag of Mexico, would not
prey upon our defenceless commerce in tho
Mexican gulf, on the Pacific ocean, and on ev
ery other sea and ocean? What commerce on
the other hand, does Mexico offer, as an indem
nity foi our losses, to the gallantry and en
terprise of our countrymen?
This view of the subject supposes that the
war would be confined to the Uuited States
and Mexico as the only belligerents. But
have we any certain guarantee that Mexico
would obtain no allies among the great Euro
pean powers? Suppose any such powers,jeal
ous of our increasing greatness, and disposed
to check our growth and ciipplo us, were to
take part in behalf of Mexico in the war, how
would the different belligerents present them
selves to Christendom and the enlightened
vorld? We have been Beriously charged with
an inordinate spirit of territorial aggrandize
ment; and, without admitting the justice of
ihe charge, it mut be owned that we have
made vast acquisitions of territory within the
last forty years. Suppose Great Britain or
F ranee, or one of them, were to take part
with Mexico and by a manifesto, were to pro
claim that their objects were to assist a weak
helpless ally to check the spirit of encroach
ment and ambition of an already overgrown
republic, seeking still further acquisitions of
territory, to maintain the independence of
Texas, disconnected with the United States,
and lo prevent the further propagation of
slavery from the United States, what would
be the effect of such allegations upon the judg
ment of an impartial and enlightened world?
Assuming that Ihe annexation of Texas is
war with Mexico, is it competent to the treaty-making
power to plunge this country into
war, not only without the concurrence of, but
without deigning to consult congress, to which,
by the constitution, belongs exclusively the
power of declaring war?
I have hitherto considered the question upon
the supposition that the annexation is attemp
ted without the assent of Mexico. If she yields
her consent that would materially affect jho
foreign aspect of tho question, if if did not re
move all foreign difficulties. On the assump
tion of that assent, the question would be con
fined lo the domestic considerations which be
long to it, embracing Ihe terms and conditions
upon which annexation is proposed.
I do not think that Texas ought to be
received into the union, as an integral part
of it, in decided opposition to the wishes ol
a considerable and respectablo portion ol
the confederacy. I think it tar more wise
and important to compose and harmonize
the confederacy, as it now exists, than to
introduce a new element of discord and dis
traction into it.
In my humble opinion, it should be the con
stant and earnest endeavor, of every American
statosman to eradicate prejudices, to cultivate
and foster concord, and lo produce general con
tentment among all parts of the confederacy .
And true wisdom, it seems to me, points to the
duty of rendering its present members happy,
prosperous, and satisfied with each other, ra
'her than to attempt to introduce alien mem
bers, against the common consent and with the
certainty of deep dissatisfaction. Mr. Jefferson
expressed the opinion, and others believed,
that it never wat in the contemplation of the
I'ramcrs of the constitution to add foreign ter
ritory to the confederacy, out of which new
stales were to be formed t The acquisition of
Louisiana and Florida may be defended upon
the peculiar ground of the relation in which
ihey stood to the stales of the union. After
they were admitted, we might well pause a
while, people our vast wastes, develops our
resources, prepare the moans of defending
what we possess, and augment our strength,
power and greatness. If, hereafter, further
territory should be wanted tor an increased
population, we need entertain no apprehension
but that it will be acquired by means, it is to
be hoped, fair, honorable, and constitutional.
It is useless to disguise that there are those
who espouse and those who oppose the annex
ation of Texas upon the ground of the in flu
ence which it would exert, in the balance of
political power, between two great sections of
the union. I conceive that the motive for the
acquisition of foreign territory would be more
unfortunate, or pregnant with more fatal con
sequences, than that of obtaining it for the pur
pose of strengthening one part against the oth
er part of tho common confederacy. Such a
principle, put into practical operation, would
menace the existence, if it did not certainly
sow ihe seeds of a dissolution of the union . It
would be to proclaim to the world an insatiable
and unconquerable thirst for foreign conqestor
acquisition of territory. For if to day, Texas
be acquired to strengthen one part of the con
federacy, to-morrow, Canada may be required
to add strength to another. And, after that
might have been obtained, slill other and fur
ther acquisitions would become necessary to
equalize and adjust the balance of political pow
er. Finally, iu the progress of this spirit of
universal dominion, the part of the confedera
cy which is now weakest would find itself still
weaker from the impossibility of securing new
theatres for those peculiar institutions which it
is charged with being desirous to extend. .
