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First to Last?the Truth: News?Editorlals
Mettber of the Audit Bureau of Clreulttlona
WEDNESDAY, MAY 14, 1919
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If Germany Doesn't Sign
Suppose the Germans don't sign?
what then? What means will bring a
change of mood?
The armistice automatically will ter
minate and Germany will be subject to
occupation. This will involve few prac
tical difficulties, and the wisdom of pre
cautionary provisions of the armistice
terms will -quickly appear.
The German army has been demobi
lized?except for a small force. The Ger?
man submarines are in Ally possession;
and the German airfieet and the effect
ive artillery establishment. The Ger?
man commissary is disorganized and
can neither equip nor supply troops.
Germany has enough rolling stock on
her railroads to supply civilian needs,
but not enough to move armies. . So as
to motor cars and tractors.
The advance into Germany would not
be war, but a parade. The German
leaders know this as well as others, and
do not pretend to hold out a hope even
of resistance. As for joining hands
with the Bolsheviki, as is faintly threat
ened?this is impossible. Poland inter
poses a bar to physical connection, and
long before it was passed the Allies
would be in Berlin.
But perhaps it would not be necessary :
to occupy Germany. Germany is short \
oi food and a reestablishment of the '
bloc'kadc, this time complete, would cre- i
ate conditions that the German people, |
with their profound war weariness, are
not morally equipped to endure. Riots
among the starving and the semi-starv
ing would not be agreeable to read about,*
but in the disturbances Germans would
bc killing Germans, not their adversaries. ;
Germany for six months has been will?
ing to go Bolshevist if it would do her ;
any good, but she has seen Bolshevism '
is something that makes bad conditions |
Maximilian Harden is the one man in j
Germany willing to say what the Ger- !
man people really think. Other editors J
say the things Germany wants the out- j
side world to think she thinks. And
Harden frankly declares that the peace
terms are no more onerous than Ger?
many had a right to expect. If condi?
tions had been reversed Germany would
not have been satisfied to file merely a '
reparation bill. She would have re
quired payment of her war expenses;
and perhaps a profit, as she did in 1871,
when France paid approximately 50 per
cent more than the ^Geraian war ex
Except hurts to pride, the peace con?
ditions are not severe, if Germany means
hereafter to keep the peace. Why does
f,he wish to have an army or a fleet?
Forced disarmament is about the only
discrimination against her, and thii dis?
armament obviously is to enable the
Allies, as soon as they dare, to disarm.
That Germany, after a period of
Bputter, wili sign is still the best guess.
1 f ahe does oot, if the Ebert government
Waats pres^ure to be exerted to enable
lt to say it had no option, there will, of
course, be no chance except to oblige.
Then, the domestic end having been
achieved, the delegates will announce the
unconditional surrender which the Amcr
!can people demanded in November.
ter over the Fourteen Points should
deceive none except those who want to
be deceived. Germany brought the Four?
teen Points out of the obscurity in which
they had reposed for a year as a diplo
matic manceuvre. She hoped to divide
the Ailies at the peace table. It was all
pretence that the terms suggested by
President Wilson were fundamentally
different from the terms previously an
nounced by the Allies. In the very
speech which contained them President
Wilson did not contend he offered any?
thing new or different. He identified his
fcummary as subatantively tl.e same as
that of the Allies. Before proceeding
to his enumerations he said:
"Not once but again and again wc havts
teid our whole thought and purpose before
' world, not in general terms only, but
?fcfc tlnw with roffldent deftnitlon to make
? dear what eort of definite terms of set
Uement must necessarily spring out of
tjiern. Within th? last week Mr. Lloyd
George has spoken with admirable candor
*r,d in admirable spirit for the people nnd
government of Great Britain."
Germany in the gprlng of 1918 held
tte Fourteen Points were impossible.
Her diBcovory of virtue in them did" not
come until she was whippod. Moreover,
our allies, when consenting to use the
Fourteen Points as a base, specifically
indicated that Germany must pay a dam?
age bill; and it is the damago bill, with?
out -in any way alieging it exceeds the
damage done, that Germany now myn
i* crushing. Germany signed tho ar
mistice knowing she must make good for
actual injuries done. Her present out
cries are against a fair application of a
principle which she admitted.
In neither the forum of morals nor of
power can Germany uphold a refusal to
sign. tBut the tail of a snake wriggles
until the sun goes down.
