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THE MONTANA POST. -. Ne wspaper, Devoted to the Mineral, Agricultural and Commercial Iiterests of Montana 'I'erritory. "OL. 4, NO. 17. VIRGINIA CITY, MONTANA, SATURDAY DECEMBER 14, 1867. WHOLE NO. 173. The Montana Post o. w. TILTON £ CO.. - - - PUBLISHERS ,T.\ . I3. . IILLS. - - EDITOIR , I -NI S oF THIS NUMBER. A F l ::e l're-ident's Message ; The Co intr. ; t r ".tna Legislature ; From Sterling; , n Shanghai ; Pen and Scisa-rs. Fe E --;.amb f ;h:e L nited States. e .° --.Z.rramr: Mining Matters. S- : Lg:.ature; Pen and Sciussors; - :: Laos of the United States ; i;.' . Dickens' Readings ; Helena - ,. -,Lake City, Report of the Su ' : M-ad,-ou County Schools; Heard ) M ·- u,. lr ). .. r --lP .-r : From Argents; The Mountain , -- anid HIelena Locals; Virginia - .- Enactments ; Gold; The Extra S..: important Corrections. THE MIESAGE. H, !ave betore us the full text of an S;..a:..a', campaign document prepared S iack.Attorney Stanberry and a ý-; B..,.'kley, approved by Andrew . :.L. n. 'rtsident, and addressed to the of the United States. Through :.. .'. perhaps, of the Associa •':,.-- .,t. or some one else design : 1 , :P'resident, it has been pub-. : :hit ,rounty as the annual mes * 'r.i-ident to Congress in obe h-: following provision of the n : " The President shall, .. to time give to the Congress :..;,,,n of the state of the Union and S:... t their consideration such : - r,.:- h shall judge necessary and SIn the document before us S: artrh of that information such S. , .aracterizes and is provided - :lat .e section. In its partizan . v - ,],inous: in its information " ,i r; t.he great national and inter .., ;iia uitrests of the country, neces S uide Congress in its legislation, r. = .r-" ;s the chief characteristic. S ~,'! Iie-t-.agt. ever before was ad :.-.d t, that body by a President, T., i r.ii of it Is a stale rehash of the .:, acd iu idious sop)histries em :.i i ! he veto messages to the civil '.:r.nchise and reconstruction bills -.:, scar,'ely the virtue of being clothed : :"w expr,-sion, and a violent denun "n ," all ac:ts of Congress not in har . N: i:tl the opinions of the self con v: .\rn .-rican Dictator, with recom :..ni,!;,nn that they be immediately rr,.a:, i. If this is what Andrew John s Q'n rc,.iv.ts to be the character of the Slta-, required by the Constitution, h- %%iil ind a very diverse opinion is en :er:a:ned by the people of the United S'a:,-s. It is said, " No rogue e'er felt the halter draw \H Ith good opinion of the law." In proof of this proverb the President inv,~ghs bitterly against the Tenure of f,'ce bill which prevents him, an iras c: I,. passionate and obstinate Presi , nt. fr)n hurling out of office, except -:,,n evidence of mal-feasance, incapac ,:v or disloyalty, men who had proven l,.ir tlility and loyalty in the dark L .,r=, the war, and were the only OLre Tcll't tnt to speedily, successfully a i ,',,nonically restore the govern n-rit i.ep.rtrments to the condition re 1i. the return of peace, In the S:!-'. '---im,n of as abitrary a disposi . , .Tacksn, with few of hisredeem r 'ia.~ , this check upon his de a ain-t officers in whom the en .:nlitry had full confidence, galls -.i?!.uaf', him, and this is the key to ." ' r i,,n of the message. ;r,-n of the message is, how (t arguments against the reconstruc ." 'icy ,of Congress. Had not these F" " ar'uments been presented repeat :n the very same question, to al t :: w .ame members and been as re »ate,!*yl answered by an almost unani a' vo:e against them, their presen :atBln as arguments might be less iner We, as a part of the "measures" ac nI "necessary and expedient," but 'ririg the arrogance with which they -ae presented, it is simply ridiculous to "peat them when the measures are now in fu:l force and working succeaesflly it accordance with the design and in "t ,f those who framed them. In this p"I~t the President has overreached 1-: 'elf by prostituting the duties of L. othce of Chief Magistrate to issuing &camplaign document under the trans pIrent disguise of a State message, This Lone was its intent. Congress had plain ' xIressed its position on reconstrue tn and he had no hope of inducing it to recede from it. He saserts that he Dh no sympathy for the South by the i.lAowing, but differs merely as to the Kode in which their crime shall be punished, so that even the South owes him no gratitude. I have no desire to save from the proper and ju-t con~equences of their great crnme, those who engaged in rebellion agasnat the Govern nr ea', but as a mode of punishme·t the meas ures under consideration are the most onret sonable that could be invented. Many of those people are perfectly innocent. Many khpt their fidelity to the Union untainted to the last. Macy were incapable of any legal offense, and a large proportion