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Anti-slavery bugle. (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, November 21, 1845, Image 2

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The Guinea Maitl" " Olo Bull and Old
Dan Tucker" "Tho Niggers' Cheer"
"Cynthia Sue" " Dearest Dine" " Lub
by Van" "In the Darkies lite we read,"
&c. -These constitute about three-fourths of
the entertainment. We have ridiculed and
berated without mercy our opponents of
tho press in this city, for applauding these
caricatures of God's poor and down-trodden
ones and shall we spare our friend! We
would as soon advertise a runaway slave, as
to advertise such a concert and as soon help
a panting Liberty seeker back to bondage, as
to commend such a performance. If the Cin
cinnati Dispensary is obliged to administer
to a low and corrupt public taste, for patron
age, lot not Liberty men be tools to be used
in acquiring it. Wo are greatly obliged to
Dr. Bailey for his daily during the campaign
but we had rather never have eoen it, than
to have seen such a notice in it. Cleveland
American, Liberty party paper.)
That a messenger has arrived from ico,
bearing some sort of a diplomatic mes
sage to our Government, is known; but what
is the purport of that message is not known
beyond tho narrow circle of the President's
Counsellors, unless to some favorito in tho
Stock Exchange. In the absence of all defi
nite information, therefore, ono letter-writer
guesses that Mexico has offered to surrender
her claim to Texi.s if we will accept such sur
render in full satisf iction of our claim upon
her for tho unpaid instalments of the Com
mercial Indemnity due from her to our mer-
' chants. This is not an improbable guess,
supposing the surrender to be coupled with
soino definitions of tho boundary between us
" and Mexico; otherwise it ta improbable.
That the message is a pacific one is general-
' ly believed. Mexico is utterly unable at
present to wage offensive war on any nation,
and will doubtless bo glad to make peace
witli us, acquiescing in the loss of what is
roilly Texas, on favorable terms. But will
our Government acceclo to such terms! Wo
shall see.
That Mr. McLane is thoroughly sick of
his English Mission, since the Oregon gas
conade of the Administration, and is anxious
t) come homo, is at length substantially ad
mitted by a Washington correspondent of the
Evening Post. We are confident it will yet
appear that McLane has been treacherously
dealt with by Polk. Mr. McL. is understood
to consider a war with Great Uritian inevita
ble in ease our Government proceeds to take
possession of Oregon, Tribune.
From Clay's True American.
We have too much regard for common sense
to attempt to dispute this mattar with man or
fool. Some things lose clearness by being
disturbed axioms arc such. Are the vague
an 1 misty conjectures of Buckeye lawyers to
outweigh tho letter of the Constitution, and
pure rcasonl It was a one-sided affair, got
ten up by the mobiles; they presented, tried,
and acquitted themselves.
If any man or set of men may abate by vi
olence what he conceives to be a nuisance
what or who can standi This reminds us of
tho quack who with red hot iron converted
all his patients sores into burns he could
cure burns! But some of our good citizens
were anxious to gaze upon the length of Min
ister Shannon's ears at a court nearer home;
they may be seen not only long but green.
The Rebels on the 18th said they were act
ing without law the long-eared jury of ac
quittal say they acted with law! Which lie?
Wo suppose wo shall now hear no more of
bitter and relentless denunciation of Andrew
Jackson, for over-riding the laws to save
New Orleans. The ono was fighting an en
emy; tho Lexingtonians a friend; Jackson
fought one against a thousand; the Lexingto
nians a thousand against one! If that ono
worn sick would not the world bo lost in
admiration? Wolf!!
Arrestdd. One hundred and fifty no-
frroes assembled at Lege's long room for pub
ic worship, b it remaining until a quarter
pact nine, the guard came in and arrested
seventy of them for violating the laws.
Charlestou paper.
Dining with Colored People. An offi
cer attached to the United States African
Squadron, writing to the Newaik Advertiser,
say 8:
" We have now been here just one week.
Monday last the Commodore, Captiin, and
three other officers, and myself, dined by in
vitation with the wifo of the Governor, (Mrs.