At some point in every transaction the
German mind', crafty, farseeing, pains
taking as it is, blunders into hopeless,
inexplicable stupidity. Without cause,
for no sensible purpose, it commits an
insult, an outrage, a blasphemy, which
undoes all that laborious propaganda
and lies have been able to upbuild.
Of its colossal blunders the shooting
of Edith Cavell now nears its tragic
completion. Her body reaches English
soil after many months of waiting, and
if her death was a flaming torch before,
what Englishman will ever now forget
it? History needs such personal trage
dies to be memorable, and in the casual
brutality of executing this Englishwom
an the German official mind chiselled an
imperishable monument to its own bar
It is a minor touch, but the demand by
the Germans for the return of German
prisoners in good health, well fed and
well clothed, is a parallel stupidity. The
Allies have taken uniformly good care of
their prisoners. The German care of
prisoners has been a disgrace to the
age. The official record in Ambassador
Gerard's book is evil enough to damn the
nation, whether the Bryce report had
ever been written or not.
Why do the Germans make this inso
lent demand? Do they really imagine
that other nations are as brutal as they?
It is inconceivable that they do not know
^he facts. The Allies' treatment of pris?
oners is an open record.
The German count delivered his arro
gant reply at the peace conference, seat
ed, without- a word of explanation or
apology. The Premier of France had ad?
dressed his enemy standing. It was a
small contjrast, but, again, significant
and amazing. We reach the end of the
war as we entered it, compelled to deal
with an enemy who still lives and acts
in terms of centuries ago, in a world of
fundamental barbarities, whatever his
science and his order. If we ever are
tempted to forget this truth it is the
German himself who'will not let us.
John Reed and his Russianized lieu?
tenants, by plying next to the oldest pro
fession in the world?that of trying to
get what the other fellow has?have split
the Socialists of New York into "Left
Wingers" and "Right Wingers." Tem
porarily dropping their fight against the
"ruling classes," the capitalists and the
"kept press," they all are very busy tar
ring one another with the abuse formerly
reserved for "the plutes." To facilitate
the delivery of mud-slinging phrases,
both "wings" have commenced publish
ing small propaganda sheets, and the
show is on.
One would expect flaming internal
strife among Socialists to produce some?
thing new in political tactics, if not
epithets. But apparently the old-fash
ioned gas attack is not to be improved
upon. The "Right Wing" calls the "Left
Wing" Reds and Bolsheviki, and accuses
them of stealing all the best revolu
tionary phrases, and of libel and
slander, and of secret diplomacy, and of
"receiving money from questionable
sources." How dull!
The "Left Wingers" disclo?e an equal
| lack of originality both in phrase ancl
procedure. The Communist, whose edi
! tors helped hoist the black flag of politi?
cal piracy in the party, accuses the
| "Right Wing" of strong-arm methods.
i "Right Wingers" seem to have drunk
i deep of the Tammany textbook. They
j reorganize locals so as to expel "Left
j Wing" majorities. The "stand-pats" lock
! up "Left Wing" meeting places or carry
I off the radicals' furniture, and even
! beat up opposition delegates. Indeed,
! the "Right Wingers" have so far for
! gotten themselves as to appeal to the
bourgeoisie city police i'or protection.
And The Communist says: "In view of
j the frequency with which tho 'Right
; Wingers' are calling in the 'cops' to pre
? serve party unity, we suggest that an
1 approp'riation bo made out of party
? funds to buy police wbistles."
Apparently Socialists cannot help
I adopting the universal language and
procedure of political strife. There is
1 nothing in the world so conservative and
unoriginal as a radical.
More Working Days for Congress
All the irritation and needless delay in
shifting the country from a peace basis
; to a war basis caused by President Wil
son's refusal to call Congress in session
last March would have been avoided if
Congress itself had had the forethought
? to alter its schedule of mcetings. It al?
ways has had the power to do this. The
Constitution provides that Congress shall
i meet at least once a year and fixes the
first Monday in December aa the date
; for one meeting, unlesa Congress shall
order othorwise. Congress has met by
resolution on other dates than the first
Monday in December, and is within its
; rights in altering the session schedule
1 aa it sees fit. In reconstruction times,
when the two houscs were at daggers'
, points with President Johnson, provision
was made for what amounted to a con
i tinuing session.