even of the prsonas able to bear arms, were forced into rebellion against their will, and of these who are guilty with their own consent the decrees of guilt are as various as the shades of their char acter and temper. But these acts of Congrees confound them all together in one common doom. Indi-criminate vengienc upon classe e.ctL- and parties, or upon whole communities for offences committed by a portion of them against the (iovernment to which they owed obedience, wa common in the barrious sgce of the world. But Christianity and cir ilization have made such progress that re cour-e to a puni-hment so cruel and unjust, would meet with the condemnation of al nnprejudiced and right minded men. The principles of justice of this age, and especially in thia country, does not consist in stripping whole States of their liberties and reducing all their people without distinction, to the condition of slavery. There could be no falser interpreta tion of the reconstruction laws than the above. By them the line is drawn sharp ly between the instigators and, the vic tims of rebellion; the loyal are sustained, the disloyal restrained and the criterion of loyalty is that by which they are judged. The main assertions are not sophistries or perversions, but utterly untrue, be they uttered in ignorance or spoken in malice. Betore an altar build ed of shackles, stricken from the fetter ed limbs offour million human beings, the sacrifical bleod of our bravest and best has been spilt and the people of this Union have sworn that henceforth no slavery shall blight our fair land or en danger our government, even to gratify the avarice of aristocrats or the ambition of "plebians." From these and their dupes comes the growl of discontent. But. Mr. Johnson does not entertain these views. He is acting under the hallucination that to him alone has been revealed the method of adjusting the difficulties and embarrassments con sequent upon the recent rebellion, and while complaining that he has been di vested of his authority as Executive, as sumes the prerogatives of all three of the co-ordinate branches of the Govern ment, and transcending all privileges and rights bestowed upon him by the Constitution, assumes the sovereign power with the arrogance of a despot. He has established provisional govern ments in the rebel States without a shadow of authority, removed officers, disposed of property, and by various methods executed legislative functions. In the absence of Supreme Court deci sions he now decides upon the constitu tionality of Congressional acts, and thus conibines in himself the three. I would be unfaithful to my duty if I did not recommend the repeal of the acts of Con gre-s which place ten of the States under the dominion of military masteis. If calm re section shall esatisfy a majority of your hon orable bodies that the acts referred to are not only a violation of the national faith but in direct conflict with the Constitution, I dare not permit my-elf to doubt that you will im mediately strike them from the statute book. To demonstrate the unconstitutional char acter of these acts, I need do no more than to refer to their general provisions. . . a a a The acts of Congress in question are not only objectionable for their assumption of ungranted power, but many of their provi sions are in conflict with the direct prohibi tions of the Constitution, The Constitution commands that a republi can form of government shall be guaranteed to all the States; that no person shall be de. ptived of life, liberty or property without due process of law, arrested without a judicial warrant, or punished without a fair trial be fore an impartial jury-that the privilege of habeas corpus shall not be denied in time of peace ; and that no bill of attainder shall be passed even against a single individual, yet the system of measures established by these acts of Congress does totally subvert and de stroy the form, as well as the substance of re publican government in the ten States to which they apply. It binds them hand and foot in absolute slavery, and subjects them to a strange and hostile power more unlimited and more likely to be abused than any other now known among civilised men. It tramples down all those rights in which the essence of liberty consists, and which a free UovWerument is always most careful to protect. It denies the habeas corpus and the trial by jury of personal freedom, property and life. If as sailed by the psesion, the predjuice, or the rapacity of the ruler it has no security what ever. It has the effect of a bill of attainder, or a bill of pains and penalties, not upon a few individals, but upon the whole masses, including the millions who inhabit the subject state, and even their unborn children. These wroncs being expressly forbidden eannot be, Constatutionally, indicted