Roberts,) he being absent. We had a very
excellent dinner, several courses, silver forks,
and handsome fino napkins. The Commo
dore sat opposite Mrs. R. at the table, the
Captain on her right, I on her left; two blacks
completed the company, one on either hand
of the Commodore. This is the first time I
C7er partook of the hospitality of the African
raco. But there was nothing in the matter
or manner to offend tho most fastidious taste.
The Governor's wife is really a pretty wo
man. She was genteely dressed, free from
affectation, and I soon forgot her color. They
talked of the ladies and gentleman of the low
er orders of society," &o, &e.
Am appalling fact. According to tho
"report on the religious instruction of colored
persons, published by order of the New Or
leans presbytery" in the N. O. Protestant,
there are in the bounds of that presbytery, at
least 100,000 person of color, nearly all of
whom are s'aves. Of this number, the report
also states that "75,000 never hear the doc
t i 10 of sal vatioa through a crucified Redeem
er preached, and of the remaining 25000 not
more than 6000 enjoy its regular and con
stant ministrations." They "announce this
appalling; fact with unfeigned sorrow;" nor
are they prepared to propose any remedy for
an evil so appalling. They confess that they
do not see how so vast an object as the relig
ious instruction of the slaves can be accom
plished. Xaron of Liberty.
The Americans have six hundred whale
'lips on the Pacific Ocean, being twice as
iny as tliosj of the whole world besides.
XENIA, Nov. 6th 1845.
Dear Friends:
I intended to give an
account in detail of our two weeks visit to
Indiana, but indisposition, and want of time
has prevented me from so doing. I will now
give a few facts which you can dispose of as
you judge best.
There was a great unwillingness on the
part of some of the leaders at the Indiana
State meeting, and a great desire on the part
of some of the listeners, to have our princi
ples discussed: This desire was to some ex
tent gratified. The majority by laying on the
tablo the first of the three resolutions offered
by S. S. Foster, gave evidence that they had
other objects in view than the overthrow of
slavery, and that they are making use of the
Indiana A. S. Society to attain (hose objects.
The evidence of this was so conclusive that
all who were not blinded could see that those
who refused to adopt that resolution had oth
er ends in view more important in their own
estimation than the overthrow of slavery, and
seeing this, many of the honest abolitionists
became anxious that there should be a socie
ty formed in which they could labor, not for
the building up of a sect or party, but for the
slave's redemption, and for that alone, where
their professions and their piactices might
harmonize; and as a considerable mmber of
them are opposed to any union with slave
holders, it was decided to form a Southwest
ern A. S. Society, auxiliary to the American
After the adjournment of the State meeting
we went to Greenboro', Henry Co., and on
the second day of our meeting at that place,
we were joined by Daniel Worth, a Liberty
party man, a Wesleyau preacher, and Presi
dent of the Indiana Anti-Slavery Society.
He entered into a discussion with us on the
character of the United States Constitution,
admitted that it was pro-slavery, and said that
he did not believe that those Liberty men who
contend that the Constitution of the United States
it anti-slavery, believe themselves when they
say it is so! He however thought he could
voto under it for persons to hold office, and to
take an oath to support it, and yet be an abo
litionist. Mr. Worth told us he had to preach on
Sunday morning some miles from Greenboro',
but that he would return in the afternoon of
that day. He spent several hours with us
on Saturday evening, bnt was unable to main
tain his position in reference to voting under
the Constitution. The next day came, but
Mr. Worth came not with it to our meeting.
A notice was however given in our afternoon
meeting that he would preach at a certain
house which was close at hand. This drew
off a large number of our audience. We gave
notice that we would hold another meeting
in the evening; Mr. Worth hold another also.
He no doubt thought that if he could notmain
tain his position by argument, it would not
do to trust others wiihi n the sphere.of our influ
ence, and under the sound of our voices..
At any rate ho chose that all that he could in
fluence should listen to him, instead of hear
ing us. In consequence of this, and also the
strong opposition of the Liberty men to our
holding a meeting, our carriage was mobbed
that night. We left behind us at Greenboro'
some warm and uncompromisingabolitionists
to carry on in that region the work of the
slave's redemption.