Mr. McArthur, of Oregon, has drawn
\ up a resolution creating a thiM regular
session, to begin on March 5, in tho years
following a Congressional election. Ono
; of the anomalies of the present systcm
is that a Congress elected in Novembcr
in the even-numbered years. does not
mcet until December of tho following
i year*, unless summoned by Executive
proclamation. This arrangement inter
poses a delay of thirteen months between
a verdict given at the polls and legis?
lation intended to carry it into effect,
if the President happens to be hostile.
It encourages misrepresentative hold
overism in government.
The old system, too, is a relic of th?
days when the routine work of Congress
was very limited. Appropriations were
small, the machinery of administration
was rudimentary and the legislative out
put was meagre, Most of the time of
the two houses was taken up with purely
political debates. Now the government
is a vast organization and routine
legislation has increased enormously in
In recent years Congress hasn't been
sitting long enough to do its work prop
efly. The short session covers hardly
more than sixty working days. The
consequence is a hopeless jam?resulting
in the sidetracking of general legislation
and the jettisoning even of supply bills.
Congress wastes daylight. It condemns
itself to nine months of enforced idleness
at the beginning of each term (unless
the President lifts the ban) and then
wonders why it is overwhelmed with
business at the finish.
Mr. McArthur's plan is simple and
sensible. Congress should go to work
on a rational schedule. It should assume
complete control of its own time and
responsibMity for a wise use of it.
The Evolution of an Alliance
What is the real status of the Anglo
American-French alliance? Mystifying
reports about it continue to come from
The French newspapers were the first
to speak of this compact as an accom
plished fact. They hailed it as a satis
factory guarantee of France's military
security, given as a compensation for
Clemenceau's failure to persuade the
council of three to cede France the left
bank of the Rhine.
Then, on April 24, came an official de
nial from Secretary Tumulty. He issued
this statement: "In view of the fact that
certain newspapers of wide circulation
throughout the country have intimated
that the President has entered into a
secret alliance or treaty with some of
the great powers, I conveyed this infor
mation to the President, and am to-day
in receipt of a cablegram from him giv?
ing pcsitive and unqualified denial to
Later it developed that President Wil?
son had written a letter to Clemenceau
promising to recommend to the Senate of
the United States an agreement by
which this country should pledge itself
to go to the aid of France if the latter
were attacked by Germany.
On May 8 the Committee on Public
Information made a further announce
ment, which read:
"In addition to the sccurities afforded
in the treaty of peace, the President of
the United States has pledged himself to
propose to the Senate of the United
States and the Prime Minister of Great
Britain has pledged himself to propose to
? the Parliament of Great Britain an en
gagement, subject to the approval of the
council of the league of nations, to come
immediately to the assistance of France
in case of an unprovoked attack by Ger?
On the same day The Associated Press
sent this rather baffling statement from
"Those close to President Wilson main
tain the engagemcnt is not an nlliance,
and, therefore, not inconsi3tent with the
principles of the league of nations. They
say it is a temporary means of a.ssuring
French security until the league is fully
established and able to make France
On the next day it was announced at
the White House that Mr. Tumulty had
asked the President by cable "regarding
the pledge to help aid France," and that
the President had replied as follows:
"Happily, there is no mystery or privacy
about what I have promised the govern?
ment here. I have promised to propose to
the Senate a supplement in which we shall
agrce, subject to the approval of the coun- '
cil of the league of nations, to come im- j
mediately to the assistance of France in i
case of unprovoked attack by Germany, '
thus merely hastening the action to which i
we should be bound by the covenant of the ,
lefcgue of nations."
Now it is reported that the smaller na?
tions are vigorously objecting to the new
triple entcnte and that President Wilson
is considering submitting to them a
memorandum intended to develop their
objections, if they have any, and to dis
close definitely where they _stand. It is
also suggested that if "unanimous" ob
jection is shown the alliance project will
These alternations of attitude are con
fusing and disquieting. The alliance is
something outside the peace treaty. It
stands on its own merits. The three
powers concerned are competent to enter
into a compact of this sort without ask
ing outside approval. If the original
agreement was wise (and we think it
was), why should its wisdom have to be
passed upon by smaller nations, which
cannot possjbly defend France in case u
revengeful Gei-rnany ever feels strong
enough again to turn on her and rend
her? If the smaller nations object to the
alliance, does that doom it \o failure?
What then becomes of the pledge?