upon sany portion of our people, no matter how they may have come within our jurisdiction, and no matter whether they live in States, or Territories, or Districts. The President has serious deliberations in view of the above, and his forbear ance, if his beliefs are honest and his views correct, in not adopting "forcible measures" to crush nout the acts of Con gress, can only be attributed to Imbe cility or cowardice, notwithstanding the excuses ofbred below. How far the duty of the President to re -a-v nd defend the Conittiroos_ t serve, proec o in opposing omtLoftusloi at acts of Conqgrs, is verj sriom and i ortant question on whic I have dilibes.e: much ar, and felt extremsely aies o renaek a opor concloslon. Where an et# - be psed a~cording to the forms of the Ooastitu tion by the supreme legislative authority, and is regularly enrolled among the puhlie estat utes of the couatry, Ezeative reeames to it, specially in times of high party ecite meat, would be likely to produce violent col lision between the repective adherets of the two branches of the government. This would be simply civil war, and civil war must be re sorted to only as the last remedy for the worst of evils. Whatever might tend to prevent it should be most carefully avoided. A faith ful and conscientious magistrate will concede very much to honest error, and something even to perverse malice, before he will endan ger the public peace, and he will not adopt forcible measures, or such as might lead to force, as long as those who are peaceable re main open to him or his constituents. It is true that casee may occur in which the Executive would be compelled to stand on his rights and maintain them, regardless of all consequences. If Congress should pass an act which is not only in palpable conflict with the Constitution, but will certainly, if carried out. produce immedtate and irreparable injury to the organic structure of the government, and if there be no judicial remedy for the wrongs it inflicts, nor power in the people to pro tect themselves without the official aid of their elected defender; if, for instance, the legisla tive department should pae an act, even through all the forms of law, to abolish a co ordinate department of government, in such a case the Precsdent must take the high re Sponsibilitie of his office and save the life of the nation at all hasards. The so-called re construction acts, though as plainly unconsti tutional as any act that can be imagined, were not believed to be within the class last mentioned. The "coordinate branch" referred to means the President, and the contingency means in case of his impeachment. That under which force would be resorted to of course, in his eyes, is of paramount importance to the "absolute slavery" of twelve million people, but it weakens his argument very much. Upon the question of negro suffrage he says, in conclusion : Of all the dangers which our nation has yet en countered. none ar? equal to those which must re sult fr,m the effrt now t Ping made to Africanize the half of our country. I would not put consider arions of money in competition with justice and right, but the expenses incident to reconstruction under the system adopted by C'ongres, aggravate what I regard as the intrinsic wrong of the m.ns ure- itself- It has coret uc',tunte~d millions alreadv. and if persisted in. will add largely to the list of taxation already tto opprer ive to be bIrne without complaint, and tann finally reduce the treasury of the nation to a condition ,,f bankruptcy. We moust not delude ourselves. It will require a strong staunding armu, and probably more than two hun dred million dollars per annum to maintain the su premacv of negro governments after they are established. Tlhe sums thus thrown away would, if properly used, form a sinkinng ftuacd large enough t,, pay the whole national debt in lees than Affteen years. It is vain to hope that negroes will main tain their ascendancy themselves without military power. inat rei Ccountry. tie richest the world ever saw, is worse thau hlot if at be n:.t soon placed un der the protection of a free constitution. Instead of being as it ought to be. a source of wealth and oneor, it will become an intolerable burden upon the weal of the nation. Ano'her reason for re tracing our steps wi!l doubtless be seen by Con gress in the late manifestations of public opinion uipn this subject. We live in a eortry where the popIul.r wvi;l nlwa)s enfoces obedience to itself, so.iner or later. It is vain to think of opposing it with anything short of legal authority backed by overwhelming force. It cannot ha'e e-poapd yonr attention thua from the day onu which Congress fairly and fnrma!lly presunuted the pr position to go'vern Southern States hy m,;itary- force with a vi.ew to the establishment of negro supremacy, ev ery