But would Texas, ultimately, really, add
strength to that which is now considered the
weakest part of the confederacy? If my infor
mation be correct, it would not. According to
that, the territory of Texas is susceptible of a
division into five states of convenient size and
form. Of these, two only would be adapted to
those peculiar institutions to which I have re
ferred, and the other -thren, lying west and
north of San Antonio, being only adapted to
farming and grazing purposes, from the na
ture of their soil, climate and productions,
vould not admit of those institutions. In the
end, therefore, there would be two slave, and
three free states, probably added to the union.
If this view of the soil and geography of Tex
as be correct, it might serve to admonish the
zeal both of those who oppose and those who
are urging annexation.
Should Texas bo annexed to the union, the
United States will assume and become respon
sible for the debt of Texas, be its amount what
it may. What it is, I do not know certainly;
but the least I have seen it stated at is thirteen
millions of dollars. And this responsibility
will exist whether there be a stipulation in the
treaty or not expressly assuming the debt of
Texas. For I suppose it to be undeniable that,
if one nation becomes incorporated in another,
all the debts and obligations, and incumbran
ces, and wars of the incorporated nation, be
come the debts, and obligations, and incum
brances, and wars of the common nation creat
ed by the incorporation.
If any European nation entertains any am
bitious designs upon Texas, such as that or
colonizing her, or in any way subjugating her,
1 should regard it as ihe imperative duty of
the government of the United Slates to oppose
to such designs the most firm and determined
resistance, to the extent, if necessary, of ap
pealing to arms to prevent the accomplishment
of any such designs. The executive of the U.
States ought to be informed of the aims and
views of foreign powers with regard to Texas,
and I presume that, if there be any of the ex
ceptionable character which I have indicated,
the executive will disclose to the co ordinate da
partments of government, if not to the public,
the evidence of them. From what I have seen
and heard, 1' believe that G. Britain has re
cently formally and solemnly disavowed any
such aims or purposes has declared that she
is desirous only of the independence of Texas,
and that she has no intention to interfere in
her domestic institutions. If she has made
such disavowal and declaration, 1 presume Ihey
are in the possession of the executive.
In the future progress of events, it is prob
able that there will be a voluntary or forcible
separation of the British North American pos
sessions from the parent country. I am strong
ly inclined to think that it will be best for the
happiness of all parties that, in that eveitt,
they should be erected into a separate and in
dependent republic. With the Canadian re
public on the one side, that of Texas on the
other, and the United States, the friend of both,
between them, each could advance its own hap
piness by such constitutions, laws, and meas
ures, as were best adapted to its peculiar con
dition. They would be material allies, rea
dy, by co-operation, to repel any European or
foreign attack upon either. Each would af
ford a secure refuge to the persecuted and
oppressed, driven imo exile by either of the
others. They would emulate each other in
improvements, in free institutions, and in the
science of self government. WhilslTexas has
adopted our constitution as the model of hers,
she has, in several important particulars, great
ly improved upon it.
Although I have felt compelled from the na
ture of the enquiries addressed to me, to ex
tend this communication lo a much greater
length than I could have wished, I could not
do justice to the subject, and fairly and fully
expose my own opinions iu a shor'er space.
In conclusion, they may be slated in a few
words to be, that I consider the annexation of
Texas, at this time, without the assent of Mex
ico, as a measure compromising the national
character, involving us certainly in war with
Mexico, probably with other foreign powers,
dangerous to the integrity of the union, inex
pedient in the present financial condition of the
country, and not called for by any general ex
pression of public opinion.
I am, respectfully, yonr oli't servant.
For Vice President
, WHIG PRINCIPLES.
1. A sound National Currency, regulated by the
will and authority of the Nation.
2. An adequate Revenue with fair Protection to
3. Just restraints on the Executive power, em
bracing a further restriction on the exercise of the
4. A faithful administration of the public do
main, with an equitable distribution of the pro
ceeds of sales of it among all the States.
5. An honest and economical administration of
the General Government, leaving public officers
perfect freedom J of thought and of the right of
suffrage; but with suitable restraints against im
proper interference in elections.
6. An amendment to the Constitution, limiting
the incumbent of the Presidential office to a single
Whig Candidates for Elector of President
and Vice President of the U. S.
1st. Dis. TH. L. ANDERSON, of Marion.
2nd. Dis. ROBT. WILSON, of Randolph.
3rd. Dis. A. W. DONIPHAN, of Clay.
4th. Dis. JOHN G. MILLER, of Cooper.
5th. Dis. JOHN S. WADDILL, of Greene.
Gth. Dis. J. RANNEY, of Cape Girardeau.