Stuffing the Fish
(From Tho Charleston Newe-Courter)
"The German delegates are now digesting
the peace treaty," says a dispatch. No won
der von Brockdorff-Rantzau looka aort of
green around tho gllla.
Now or After the Trial?
(From Tha Detroit Journal)
King Ludwig of Bavaria, who complains
that he has no placo to lay his head, evi
dently hasn't thought o. restlng it on tha
old Kaiser . bosom.
The Conning Tower
A Yankee farmer fourscore yeara ago
Set forty maples by the highway-eida;
Twenty tall saplings stood in either row;
The farmer viewed them with a silent
They grew apace; there children school
Loitered in apring to pick the blood-root
There many a bird found sanctuary ground,
And laborers refuge from the sudden
They wased'in size and beauty; when the
Of'our mid-summer suna .unpitying beat;
Here dusty drivers paused to rest their
And cattle sought a shelter froai the
They statelier spread; when autumn's
And all our valley donned its festal dress,
Rose 'forty pillars lit with crimson flame,
To stir man's spirit by their lo\'eliness.
But years passed, and the farm fell to a
A prosperous, pushing hind from over
Who, with the dull contempt that marks
Felled in' his blasphemy those forty trees.
At times like that one's peaceful spirit
For the fierce justice of an elder day,
For the stern sense that trifled not with
And did not deem that punishment is
Who, save for need, destroys a goodly tree,
Does msehief; and who wantonly may kill
Forty such trees does murder, and should
Hangcd forty fathom high on Gallows
Kill. G. S. B.
Mr. William H. Anderson of the Anti
Saloon League wishes Representative
Haskell joy in his attack on the prohibi
ton amendment. "He has as much chance
to win," says Mr. Anderson, "as the
proverbial do"; with tallow legs chasing the
asbestos cat." Give the dog two or thrcft.
Martinis and we'd risk a dollar on him, at
We met our old friend Dulcinea on the
street yesterday. "Well," she said, "I
haven't seen you in a month of Sundays. /
This is quite a happenstance."
Demobillzation in Anstralla
[From the Sydney MornlnB Hcrald]
A SMART GENERAL, asstst in bar, gooa
**? wa(?e?. Sir Willium Wallacc, 8hort-Cam
cron sts., Balmain.
A YOUNG UENERAI. for flat, family 3, ref.,
tl. No. 1 Flat, St. Albans, Macleay et.
A COOK and GESERAI,, adult. family. Rers*
^* Oreta, M'Donald st.. Potta Point.
A GOOD GENERAL wanted. no waahina*. small
*~* family. Apply to D. R. COOPER, Estate
Agent, tram termlnus, Pulwlch Hill.
Why not invite the American Legion to
convene in New York?' It would be one
way of proving that our- Mayor is more
popular than the Mayor of Chicago. Or,
if you prefer, whether.
Many contributors have called our at
tention, as the official phrase goes, to the
similarity of one Allied Lullaby to another.
The Bolivian Folk Song, which is in course
of translation, will appear to-mcrrow.
They are pretty busy in the Zone Finance.
Office of the War Department. On May 6
they answered ours of March 13; and on
May 12 they mailed theirs of May 6. . .
But we'll get that Atlditional Pay yet.
A commorcially candid person in Riverside,
Conn., advertises an "almost comfortable,
fully furnished country place."
And Some Words Havo Protective
-One wonders what the form of words
may be, and ono may wonder, too, what is
their color. To me all words have color.
Every letter in the alphabet is filled with
it,--so if, combined in spoken word, a
rainbow comes,?why marvol? Yet I al
ways do. Tho other night I went to see
(-and hear,?the Barrymores. They play
'The .Test,"?a passing merry play,?all
'illed with blood,?red pulsing blood, -and
battlo. too, -and love. Yet most of all the
play is filled with color, -not color of tho
scene, nor costume,? nor of skeptic light, -
but color of the rhythmic spoken word.
Now listen to the talc:
1 went. alone, went. all alone, that 1
might have but slightest interruption to mv
thought. Besido nif> sat n woman. She,
too, was alono,- but in her eyes were
dreams. So throutfh tho play we sat,?and
once I felt tho quiver of her arm against
my own.- -Tho play was getting tense, and
there was marvel silence in the house.
Then on the instant there came color.
