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2?ho $ork Sttbune
Flnt to Last?-the Troth: New??Editorial?
?.?nber of tha Audit Bureau of Clrculatlona
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1918
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?' A. (?mer. Trea-urer. Address. Tribun* Tiulldlu.. 154
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MEMRKR OF TTTE ASSOT?ATKD I'RRSS
Th? Afi.wi???tl Presa Is e-cluslrel? entltlfd to the xir?
for rti'utl'i.iion ot s'.l new? dispatches credit?) to it or
not uUj.rwin. < red I led lo ?his paiwr an<l also tlio local
tew? of ?i-intaiiaoua origin published herein.
All rta'.?_ t>? r-puhlk.tlon of all other matter herein
ar? ?in.? leeervrd.
Now there is great danger that a
criminal nation will go insane on the
threshold of judgment.
Germany is seized with Bolshevism.
?Suddenly on the imperial fleet, in many
imperial cities, on the principal impe?
rial buildings, you see that symbol of '
human catastrophe, of moral irrespon?
sibility, of unrestraint, of lust idealized
--THE RED FLAG.
Th_ people announce the arrival of the
"Social Republic" and call what they
have done a bloodless, friendly revolu?
tion; but people never know what they
have done until afterward. They do not
know whether they are morally and
politically equal to the responsibilities of
a revolution until they have tried, and
then, if they are not, it is tragically too
What now is taking place in Germany
is so like the Russian revolution at a
corresponding stage of development as
to ha absolutely unoriginal. That would
be characteristically German, or, if you
prefer, characteristic of German effi?
ciency, which consists in a certain heavy
genius for imitation and development.
In Germany, as in Russia, the revo?
lution actually began among idle sailors
on idle warships. Everything that has
happened since, including the circum?
stances surrounding the abdication of the
Kaiser, has been patterned upon the
event in Russia. There is some fighting
in the streets, It is admitted, but
not much?no more than was neces?
sary to make everybody understand that
the people were in control because the
military had come over to their side.
Fatal delusion !
There are, as in Russia, Workmen's
and Soldiers' Councils. They ultimately
decide everything. They control the new
government and give it orders. One of
the first things they do is to seize con?
trol of news agencies. Thus, it is the
Wolff News Agency, formerly inspired
by the German autocracy, that now
issues to the world the semi-official news
of the German revolution. It seems
always necessary for the revolutionists
to censor news of their own activities.
There is, as in Russia, the same stress?
ing of the notes of fraternity and equal?
ity, the same pride in the bloodlessness
of the business of putting proletarians
in tho place of kings, and the same
strange and menacing emphasis upon the
word bourgeoisie, meaning the middle
classes who own most of the property.
There is the same na?ve representation
as to the sentimental manner in which
the soldiers, and sailors and people agree
and understand each other, and the same
conservative demand that order shall be
You would think it a conservative
revolution; but all revolutions seem con~
servative in the beginning, because peo?
ple are for a Utile while afraid of tho
feeling of power and intend to exercise
it cautiously. They touch gingerly and
with, pangs of superstitious awe the
weapons and symbol?; of authority.
It was so in Russia.
Then very rapidly it was perceived
?hat there was no power equal to that
?if a machine gun mounted on a motor
iorry, and the rest is an unfinished story
of rule by massacre and murder, the
greatest demagogue being he who can
by simple rhetoric ease the conscience
of an armed soldier out of work
already resolved to take anything in
sight, but preferring generally to take
it on some pretext of political or moral
It may be even so in Germany. No
one can tell what may not happen under
the RED FLAG.
Beeiden, there ia more in common
emotionally and : between
<aui ? ?Au-ru-At ?i-oletariau* than
has often been clear. The soul of the j
proletariat in both countries is a peasant, j
envious, gloomy soul. The Russian got j
his socialism from the German; and it i
suited both equally, because it was a
socialism of fear, hatred and revenge. |
The German, like the Russian, submitted j
to a million tyrannies in helpless de?
spair, sublimated his grievances by faith
in the divine right of kings, believing it
less and less, and went stolidly on with j
an existence of terrific repressions.
Now suddenly banish all the "verbo?
ten" signs, lift the private and social
and political restraints, give control of
Germany to the Bolshevist proletariat of
Berlin?and what will happen?