7th. Dis. HENRY S. GEYER, of St. Louis.
' SATURDAY, MAY 18, 1844.
An unusual amount of rain has fallen the last
i few days. The Eastern mail failed' to reach
this place on Thursday, in consequence we pre.
sume of high water.
Cobbection. The lime for opening the Lodge
of the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, has
been altered from the day published in our last,
and also from the day designated in the Democrat
of Wednesday. Wednesday, the 12th day of
June, has been fixed upon, as will be seen by
the notice in to-day's paper. Such papers as have
noticed it, will please make the correction.
A public discussion takes place to day in the
We surrender a large portion of our paper to
day, to the now all-absorbing Texas Question.
Mr. Benton's letter shall appear in our nixt.
WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTION.
This Convention met in Baltimore, on
Wednesday, the first day of May, for the
purpose of nominating a. candidate for
President and Vice President of the Uni
ted States. We have not room for the en
The Convention was temporarily organ
nized by calling the Hon. Arthur L. Hop
kins of Alabama to the Chair. .
The blessings of God were invoked
upon the assemblage, and passages from
the scriptures read.
Hon. Ambrose Spencer of New York,
was then chosen President, and one dele
gate from each State appointed Vice Pres
idents. The venerable President, upon
being conducted to the Chair, delivered an
Mr. Watkins Leigh of Virginia, spoke
in reference to the objects of the Conven
tion, and concluded by offering the follow
RESOLVED, THAT THIS CONVEN
TION UNANIMOUSLY NOMINATE AND
RECOMMEND TO THE PEOPLE OF
THE UNITED STATES HENRY CLAY,
OF KENTUCKY, AS PRESIDENT OF
THE UNITED STATES.
The resolution was adopted by Acclama
tion! Letters were read from the Hon Geo.
Evans of Maine, Judge McLean of Ohio,
and Hon. J. M. Clayton of Delaware, with
drawing their names from the Vice Presi
Messrs. John Davis, Millard Fillmore,
Theodore Frelinghuysen, and John Ser
geant, were put in nomination for Vice
President, and the Convention proceeded
to vote, viva voce, and the result was as
Whole number of votes 275
Necessary to a choice 133
John Davis had 83
Millard Fillmore 53
Theodore Frelinghuysen 101
John Sergeant 33
John Davis 74
Millard Fillmore 61
Theodore Frelinghuysen 118
John Sergeant 33
Mr. Sergeant's name was then withdrawn, and
a third ballot called for, which resulted as follows:
John Davis 74
Millard Fillmore 40
Theodore Frelinghuysen 155
Mr. Frelinghuysen having received s majority
of all the votes was declared duly nominated,
and recommended lo the pcoplo of the United
States for Vice President,
Speeches were mode from different persons,
from different Stales, who had voled for the un
successful candidates, declaring thcit entire satis
faction at the result, and pledging themselves and
their constituents, to give a hearty support to the
nominees. Mr. Johnson of Maryland, et the
close of his speech, offered the following resolu
tions, which were unanimously adopted.
Resolved, That in presenting te the country
the names of HENRY CLAY for President, and
of THEODORE FRELINGHUYSEN for
Vice President, this Convention is actuated by
ihe conviction that all the great principles of the
Whig party principles inseparable from the
public honor find prosperity will be maintained
and advanced by the election of these candidates.
Resolved, That these principles may be sum'ed
as comprising: A well regulated National Cur
rency a Tariff for Revenue, to defray the neces
sary expenses of the Governmeut, and discrimi
nating with special reference lo the Protection of
the Domestic Labor of the Country the distribu
tion of the proceeds from the sales of the public
lands a single term for the Presidency a re
form of Executive usurpations and generally
such an administration of the affairs of the Coun
try, as shall impart to every bianch of the public
service the greatest practicable efficiency, con
trolled by a well regulated and wise economy.
Resolved, That the name of Henry Clay
needs no eulogy the history of the Country since
his first appearance in public life, is his history
its brightest pages of prosperity and success are
identified with ihe principles which he has upheld
as its darker and more disastrous pages are with
every material departure in eur public policy
from those principles.
Resolved, That in Theodore Fbelinghutsen
we present a man pledged alike by his Revolu
tionary ancestry and his own public course to ev
ry measure calculated to sustain the honor and
the interest of the country.