Some one said,?some woman on tho stage
said certain words,?some words of lilting
blue. The woman thero beside me laughed,
.all<l so did I. She turned and looked at
me,?and I into her eyes. We both saw
color,?she the singing blue that I hud
seen. Then wc were not alone.
And was that all? Not quite, for she,
too, spoke in color. "I sometimea 4;hink,"
she said, "that what is best,?the best in
all the world to see, is color,?the color of
a word,?and laugh witly one who see3
through eyes that are eXactly liko one's
own. I thank you for your laugh."
She went away. . . . The gods have
granted much, but they have granted me
to see but all too few of those who laugh
with colors?or at words so filled with color
that the words themselves are bubbling
with a laugh. TAB.
"And the guests at the dinner, I might
say, also went to it, to use auch an ex
presaion."?Dr. John C. Olsen.
"Go to it," Dr., as the phrase is. And
don't be afraid of a little "slang," so to
At the riak of being deemed unfaahionable
and conaervative, we'll tell that fractlon of
the world that happens to be listening that
Kipling's new book of poems, to our way of
thinking, is pretty durned good atuff.
To Ludendorff's bromidic invitatlon, Amer?
ica, in no u. t., answers "Is that ao?"
"The Germans were atunned by the first
announcemont of tho terms," said an Allied
Nino to one they algn. F. P. A.
JAPAN'S LABOR PROBLEM
The Workingman The Wrestler
?From The Jiji Shimpo of Tokyo.
The Wrestler: Ghosts of my ancestors! But how you've grown all of
(The wrestlers are a race apart in Japan. They weigh in the neigh
borhood of 300 pounds and are by far the largest specimen of human
animal anywhere on earth.)
By H. G. Alsberg, in "The Nation'
Budapest, March SO.
SUDDENLY, by a short journey, I was
transported into an atmosphero of
peace and good will among men. By
the magic of changing the direction of
human thought and hopes the people of
Ilungary have puniied the wellsprings of
their humanity. I do not say that these
fountains will remain undetiled, that the
old habits will not reassert themselves.
But "it is better to have loved and lost"?
and the Hungarian people will never re?
turn entirely to their old ways.
The great commander of this revolution
is a man called Ulianov, alias Lenine.
When the history of this period comes to
be writton, Lenine, I am inclined to think,
will be its greatest figure, wifh nobody a
bad second. Daily, from his headquarters,
this commander of internationalist forces
issues his commands by wireless, and his
followers, sitting in the castle of mon
archy, make notes and follow instructions.
Couriers travel back and forth to the seat
of the internationalist caliphate for orders,
aeroplanes wing across the mountains to
fetch his behests. He advises when to act
and when to delay, when to be firm and
when to yield. Perhaps he?a thousand
miles away?is the real head and front of
this proletarian republic of Ilungary.
The Spirit of Brotherhood
We havo wrongly read the spirit of pro?
letarian revolution. We navo. read too
much about clas3 warfaro and too little
about brotherhood. Yet its spirit is the
essence of brotherhood; it is not ttfc spirit
of class warfare. . . .
Although food is rather scarcer in Buda?
pest than before the revolution, it is now
Beasoned with a seasoning that makes it
taste better than the food ajt Sherry's
the seasoning of justice and democracy.
1 stopped at the most fashionablc hotel in
Budapest. It was meatlcss week. In the
comfortable dining room I had for my din?
ner bread aplcnty, sauerkraut and two
boiled eggs, noodles sweetened with honey,
cheese and coffee substitute. In a little
workingman's restaurant on a back street
I had the same thing next day, at some
what less cost.
For tho first time since the war began
rich and poor eat much the same food..
The poor eat more than they used to and
the rich less. Food hoards have been con
fiscated for the public benefit. Ilungary
was a land of shamelcss selfishness in
food. Banker end nabob ate and drank to
excess while the workman starved.
But now, even at afternoon tea at the
Ritz, the high rouged lad*ies in near-Paris
gowns and tho begaitered jeunesee doree
who have learned nothing from recent
events, can got nothing savo a few
crackers and an unsweetened cup of near
tea ffbm tho "untippable" waiters. The
waiters havo decided that it no longer
comports with their self-respect to take
tips. . _. .
That Death Penalty
All shops, retail and wnolcsale, havo had
to register all their stock, and no one is
allowed to purchaao at randomj ono may
buy only what ho can provo that ho needs.