The Socialists now taking charge of
government may become anathema to the
radicals in a very short time. Ebert
may be Germany's Kerensky. The high?
est bidders for machine guns on motor
lorries may for a time be the rulers of
Germany?the Lenines and Trotzkys, of
whom there are many.
Fancy turning upon the Junkers and the
bourgeoisie of Germany a heart-hardened
army trained in the theory and technique
This may be where God intends to
take up the work of the Allies and begin
to punish the Hun.
Revolution in Germany makes every?
thing a little more complicated. Whom
are we fighting? With whom shall we
reckon? Somewhere in France are the
German armistice plenipotentiaries,
awaiting word from Great Headquarters
to sign or to come back, but what is the
word of the German High Command now
worth to the German nation? Are the
people themselves bound by it? Suppose
they repudiated ?he armistice as signed
and refused to carry out its terms. What
then? Finally, have or have we not a
quarrel with the German people?
America at the Peace Table
In naming commissioners to repre?
sent the United States at the peace
conference President Wilson would do
well to remember the precedent set by
President McKinley in 1898. The latter
had broad and generous views of the
relations between the Executive and
Congress. He had been a leader in Con?
gress himself for many years. He recog?
nized, as few of his predecessors or suc?
cessors have done, the value of cordial
cooperation between the executive and
In the determination of treaty rela?
tions with other nations the Senate is
more than a merely coordinate legisla?
tive body. It ha8 an undisputed execu?
tive function. It is part of the treaty
making power, since it may amend
or reject a treaty which the President
has negotiated. The extent of its legiti?
mate participation in foreign compacts
is emphasized by the constitutional pro?
vision that two-thirds of its member?
ship must consent to a treaty before it
can become effective.
It would have been impossible to a
statesman of President McKinley's ex?
perience and suavity to think of sending
to Paris in 1898 a mere personal agent
or set of agents to arrange peace with
Spain. The only person in the McKinley
| entourage in any way corresponding to
! Colonel House vas Marcus A. Hanna.
j Hanna was a United States Senator in
I 1898. But President McKinley would
j never have dreamed of choosing him as
the head of a peace commission. Much
less would he have intrusted such re?
sponsibility to a "kitchen cabinet" ad?
viser, who had never been in the diplo?
matic service or had any experience with
foreign affairs, either as an executive
officer or as a member of Congress.
President McKinley selected as peace
commissioners William R. Day, Secre?
tary of State at the time of his appoint
j ment; Whitelaw Reid, former American
I Minister to France, subsequently Ambas
! sador to Great Britain; Cushman K.
| Davis, chairman of the Senate Committee
on Foreign Relations; William P. Frye
i and George Gray, also members of that
? committee. In these nominations the
| President recognized to the full the joint
j authority of the Senate in concluding
I treaties. Ue took a majority of the com
J mission from the Senate, and thereby
j shrewdly put on the three leading mem
: bers of the Foreign Relations Commit
; tee the responsibility of obtaining a rati
; iication of their own work. There was
j a touch in this of that comity and
| political generalship by which McKinley
i had established his unique influence in
. the Congresses chosen during his terms
j in the White House.
He believed in representative govern?
ment. He gave the minority in Congress
a voice in the peace negotiations?in the
i person of Senator Gray. All the proc
i esses of the conference were thus freely
i bared to a spokesman of the opposition,
I who was free to assent to the results
! achieved or to dissent from them. Secret
diplomacy was eschewed. The Senate
| was not asked to approve a document of
which its members know nothing. The
| minority was not left out in the cold.
! Tne result was that the Treaty of Pans
' was ratified in a Senate in which the
Administration was far short of a two
thirds majority of supporters. And that
in spite of the fact that the acquisition
of the Philippines, for which it provided,
at once became an issue in domestic poli?
tics, and was made only a year later
the main issue in Mr. Bryan's second
campaign for the Presidency.
The feeling of the country has just
been manifested by the election of a Re
j publican Senate and House of Repre
! ??c?tativta. The Senate to which the
treaty of peace is submitted may be a |
Republican Senate. The Republican j
party is, therefore, entitled to suitable |
representation in the American peace !
delegation. At least one of the commis?
sioners ought to be a Republican leader ?
of high standing. And it would be a dis?
creet move on the Administration's part
to give the Senate a voice in the negotia?
tion of the treaty which it must ulti
I mately reject or approve.