expression of the general sentiment has been more or less adverse to it. It gives me ple..are to add that, the appeal to our eutanmn constituents was not made in vain. and that my confidence in their wisdom and virtue seems not to have been misplaced. Which very gratifying deduction is made, doubtless, from the tact that ne groes now vote in eight Northern States, and Andrew Johnson is repudiated by both parties. In regard to finances, the President says there are $700,000, 000 of paper money now in circulation an increase of $500,000,000 since the be ginning of the rebellion. He urges a re turn to specie payment, but does not suggest any definite plan for its accom plishment. In regard to the public debt he says, " A sound currency should be restored and the public faith in regard to the national debt be sacredly ob served." On the 30th of June. 1866, the public debt amounted to 42.783,428.879. On the 30t h June last, it was $2,692,199,'215, showing a reduction during the fesal year of 091 "226.664. During the _scal year ending June 30th, 18b7, the receipts were $4,906.340,010, and the expenditures $346, 729129, leaving an available surplus of 142,-. 904.80). It is estimated that the receipts for the fiscal year endig Juooe 35th, 1866, will be $417, 161,924, and that the expenditures will reach the sum of $393.29,226, leavir.g in the Treasury a surplus of 23 .89270t2 For the fiscal year ending June 30th, 189 it is estimated that the receipts will amount to $381,000.000, and that the expendi tures will be $372,550,000 showing an excess of 86000,000, In favor of the goveanmeat. The report of the Secretary of War ad in terem, exhibits the operations of the army, and of the several Bureaus of thh War department. The aggregate strength of our military force on the 30th of September last was 5,315. The total es timate for military appropriations is $77,124,707, ncluding a deficiency in last year's appropriations of 613,600,000. The payments at the Treasury on aecoent of the service of the War Department from January let to October 29 1867. a period of ten mouths, amounted to $109.870,000. Indian affairs are mentioned only in general terms, and reservations recom mended. The amount raid to pensioners includin the en of disbaament was $186,190,956 and 36583 names were added to the rolls. The etire number of pensioners on the 30th of Jane last, was 164,474,600 Bleve thonsmad six hundred and Ofty are pates and desigs were smed during the Io enng eptember 0th 1867, and at that e bt ace is ther meuary to the ardit of the patest I ads was 097,0W0. The report of the Sea yof the nvy state that we have sever sq rlaroin iey and Judieomly employed, under eldmt and able commanders in proteting the pesmW ad property of Amerlea citis ; malta g the dignity and power of the g.vemmet .d prooing commeree and the btudm laterests of our seatrymsn in every part of the wrld. Of the 238 vessel composing the present navy of the United States, 56bbT8 gMsM are in sqadron service. year the number of vesse in commisen - we r d.ced 12 and there mle 1 lees am sauadres duty than there werent heoda t l stepet. A ge number of vaeesis were eomm -eed ad d ceme , csutst ugle the wad seemises4 s oa . ass _ atnhas w upoe them, or limited it to a slw pietoe of steam vessels, so as to meet oontra~ for maeiiaey mde with pste esab. m .rnts. The total expendituere of the Navy Depart mr..t for the year ending Jane 30, 1861, were $1,034,011. The report of the Post Master General shows the businem of the Post Okce Depart ment and the condition of the poetal service il a very favorable light, and the attention of Congres is called to its practical recommeo dations. The receipts of the Department for the year ending Jane 30, 1867, including all special appr priations for sea and land service and for mail service were $19,978,693. The expenditures for all purposee were 19,335,483, leaving an unexpended balance in favor of the Department of $743,210, which can be applied towards the expenses of the Department for the current year. The increase of the poetal revenue, inde pendent of special appropriations for the year 1867 over that of 1866 was $850,040. The in rease of revenue from the sale of stamp and stamped envelope was $782,440. The increase of expenditures for 1867 over these of the previous year was owing chief7 to the eaten sion of the land and ocean mail service. The productions of precious metal in the United States from 1849 to 1857, inclusive, mouated to $579,015,000 from 1858 to 1860, iaclasive, $127,600,000, and from 1861 to 18671 iaclsive, to $457,600,000, making the grand aggrqlate of producus since 1849, $1,174.000, (100. The amount of specie coined from 1849 to 1807 $874,000,000. Exports of specie since 1848, $433,000.000.There are in the Treasury $11,000,000; in coin, something more than $400,000,000 