While the acarcity laats, hoarding nnd
apeculation in tho nocersariea of lifo aro
not to be allowed. Tho old law courta
have been nboliahed and rovolutionary
tribunals established, whero n lawyer may
not ahow hlB faco except under penalty
of death, The people'a commissary aald
in atern Cromwellion toncg when appoaled
to by briefless barristers: "If you can't
learn a useful handicraft. then you'll have
to learn to sweep the streets."
All jewelry aTSove 2,000 Kr. in value
has been taken over by a stern govern?
ment. Strange to say, few ladies resisted.
No one as yet knows exactly about that
death penalty. D'o they actually mean it
or not? Nobody wants to be the first to
test the present government's firmness on
this point. I spoke to one rich, pretty
but overfed lady who had meekly handed
over her pearls and diamonds. She toid
me of it with tears.
Behind those tears were nameless hor
rors ? the possibility of no servants, of
doing her own _work and maybe of going
out to do other people's work in case her
hu: band did not succeed in smuggling
some of the hundred millions he had made
in speculation during the war across the
border to Vienna or to Switzerland.
Naturally, not everything is perfect in
thia new state. Practically all banking
business has stopped, except for the draw
ing of small checks. up to 2,000 Kr., for
personal use or checks for the payment of
wages. International business, the aend
ing of money by private individuala to
Austria or Switzerland and trading in for
eign exchange are ove,r. There is no evi
dence as yet that the present government
is running on anything but the momentum
supplied by the old machine, which has
On the other hand, the government is in
possession of a certain amount of ready
cash; it holds the jewelry it has confiscated
and it is, in receipt of a steady income
from the communized house:;. Yet with
out of work, old -age and incapacity pen
sions, with more liberal workingmen's in?
surance and tremendous soldiers' pay, the
runnir.g expenses must be great. Tiie gov?
ernment states that it has about 20,000
Red soldiers under arm?-. These cannot b2
| said to be very formidable as yet, since
! they have little discipline.
Some financial relief will be obtained
; from tho repudiation of the war debt held
i inside Hungary, which will amount to al
j most 50,000,000,000 Kr., but such action
cannot solve the financial problem.
To old-fashioned eyes this dictatorship
of tho proletariat may look oppressive.
There is, for instance, no such thing as a
free press in Hungary. All the news?
papers have been nationalized and write
exactly as they are told; all look alike
and are alike uninterosting. In the com
munization of the theatre, however, much
has apparently been gained. Schiller,
Shaw, Shakespeare and Moliere largely
constitute the present programmes. Would
not Broadway be much better off for such
a dictatorship of the theatre?
Another featuro unpleasant to the
capitalist is the law governing the coming
soviet elections. In these elections only
! working people can vote; no capitalis-;
I will be allowed to caat a ballot. The bor
| ber who ahnves me points out that he will
| bo allowed to vote, but that his "boss,"
who nlso works all day shaving customers,
will not bo permitted to do so, as he is a
capitalist. All working vomen will, of
course, have the right to vote.
ih'rom The VHOtulitphta PubKo Ledgtr^
Apparently letters were delivercd moro
expeditiously when Benjumin Franklin bossrd
Japanese Junkers Fall
By Adachi Kinnosuke
MILITARISM and roilitarisu ?re on th*
toboggan in Japan just now. At _*
close of February of this year, th,
Privy Council of Japan approved a meaaurt
revolutionizing the adminjstration of f_?
Kwantung territory?the leased territory at
the southern tip of Manchuria. The PrrtV
Council abolished the governor generalaljfe
of the territory; it took the administratios
away from the hands of the military and
gave it io a civil administrator. From s0?
on, the Kwantung Territory will be undw %
civil governor. The railway guards aW
the South Manchurian line will be under
military officer; but the military commandw
of the guards will have nothing whatever to
say about the administration policy of tb*
Liaotung Peninsula. And the South Man-s
churian Railway will be placed directly un.
der the authority of a civil governor of tho
territory and as far as the foreign rebitioni
of the territory are eoncerned the civil gtv.
ernor of the territory will be directly under
the Foreign Minister at Tokio. The Japane*
Consul General at Mukden, Manchuria, wfll
combine the office of the head of the Bureau
of Foreign Affairs of the Kwantung Provinee,
And the Privy Council passed the meaiun
This is remarkable; nothing less than mb
sational and in the eyes of the oldtime army
clique of Japan, this must have all the sigw
of a political miracle. The Privy Council
and the House of Peers in the Imperial Di?t
have always been considered as tho last
strongholds of the bureaucrats and the mili?
tary elements in Japan.