The appointment of peace commission
I ers will be a test of President Wilson's
declarations in favor of open and demo
I cratic diplomacy?declarations .which
! have not been translated into actuality
? in his conduct of foreign relations so
, far chiefly through the medium of per
! sonal emissaries, whose qualifications
1 have never been submitted to the scru?
tiny of the Senate.
The problems of the peace conference
I are too big to be solved by personal
: diplomacy. The personnel of the peace
! commission ought to command the re
1 spect and voice the feeling of the eoun
; try as a whole. It should be all-party
; and ail-American.
j Palestine as a new Utopia, a state
| wherein all that is best in politics, eco
| nomics and religion will come to fruition,
is the interesting forecast of Dr. Gaster,
I one of the leaders of the Zionist move?
ment throughout the world and chief
: rabbi of the Sephardic Communities of
j England. The Sephardic Communities,
I in England as well as in other lands, are
j the descendants of the Jews who were
expelled from Spain by Ferdinand and
i Isabella in 1492. Wherever they were
; scattered throughout the world these
? Jews carried with them a high standard
\ of culture. The Sephardim are proud of
i the great number of famous statesmen
j they have produced. Disraeli was of
j them. These facts give more than ordi
? navy interest to this prophecy of Dr.
"Palestine will be the great centre of
' civilization, not only for maintaining and
for furthering the great ideals pro
! nounced by prophets and seers in Israel,
? but where all modern social reforms
' would easily be introduced on the basis
of Biblical teaching, solving, or at any
rate attempting to solve, economic and
industrial problems, problems of the
| relation between capital and iabor, and
! even of the relation between Church and
j State, and other questions which are
! considered now after-war problems.
"The Jews will start there on quite
! an independent platform, not fettered by
: vested interests or old feudal traditions.
; They will write, a.s it were, on a clean
j slate the new message to the world."
To the Gentile the most astounding
statement made by Dr. Gaster is that to
| himself and other Jews it is immaterial
j whether the overlordship of Palestine is
: Christian or Mahometan. It is in dis
'? cussing the protectorate that must be
? maintained over Palestine until it is
? ready for entire independence that he
j "As to the religious aspect, the view
| which is taken by the vast majority of
; Christians is entirely different from that
: which we take. To them it is a matter
I of freedom, as they would call it, from
the rule of the infidel. To us it is a
? matter almost of indifference as to which
; of the two daughter religions of Juda?
ism, Christian or Islam, holds the rule in
Palestine. The followers of the two are
to us, from the religious point of view,
It is easier to get Dr. Caster's point
of view in this matter when it is recalled
I that he is a descendant of those Jews
' who rose to wealth and power in Spain
under the Moors and were driven out in
1 poverty and suffering by their Christian'
majesties Ferdinand and Isabella.
The matter of the ultimate indepen
; dence of Palestino is one on which Dr.
j Gaster lays great stress, and when that
I day comes the Jew throughout the world
I shall look to the Jewish nation for pro?
tection just as the Frenchman, no matter
where he lives, looks to France and the
Englishman to England.
And, finally, Dr. Gaster sounds the
j warning, as Kipling did, that "East is
j East and West is West," and that one
I cannot impose its civilization upon the
; other, and that Palestine, being both of
| the Orient and the Occident, must be the
: solvent in which the antagonistic ele
; monts can mix. It is not the least of
: Palestine's r?les, to judge by the serious
i ness with which Dr. Gaster discusses
j "Palestine will become the only pos
j sible connecting link between the West
and the East. For if the Western pow?
ers imagine they can introduce Western
j civilization into Asia they are laboring
? under a very grave and gross miscon?
ception. Wheresoever that civilization
has been carried it has acted as a dis
, solvent : it has destroyed the old and has
created no new. The best that can be
i found in Western civilization can becar
! ried to the East only through a semi
j Eastern people which combines the intel
j lectuality of the West with the spiritual?
ity of the East.
"Let no European power imagine that
they will be able to hold forever rule
I over Eastern peoples. All European set
i tiers from the West, except the Jews,
' decay physically. Morally they lose their
. grip, and all the while the subject na
: tions awaken to a full self-consciousness.