Inheriting the principles as well as the name of
a father, who, with Washington on the fields of
Trenton and of Monmoulh, perilled Life in the
contest for Liberty and afterwaids as a Senator
of the United States acted with Washington in
establishing and perpetuating that Liberty
Theodoje Frelinghuysen by his course as Attor
ney General of the Slate of New Jersey for
twelve years, and subsequently as a Senator of
the United States for several years, was always
strenuous, on the side of Law, Order and the
Constitution while as a private man, his head,
his hand, and his heart have given without stint
to the cause of Morals, Education, Philanthropy
The Convention of Ratificati on.
This Convention assembled the next day after
the Convention of Nomination. It was such an
assemblage as has seldom, if ever taken place, on
a similar occasion. The number of freemen
who joined in the procession was estimated at
from 60,000 lo 85,000 ! I Delegates from every
State in the Union, wilh appropriate banners,
mottos, music, &c. made up this mighty host.
Delaware bore off the Prize Banner: she having
upwards of One Thousand Delegates in the Pro
cession! Missouri was fully representedshe
stood number three for the banner! Hon. Jons
M. Clayton was President of the Cenvention.
A letter was read from Mr. Clay accepting the
nomination written in his most felicitous style.
Among the numerous gentlemen who addressed
the Convention, he who attracted attention over
and above all was the Hon. Daniel Web
ster, who, with an eloquence peculiar lo himself,
delighted and enchained the vast concourse. He
said that great as he acknowledged the duty he
was under to support Mr. Clay, his disposition
was greater. He payed Mr. Frelinghuysen a
beautiful tribute. The resolution declaring the
concurrence of the Convention in the nomination
of Clay end Frelinghuysen, was received in a
manner that beggars all description. Tho Ball
is in motion Locofocoism is scattered to the
winds The People have willed it, and who shall
dare oppose their sovereign voice!
Gen. Augustus Jones of Washington county,
has announced himself an Independent candid,
ate for Congress. This makes up the Independ
ent Ticket, viz: Gen. Jones, T. B. Hudson,
Maj. Sims, Ratliff Boon, and John Thornton.
The whigs have nothing lo do but stand aloof and
witness ihe fight. Will not some of the Inde
pendents dare to meet tho Lion in his den? The
first Monday in next month, being court day,
will collect a crowd of people.
For St. Louis, Ho!
WHO'S GOINTTlCONVENTION ?
The Whigs of the Glasgow Clay Club have
made arrangements with the new end splendid
steam boat "Lewis F. Linn," to convey the How
ard delegation to the St. Louis Convention.
The Convention lakes place on Monday, the
3rd day of June next. The boat will leave
Brunswick on Friday the 31st instant, and arrive
at Glasgow in the evening of that day: will leave
Glasgow on Saturday morning at 8 o'clock, and
will land at Arrow Rock, Boonville and Roche
port, in the usual tunning time, and arrive at St.
Louis on Sunday. Returning, will leave St.
Louis Wednesday morning early, and arrive at
Glasgow Thursday evening.
She will convey the delegation there and back,
and board thorn while there, for Six Dollars
Old Howard ought to bo fully represented in
tho Convention, and we hope all who desire and
intend going, will attend the meeting of the Club
A delegation of the sturdy whigs and fair dam
sels of "old Boone," design going down on the
Lewis F. Linn.
Roceb S. Baldwin was chosen Governor of
Connecticut, by the Legislature of that State, on
'he 2d instant, by a majorily of 23 votes. -
The first number of the "Harry of the West,"
s campaigner issued from the office of the Lex
ington Express, has been received. It is neatly
gotten up and well filled with the right kind of
matter'. The whigs of upper Missouri should ex
lend a liberal tuppoit to it.
Ci LOU Y ENOUCi II !
Old Virginia! '
THE MOTHER OF PRESIDENTS, OF
HEROES AND. STATESMEN,
GALLANTLY TAKING IIEK STAND IN TUB
The news from the Old Dominion is good,
great, and glorious! Official returns have not
yet been received, but enough is known lo render
it certain, beyond doubt, that the Whigs have
carried the Legislature, and will have a majority
on joint Fallot of Four Votes! Goggin is cer-'
tainly elected and is perhaps now in the seat he
was cheated out of at the beginning of the ses
sion of Congress. Judge Baily is mot probably
elected from Wise's district. The Whig majori
ty in the Legislature insures the election of a
Whig to the United States Senate!