in circulation on the Pacific coast and a few millions in the National and other banks-in all about $160,000,000. This however, taking into account the specie in the country prior to 1849, leaves more than 300,000,000 which have not been accounted for by exportation and therefore may yet remati in the country. IU depreciatee pacer IS to ob continued as the permanent currency of the country and all oar coin is to become a mere article of traircand speculation to the enhancement in price of all that as indispenoible to the com fort of the people, it would be wire economy to abolish our mints, thus saving the nation the care and expenses incident to such estab lishments and let all our precious metal be exported in bullion. The time has come, bowe.es; when the government and national banks should be required to take the most caciest stepe and make all necessary arange mentefor a resumption of specie payments at the earliest practicable period. Specie pay ments having been once resumed by the Gov ernment and banks all notes or bills of paper issued ofa less denomination than tweinty dollas should by law be excluded trom circu lation so that the people may have the benefit and convenience of a gold and silver currency. which in their business transactions will be uniform in value at home and abroad. No arragement has as yet been reached for the settlement of our claims for British depredations upon the commerce of the Unit ed States. I pave felt it my duty to decline the proposition of arbitration made by Hec Majesty's Government, because it has hitherto been accompanied by reservations and limita tions incompatible with the rights,interests and honor of our country. It is not to be appre hended that Great Britain will persist in her refusal to satisfy these just and reasonable claims wi.ti. involve the sacred principal of son-intervention, a principal henceforth not more important to the United States than to all other comercial nations. He recommends an appropriation to pay for Alaska and also the island of St. Thonlas, be lieving these naval outposts to be of vital importance to the country in time of war. The following, is in regard to the conflict of authorities in regard to the Fenians. In connection with this subject the atten tion of Congress is respectfully called to a singular and embarrassing conflict of laws. The executive Department of this overnment has hitherto uniformlly held as it now holds that naturalisation in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the United States ab solve the recipient from allegiance to the Britush crown while another theory is held that it is indefeasible and that the recipient is not absolved by our laws of naturalisation. British Judges cite courts and law authorities of the United States in support of that theory against the position held by the executive authority of the United States. The Message closes with a recom .mendation to discontinue the squadron for the suppression of the slave trade. As an argument against the policy of Congress, it is a well prepared, car.fully studied document. The same tone of *'uneonstitutionality" pervades it that characterized the efLasions of Vallan digham and his compeers when they proved so conclusively to some that the sons of the Republic had no constitu tiosal right to protect it. It is techni chal, insidious, perverse, and in its spirit is an encouragement to the people of the South to rebel against reconstruction as now in progress. To this, and a de nuncdation of Congress, is devoted fully one-half of the Message. From those portions not long since produced in veto smessages, we have made liberal extracts. The liberty taken to thus pervert the message to a harangue of his hobbies, will meet with very little commenda tion from any party, and the assumption of the prerogatives not vested in the executive, of deciding arbitrarily on the constitutionality of acts, contrary to the decisions of the Supreme Court, and charging Congress with a fagrant, wil ful and continuous violation of their oath, is an unwarranted, unprecedented, and thoroughly Johasoalan act of die tatorial, abnsive Impudene. How dif hIent is the fiereely petulant tone of eMIsfrom the r rdersad greatessasd goodneo s Io oln's messages, where even the enemies of the country were poken of more in pity than in anger, with malice towardl none and charity fb edl. HADP To BKa.IVa.