A grave danger may thus arise when
; the spirit of the East becomes aroused
| to a high pitch of fanaticism unless
1 means are taken to mould the future so
? as to prepare a gradual awakening to
j the highest and noblest ideals of human
| ity. And that the Jews alone can do by
their knowledge of the West and their
sympathy with the East. That is the
salvation which is to como again from
the hillfi of Juden and from the Mount
Oswald Garrison Villar.I calls The
I Tribune u jingo newspaper.
SHOES & SHIPS &
i OUR OWN WAR ANTHOLOGY
The Limited Sen-ice Man.
I The doctors found him lackla' when he bucked
against the draft,
; They put him with the Has Beens and the husky
boys all laughed,
j "CIa??a One, Division C," they eald, "Domestic
! We'll u?e him In the tj. B. A. It's Genera!
He's not all right, but still and all. he ain't se
; So bo's wearing army khaki, and you bet your
life he's glad.
Bo its pushing a pen, or guarding some men
Or pounding a post till God knows when;
Oh, its tramping a bridge, or walking a ridge.
With a shell plant beneath and your nerves
Yes, he's helping a littlo and glad he. can,
Though only a Limited Service Alan.
! He has no hope of el^ry and he'll never get no
I No Craw de Gara will shed undyln' lustre to his
Too many teeth be'a lacking, or his eyes aro on
Or tachycardia?what's that??may be what alls
To him the Janes all murmur, "When you goln'
It's hard to keep from lyln' when you're up
against that whee?e.
Oh, its uHeldin' a pick or poundin' the keys,
A-doin' much work that not a aoul sees;
It'.-, watchin' the slackers they catch in the
An' givln' 'em hell when they throw doion
And still it'.-, part of tho great big plan;
The work of the Limited Service Man.
j When others talk of Saint Meheel, Verdun and
! He'll have to prato of Upton, Dix and piers at
! When others boast the record that their old
i He'll hardly want to brag about the "Steenth
: But "U. S.'" is on hli; collar and lie's on tho army
; And when the Kalsor's out at homo. Just give him
For it's all a, part of the wonderful game,
And they arc his buddies who grab off the
They're bcarina the burden and heat of the
And theirs be tho honor for many a day.
To work for Old Glory an much e-s he can?
Thafs enough for the Limited Service Man.
When the Germans started this war
: folks said:
"They must be crazy."
When they pillaged Belgium and sank
I the Lusitania people reiterated:
"They must be crazy."
When they flaunted us and trampled
' on the flag and bullied us into war every j
?' one chorused:
"They must be crazy."
And now the troops have mutinied,
and, despite the grisly horror of Bol- '
' shevism standing like a spectre at their ,
? side, they have set up a Soviet govern- j
| ment and formed a "Council of Soldiers
And that, in our humble opinion,
! proves it.
Wo urge that the S. P. C. A. apeak harshly to \
? the food administration, which hau just an- j
j nounced! , j
"Licensees are requested to not dross turkeys
j in an atmospheric temperature ahovo 40 degrees." ;
What righteously vindictive person, we
: yonder, devised tho route whereby the \
German commissioners entered the Al
' lied Unes? And didn't he Jtave a gorgeous
\ time picking out a road over which the
! portly Prussians travelled only with the
? aid of a lahm- battalion, and got there
I late at that?
F. F. V.
i The Fashion Mill
, To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Why is it that, in these days of
necessary sacrifice and of increasing de?
mands for gifts of money, that false god?
dess, Dame Fashion, should be permitted
to decree a new silhouette for women, mak?
ing the short, full skirt of tho last few
seasons a conspicuous object beside the
clinging length of this year's modes? There
I are many, many women who would be per
| fectly willing to give the price of a new
j winter suit to tho United War Work fund
| and enjoy the virtuous sensation gained
j thereby, if their vanity would not be made
j to suffer too much. But this year, when
i economy is urged and preached by every
department of the government, when two
million men in France, instead of one, need
recreation huts and books and sweets and
I writing paper, the appeal to the weak
1 woman to purchase the new styles and look
up-to-date is more compelling than usual.
We do not expect the Y. W. C. A. workers
to discard their old uniforms for more re
! cent models; the cut of their skirls is the
: last thing the brave nurses burden their
j minds with. In this time of strict account?
ability for every luxury, of sharp cleavage
j between the useful and the unnecessary,
I should not the fashion mill be termed a
i non-essential industry, and the energy
j which is its fuel be diverted to other chan?
nels? GRACE G. SANFORD.