Now that Kwantung has gone from the
hands and control of the military clique, it
is a foregone conclusion that both Corea and
Formosa will follow in the same happy *_y.
And more especially Corea, in the light of the
recent happenings. The entire colonial ad
ministrations of Japan will be placed in the
hands of the civil administrators.
Mr. Miyake Setsurei, the editor of thi
"Nippon oyobi Nipponjin," and one of the
ablest editorial writers in Tokio to-day, in
dulges in a pretty heartless funeral oration
over the fall of militarists in Japan: "For
forty years, they have looked up to Germany
for inspiration and guidance. There was a
time, indeed, 'when a German Chancellor
was somethjng of an unofficial adviBer of
(official) Japan'"; then he goes on deacrib
ing the panic among the militarists of Japan,
and adds: "They fear the possibility that,
encouraged by the disembodiment of the
Potsdam hierarchy and the flight of thi
Kaiser, the democratic forces of Japan may
challenge them for the possession of their
stronghold." And by "stronghold" he meant
the Privy Council and the House of Peers.
One or two weeks after this editorial ap
peared, its prophesy was fulfilled literally?
in a part, anyway.
It is not only the popular sentiment that
js exceedingly bitter against the military ele?
ments in Japan, but also a number cf the
leading figures high in the political flrma
ment of Japan. Following the close of the
forty-first session of the Imperial Diet the
other day the Opposition party, called the
Kensei, had a general meeting of their
members at Seiyoken at Uyeno. The head
of the party and the Ieader of the Opposi?
tion. Viscount Kato, made a long speeeh
which, of eourse, was the featare of
the evening. Viscount Kato wus the For?
eign Minister in the Okuma Cabinet and
was picked out by Marquis Okuma to be
his successor. His speeeh was s.pposed
to be (and so advertised before the
evont) an attack on the foreign pelic7
of the present Rara Ministry. But his re
marks on Viscount Uchida, the present For?
eign Minister, and his difficult positinn were
exceedingly sympathetic and kind!/ in fact
in many ways.
Scoring General Tanaka
Not so with his remarks on General Ta?
naka, the Minister af War: "What waa per
ticularly distasteful to me in J_Leute___
General Tanaka's statement waa the declga
tion that when the Japanese army r*q_e_ted
cooperation of the American army, Anasrict
refused to co5perate, and that ix ts a fact
that unity is lacking between America ?nd
Japan in the vicinity of Blaguv-stchensk- Is
there realiy a lack of unity? If so it !s a
serious matter from the diplomatic point of
view." Then he touched on the press reports
of the friction, which seemed to throw the
blame on the stupidity of the Japanese com
manders?the confusion between the requesi
of Lieutenant General Oi, commander of the
12th Division, who asked the Amervon crnn
niander, Major General Gravxsv for assistance
and the message from our Major General
Yui, chief of staff, who was reported to _an
advised the American commander to vaii
until further advice from him. Vcm Vis?
count Kato went on to add the feliowittf
Bomewhat acid remarks (and the target al
which they were pointed. seemed rather plaii
to every jone): "We should be careful not &
do things which will attack friendiy natiom
o- to hurt their feelings by iudulging ir
various thoughtless imaginations. . -
Comparing the statements of the War Min
ister and the Foreign Minister concerning thi
Siberian situation, I suspect Jthat there i? i
lack of unity in the government depart
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: May I congratulate The Tribnw
upon the attitude it haa taken toward tb<
peace treaty, tho league of nations and th'
future protection of France? And surelf
should add, upon its position toward tn<
President, whether gencraHy and constrnct
ively critical or laudatory.
Women like myselt, who nave been rotef
for less than a year and who tentatively e?
rollcd in the Republican party, rietv viti
extrcme distaste the outragooos cditori*
antica of euch a paper as *The Sun." ^
care much more about the future of ciriliw
tion than we do about the future of the E?
publican purty. And it is just becaow :
scems to me tfmt The Tribune has ttrrt
civilization moro unswervingly and cioro ??
i telltgently than any other American pap?
'. that this letter hns been written.
MARY LELAND HLNT.
I New York, May 10, 1913.