-It is eurreatly eor'ed that Col. W. W. Chapman, =sher of Thomas Chapman who was tied at the last term of the district emut, at this place for the murder of WIm Miller, has repudiated drafts 4 bw hi . o Js . G uJa . ha for p of those is de the eass. We hear ow draft s to one of the attorsey, hep ssass tems his s-s Is as quitted oby s g orn f the attormee uImLed la the case. Very bad, if true - JLodes Iidpendnt. With a superstitious dread the com mercial world looked forward to 1867 as a year of distress, and bankruptcy in the United States. With each returning cycle that added a 7 to the numerals of the maturer years of the nineteenth century disaster has come to the coantry, culminating in '87 and '57 in ravul sions that brought Bankruptcy and Mis ery, unhidden but persistent guests, alike to the homes of opulence, comfort and poverty. The inflation of currency and excessive pleutitude of the circula ting medium during the war; the ex cesses and extravagances begotten of its diffusion among the class unaccustomed' to the possession of greater sums than thoae actually required to maintain life, and the spirit of speculation engendered in another class who accumulated princ ly fortunes by the necessities of the government, all led to the belief that succeeding this abnormal condition of affairs would come a financial crash un paralelled in the history of the govern ment. The question was agitated, men took a look ahead, the decks were clear ed, and the return of peace found the little business barks moored in safe har bors, while the stauncher ships lay to, close reefed, and nearly all rode out the storm in safety. Financiers and com mercial men were still di"trustful. It was not believed possible that the coun try could emerge from the vortex of war without some terrible disaster, and the mystical year was looked forward to with dread assurance, that its coming would bring the inevitable crisis. Fore warned is forearmed, and for once super stition has been of good service. 1807 came, the country was prepared, its days have been numbered with the re corded past until but a few remain, and while prices have depreciated corres pondingly to the approximation of cur rency to specie, somewhat embarrassing business operations, there has been no crisis, no general bankruptcy, no wide spread distress. Manufactures, conse quent upon the enormous surplus man. ufactured for government, and since thrown upon the market, have, in some few branches of trade, been reduced, and operatives thrown out of employ ment. This, however, could not be otherwise, and be desirable. The sup ply is regulated by the demand. Con sumption goes on, and as the surplus supply is exhausted, manufacturers will resume and the regular, constant, de inand of a prosperous and increasing population will drain with a steady flaw through the old legitimate channels. The excess of manufactures in the country is not sufficient to retard re sumption until a general and long con tinued suspension would lead to destiti tution among operatives. Generally, labor finds employment at present at steady and high figures. Trade is a mere interchange of commodities. Mer. chandising, the buaing and selling of them, and Commerce, their transporta tion. The prosperity of any country, depends, as a rule, primarily and main ly upon the product of the necessaries of life. The earth has yielded her in crease during the past year. The grain crop is larger than ever before. The husbandman's granaries are overflowing. It will seek the avenues of trade and commerce, benefitting and stimulating all branches of industry at home, and, iy export, procure what foreign commodi ties are required without draining the country of specie. Of the precious met als the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific slope produce more than the balance of the world combined. The President computes the average of the last six years at $53,000,000 annually. In 1866, the product was $106,000,000. In 1867, it is estimated at $74,000,000. The de crease may be attributable to the trans. ition from placer to quartz mining, more permanent, but requiring time to make such immense yields as the placers. This alone, however, is almost double the entire product of the world seven teen years ago, and is produced by less than 450,000 people, only about one fiftieth of the population of the Union, who besides are self sustaining in man, ufactures and agriculture. In all branches of material prosperity, the country is to day, in as good condition as it ever has been during its glorious history. Our terrible war shook the State to the eentre, but its dangers are past; its disasters being rapidly retriev ed; its incumbrance of debt being re m.oved with speed and freedom from oppressive tarxton ; industry is e warded; great national enterprises are progreaig, sad Pesee binds us with her golden cestus, while Plesty nib the lmd with Joy. This is the condition or the eoevr. There is no good ears! why it shem be eherwlee while earth is exzhubeat, air pure, and Heaven gr elous Yet we hear daily, that the land Is blighted with shadows from the wings of war, and that irretrievable ruin is upon us. The wish is father to the thought. With all the power they pos sess, designing villains, to