Sherburne, N. Y., Nov. 4, 1918.
Reason in Beetles
i From The Westminster Gazette.i
The psychological -value of M. Fabre's
work and testimony is great, quite apart
: from its passing interest for him who runs
? as he reads. Once for all ho must surely
! have exploded the myth that instinct is
reason in littlo, or that reason grows out
of instinct. Quite obviously they are plants
l of a different species. He quotes Lacor
i daire, in his "Introduction to Entomology,"
, referring to the burying beetles, as a glar
: ing instance of an advocate of the reason
| ex-instinct myth: "'The following case,' he
'that is, Lacordaire) continues, 'recorded
j by Gledditsch, has also every indication of
j the intervention of reason. One of his
j friends, wishing to desiccate a frog, placed
! it on the top of ?i stick thrust into the
| ground, in order to make sure that tho
? Necrophori (burying beetles') should not
. come and carry it off. Hut this precaution
was of no effect; the insects, being unable
, to reach the frog, dug under the stick, und,
1 having caused it to fall, buried it as well
I tus the body.' "
LOOKS AS IF IT WAS GOING TO BE A CLOSE FINISH
The New York Tribuv.? I
Foreign Prtn.i B?imit?
ONT SEPTEMBER IS a deputation rep- !
resenting the trade unions of Ger- j
many, selected by the executive
authorities of the various organizations,
appeared before von Hortung to make
representations on c?)nditions in Germany
and the question of peace. Delegate
Thomas, of Frankfort, speaking in behalf
of the deputation, said:
! The End of
! "The sending of this delegation proves
i that the working classes still have a rem?
nant of confidence in the government, even
though almost the entire people have
grown frightfully discouraged through i
the ?nner political events of the past few
weeks. The representatives oC the Ger- j
1 man working classes were not able to j
i look on and observe how the people were ?
i sinking, economically, from one stage to j
j another. In the first place, the food ques
! tlon has reached its lowest point. The
\ quantities (of food) diverted by con
? sciencelese men from the feeding of the
j people have reached enormous proportions.
| The distribution through legal channels
j ha3 grown less and less. Even the heavy
workers must pay extortionate prices. It
is growing more and more general to buy
without regard to prices or anything else.
In that way the very men who need food I
most urgently are deprived of it. The
physical strength of the workmen is de- j
clining in a way to awaken anxiety. They !
are no longer able physically to do what i
i was formerly easy for them.
"The taking over of supplies in the j
country districts is wholly inadequate. ',
The working people in the cities are com- j
pulled to submit to the rod of the j
auxiliary service law. The greatest con- j
: eideratjon is shown for the farmers. In
1 view of the present distress sins of omis- :
? eion have the effect of crimes against the
; people. The leaders of the labor unions
! are no pessimists, are pot weak-kneed, are ?
not breeders of despondency?but it is the :
highest time to make improvements? for <
the excitement among the working classes
is prodigious. The most beautiful words j
of warning must prove without effect. In- ?
to a hungry stomach only soup logic and ?
dumpling reasons can find entrance. The
working people should not have to gc !
hungry any longer, inasmuch as the rich
are not suffering hunger. The govern?
ment absolutely must hang the clandestine
traders, seize all food supplies and make
them accessible to the entire people,
abolish the meatless weeks, and give larger
allotments of potatoes.
60 Marks for
A Pair of Trousers
"The crazy prices for shoes, clothing
and linen aro quite incomprehensible.
Here we have the most brazen usury!
Here we have the real traitors who have
led the German people to their economic
break-down. A simple pair of trousers for
a laborer now costs 55 to 60 marks, instead
of 4 marks, and lasts only one-fourth as
long as formerly. Even patching is no
longer possible. The government must al?
lot things (clothing) to the laborers just
as to the soldiers. The hours of labor
must be reduced in order to counter?
balance the under-feeding. That can be
done without reducing the productive
capacity of the factories.
"All economic distress is aggravated by
the unstable and fluctuating internal
policy; the Hertling government has not
brought the stability hoped for. Indigna?
tion over the irresolute attitude < of the
government) has risen to the boiling point.*
A grim embitterment of the people is
caused by the comedy in the House of
Lords. The government must at last
speak a word of might, dissolve the Diet
and make good the Kaiser's promise. The
measures of the general commands re?
specting the censorship and the state of
siege weigh very heavily upon the trade
unions and their press. Many of th_
gf.'neral commands show extreme distrust
j of the unions."