This is a victory indeed! One that will make
the "Coons grin" in every nook end corner of
this vast country. And it was a victory achieved
by no humbuggery, but upon Principles. A
Bank, the Tariff, Distribution with Clay as
their champion, was boldly proclaimed in every
county in the State: and lo! the voice of the
People proclaims these are the measures they are
in favor of and this The Man lo carry them
Amos Kendall's infamous and blasphemous
publications the letter of the "unimpeached and
unimpeachable" Col. Lynn Boyd of Kentucky--a
desperate effort of the locos to force tho
new Tariff through the House of Representatives
a flood of documents "got up expressly for tha
occasion," and franked by the locos in Congress
to every nook and corner of the State the "soul
stirring appeals" of the veteran of the Enquirer
all, all, ALL, failed to have the desired effect!
Tho People are tired of promises and humbug-,
gery, Shadows and Names have lost their
charm and the people have determined no longer
lo follow the one nor be deceived by the other.
The Richmond Enquirer says: . .
"We have lost in Virginia more than we ex
pected. But the precise results of the bailie are
not yet ascertained. We have lost the Uov.se,
that is certain. We have a majority of ten in
the Senate: whether the Whig gain in the Housa
can overslaugh our majority in the Senate is not
exactly known. There is some danger of it;
in which event we lose the joint vote, and the
Whigs gain the United States Senate."
Mb. Ritchie and Mb. Van Bcben. The
Washington Correspondent of the New York,
Herald, writes that a letter has been received at
Washington from Thomas Ritchie, Esq., editor
of the Richmond Enquirer, stating that Mr. Van
Buren must be withdrawn. Mr. Ritchie says
that such is the effect of Mr. Van Buren's letter
against annexation, and the effect of the unfa
vorable result of the late elections there, that
Mr. Van Buren cannot carry Virginia, and
some other candidate must be taken up. He asks,
"Who shall be named?" He advises great pru
dence and caution wishes Mr. Van Buren's
friends treated with kindness not alienated or
Those whom I have consulted men of great
sagacity and prudence regard this as most im
portant, and, in fact, decisive as to the fate of
D3"The May number of the "Ladies' Corn
panion" is received. It is the first number of a
new volume and makes a fine beginning. It is
inferior to no' work of tho kind now published.
It is beautifully embellished wilh two engravings
entitled "The Milk Maid," and "The Warrior's
Daughter." Also a fashion plate colored.
Among the contributors are Mrs. Embury, Miss
Gould, Miss Barratt, of England. Professor In
graham, Henry B. Hirst, and others. Address
Ladies' Companion Office, 109 Fulton Street,
New York 83 per annum.
rXjJoHBf C. Spenceb has resigned his oflice
as Secretary of the Treasury. Judge Green, of
New Jersey, is expected to fill the vacancy,
TO THE FREEMEN OF HOWARD.
Fellow Citizens: My political principles
having been doubted, I lake this method of briefly
stating what my principles are:
1st. I am no aspirant for office, and do not
make "politics a trade," but live by the "sweat
of my brow."
2d. I was a Jackson man and voted for Van
Buren under the belief that he would carry out
Jackson's views: This he failed to do, and 1 can
not support him either directly or indirectly.
3rd. I am in favor of a Protective Tariff,
that will protect our own Manufacturing, Labor
ing and Agricultural interests, and give employ
ment to the muliiludo of people who would be
idle under a system of "Free Trade and Sailors
4th. We must have Banks: I prefer a Na.
tional Institution, rather than a host of Slate
Banks. A well restricted National Bank
has, and will furnish cheaper and safer facilities
to our commercial interests, than State Banks
have, or can. Such an Institution would afford a
sound paper circulation for commercial purpo
ses, and give the people a circulation of gold and
silver, which they could at any time convert into
safe, sound and current paper money, that would
pass at par anywhere, and not subject them to tha
mercy of shaving shops and swindling houses: It
would give the farmer good money for his pro
duce: 5th. I am opposed to all electioneering hum.
bugs: both parties resort to too much humbug
gery. Hard money and Free tiade, coon skins
and hard cider, are humbugs. "Principles, not
men," is my motto. The man who advocates
principles which 1 believe to be correct, and who
is capable and honest, and faithful to the consti
tution, can got my vote: none other can. Vole
for no man, fellow-citizens, because his father, or
grand-father "wore a mark."
6th. I voled for Jackson because he was in
favor of a Protective Tariff. I yet stand on the
same gronnd, believing that we should st no time
give England the advantage of us.
These, fellow. citizens, are my sentiments,
briefly stated. In these days of electioneering,
we fchould be governed by the good coinmanJ
nient, "watch as well as pray." Be nol deceived
by humbugs, nor blinded by names or party devo.
lion; stick to principles go for the men who ad.
vocate those principles, and the Republic will be
se. - WILLIAM HINES.
Howaid County, May 15:h, 1011.