subserve and party personal ends are endeavoring to throw the wheels of government from the path of progress and prosperity, by vio lating its faith, and placing it before the world a bankrupt and defaulter. With economy, anti-taxation, and con stitutionality stolen for their watch words, they are pursuing the course that must inevitably bring ruin, distress and perhaps disruption upon the land now in the full possession of every re quisite to continuous welfare. This cry of oppressive taxes, tyrannous military despotism, and unconstitutionality of laws will develop into the financial issue, which circumstances indicate will be the leading question of-the pending cam paign, and should the half and whole repudiationists succeed, no power likely to interfere in national affairs can save us in '68 from the financial crash that did not come in '67. REVENUE COLLECTIONS. The following, which we presume to be a circular addressed to all Internal Revenue collectors, has been received by Mr. Langford, and evinces a determina tion on the part of the G(overnment to punish the frauds so extensively perpe tratedt on the Government, with a pen alty more severe than the mere forfeit ure of a portion of the gains in evading the statutes. The manufactures are so limited and the payment so complete and voluntary in Montana, that the most rigid application of the law would scarce ly result in a year in a single instance of the kind of punishment contempla ted in these instructions. However, it may be well enough to make public the purpose of the department. TREASURY DEP'T, OFFICE OF ITERNAL REVENUE, rASIIINGTON, Oct. 31, 1867. Sin : I desire to call your attention not only to the great importance of rig idly enforcing the laws against offen ders, but of enforcing them in the man ner best calculated to secure their ob ject. It is believed that the practice too much prevails of prosecuting with a view to the imposition of pecuniary pen alties alone. Ir many cases the inflic tion of such a penalty is very little pun ishment-insufficient even for deterring the offender from a repitition of his of fense. Forfeiture of property and the imposi tion of fines seem to be regarded by many persons as affecting a delinquent's property rather than his character, and what was intended as a punishment for fraud is construed into the avarice of officials. Imprisonment is a positive punish ment, which the guilty must bear for himself, and unlike fines and penalties, cannot be paid and discharged out of the proceeds of frauds. This can only be secured by an energetic and earnest prosecution of offenders, and by using all possible diligence in procuring testi mony to be used at their trial. I would by no means have fines and penalties less than heretofore, except when punishment is the alternative, and it becomes necessary under the stat ute so to do, in order to secure impris onment. The penal provisions of the statutes are for the prevention of frauds rather than the immediate production of revenue. What I have said is especially appli cable to the law and its administration in reference to distilled spirits, coal oil and tobacco, snuff and cigars. There are immense frauds in the manufacture and removals, and every revenue officer owes it to the Treasury, to the public, ana to his own reputation to do all he can for their detection and rigorous punishment. I desire,therelore,to earnestly urge up on you the great importance of an ener getic and co-operative performance of your duty'in this behalf, and that you see that all officers employed under you be diligent and prompt in the perform ance of theirs. Any misconduct or in efficiency on the part of such officers should be immediately reported to this office for the action of the Department, and any supposed fraudulent violation of duty to the United States district at torney for prosecution. You may rest assured of the earnest and unmeasured support of this office in your vigorous efforts for the thor ough and rigorous administration of the law. The law, to be productive and sustained by the honest tax-payer, must be enforced against wrong-doers. Very respectfully, E. A. ROLLINS, Commissioner. N, P. LANGFORD, Esq,, Col. Since the first appearance of Webaer's Benentary SpeUer, some thirty-five years ago, not less than forty million copies have been printed. Its actual sales du ring the past year were over one million Ave hundred and ninety-six thousand dollars--equal to five thousand one hundred and thirty-one copies per day for the three hundred and eleven work ing-d in the year, or five hundred and n per hoar, allowing ten hours per day--making an average pro ductim of eight and- -half book per minute or one every seven seconds: In his walk from top e.ab Westrn had to take s ,81$ o w do this in twentyseve days, he d to take 95,500 per day.