The Hard Hit Hotel
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Certain allegations having appeared
| in the public press recently intimating that
i the hotel and restaurant men of our city
\ were profiteers, I am prompted to appeal
j to your sense of justice for a fair and ?ni
j partial hearing, so that you may become
: familiar with a serious situation which con?
fronts the industry as a whole.
There are two sides to every question,
? and our side has not been asked for. The
? American business man is a patient animal
? and usually suffers in silence while the de?
tractors do all the mischief. The editorials
in the daily press on profiteering in hotels
I and restaurants have done a reputable bus
inees irreparable harm. The hotel and res?
taurant man ?3 not different from a great
majority of other loyal American citizens, j
He is trying to live right, think right and '
act right, and he re?ents being called a
profiteer when in reality he is hard put \o
keep his business from being put into the
If there is so much profit in the restau?
ran business Delmonico's would hardlv
have gone into the hands of receivers, nor
would Sweet's restaurant, downtown?after
having been in business for ninety year's?
nor Stewart's, also downtown. The letter
Mr. William Childs, jr., wrote to the press
comes nearer presenting the real condition
than anything else that has been printed.
His pre-war profits ran close to '! cents a
meal; now they are about half a cent a
meal. JOHN MT. BOWM \N.
New Yo.k, Oct. .''J, 1018.
The Shorn Pacifist
To the Editor of The Tribune. ?
SII?: In your issue of November G you
take up, after a month, reference tu
Professor Cadbury's letter in "The
Philadelphia Public Ledger" of October 12.
With your protest against this letter you
connect up a phrase which is very objec?
tionable to Haverfordians, am! which has
been protested against to me by n promi?
nent citizen of New York and a patriotic
Haverfordian. You refer to Professor
Cadbury as having come "from that hot?
bed of pacifism, Haverford College." 1 have
nothing to say for Professor Cadbury. He
may take what is coming to him froh, the
press. But I should appreciate it if you
would take a brief space to correct the in?
justice contained in the first sentence of
your editorial on "The Complcat Pacifist.''
I am sending on a separate sheet which 1
should be very grateful if you would pub
lish, inasmuch as we are here dealing with
facts which speak for themselves and are
not engaging in any academic argument.
W. W. COMFORT, President
Haverford. Penn., Nov. 8, 1918
At a meeting of the board of managers
of Haverford College held November 1.
1918, the following recommendation of the
committee appointed to consider the rc.ig
nation of Professor Henry J. Cadbury we?
approved and adopted;
"That Professor Cadbury ho riven leave el
absence for the rest of this academic year. ?R'l
that action upon hi? resignat'on be deferred
for consideration nt a rmeeting of the board, to
bo held not later than next Thirl month.
"The precious privilege of free ju'ipment fuia
utterance, where conscience is truly concerne?!.
Haverford College respecta and maintain?. But
the habit of temperate judgment arid consider
ation for the feelings of others with whom one
has associ?t"! one's self should alwaye charac?
terize the utterance of a scholar, especial?
upon matters touching the public conscience
We hold that Professor Cadbury, in i
to 'The Public Ledger.' of October 12, reflecte,
upon the integrity of the present spirit ?r.a
aims o? a vast majority of cur fellow citi-en?,
and used intemperate and unjustified lan_uat*
which Haverford College ?repudiates."
?This action was published in the Philadel?
phia paper? of November _,
We are informed that the official figures
in regard to participation of recent Haver?
fordians in various forms of service dunnf
the war is as follows:
Navy . ?
Medical and ambulance.
Friends' Civil Reconstruction Work... W
In addition to these men there are cer?
tainly over 100 Haverfordians who ?"
serving in some patriotic capacity at how'
in civilian activities.
It is significant also tha' as a matter ?
fact Haverford College subscribed $31,400
to the fourth Liberty Loat:, which amount
is 100 per cent over the amount subscribi?
for the third Liberty Loan, although the
number of students at present is less than
one-half what it was last : j ring.
War Names in the News
Limont-Fontainc.,le?--m. i. -faun*-tenn
Signy l'Abbaye... TWen-y < ?b-bay
Poix-Terron...... pwah-1 r-mun*
Haraumont..-_iro-mn m ' o as i? *?