Our next meeting was at Dalton, Randolph
county, which was well attended, and there
also some concluded to give up their union
with slaveholders. At that place we met
with a preacher by the name of Maulsby,
who belongs to the Anti-Slavery Sosiety of
Friends, and who continually misrepresent
ed us. When corrected on any ono point,
the first opportunity that offered he wonlj
misrepresent us again on that same point
He gave us his plan for the abolition of slav
ery, which was, to abolish it by peaceable leg
islation. He would abolish slavery in the
District of Columbia by passingajaw against
it. This was his peaceable legislation. The
question was asked him " Suppose the slave
holders in the District will not give up their
slaves after the law is passed! " Finding
that he was cornered, and that peaceable leg
islation would not do the work, he replied
" Suppose they do." The question was re
peated, "but suppose they won't give them
up?" Again he replied, "but suppose they
do." Cornered as he was, and thus compell
ed to show his dishonesty, he wrapped him
self in his clerical dignity, and did not even
Our next and last meeting in tha State was
at Richmond; I will say nothing of this, how
ever, hoping that Stephen will give you so.ne
account of it. .
Yours for the Slave,
Contention in the moral elements, is ne
cessary to the purification of the moral world.
Friend Jones:
As it is best and safest al
ways to give proper time for every thing to
prove itself before we form our opinion of
its morits, I have waited from June until the
present time, to see what the result of the dis
interested and christian visit of yourself and
friends to this place would be; and now I
think I am prepared to say that it has had a
good effect on the minds of a large number
of the inhabitants, in bringing them to see
their true position in regard to American sla
very, and what their duty is both in Church
and Stato; and on none has it had more ef
fect than the Clergy, but alas! it has been
the means of hardening them in wickedness.
I need not Btate facts to you with which you
are personally acquainted, but for the infor
mation of the numerous readers of the Bu
gle, I will give a brief account of the mat
ter from the commencement. And first, be
fore you came, a friend engaged lodging for
you in a private family, and the friends of
the slave opened the Presbyterian meeting
house for the occasion. We occupied it the
first afternoon, the Bishop being absent, but
returning home that evening, he learned what
was going on and caused the house to be
closed against us; and tho same night threat
ened the lady of whom your board was hired,
with the censure of the Church, if she did
not violate her contract and turn you out
doors, thus placing you on a par with your
Master, who said he had not where to lay
his head. The Methodist friends to their
praise be it recorded, opened their Church
which was greatly crowded on the two fol
lowing days, and their preachers like men
wishing to know the truth, attended. But
how was it with the Presbyterian Bishop, he
was in the place, all the time, and never came
to hear, but from report alone made you nnd
sister Kelley the foundation of several dis
courses, and this he no doubt called preach
ing the Gospel. He endeavored in much
weakness, and in many instances by grossly
departing from the truth, to show that under
cloak of philanthropy you were trying to
establish the system of infidelity. But fail
ing to convince his hearers in that, as he
must necessarily do, through want of intel
lect and of facts, and finding some of his
members had left, and others about to leave,
which they have since done, he had recourse
to stratagem to effect what he was unable to
do otherwise. He invited a minister from
abroad who made some pretensions to anti
slavery principles to occupy his pulpit for the
express purpose of convincing the people that
it was wrong to secede from the Church on
account of slavery. In the morning he spoke
principally on the sin of oppression, and its
connection with the Church, and presented it
in as dark colors as the most ultra abolition
ist could wish. There was nothing that
could be said of tho abolition of slavery, but
what he admitted; and tho action of the last
General Assembly, he apparently lamented
very much. In the afternoon he labored hard
to convince the people that it was wrong to
leave the Church on account of the wicked
ness that was practiced by it, nay that it
would be a sin to do so; it would be contrary
to the Bible, and asserted that there was no
example in the paat history of the Church
for such action; and indirectly invoked the
mob spirit by saying that such a course
would destroy all religion, and civil govern
ment; and before he closed his remarks he
said that whenever a respectable number
would leave the Church he was ready to go
with them. How true is the saying of the
Apostle, ' A double minded man is unstable
in all his ways."
The next attempt in order of time, to keep
up the $500 a year was a letter said ta be
written by a man in the Stile of New York
who is himself interested in the unity of the
Church, as he is now professing to preach
the Gospel; but who formerly tried to make
a living in this place by pleading Law, but
in which he could not succeed for want of
natural ability. Fortunately his character
was so well understood here, that his letter
had no effect. It was very abusive on the
the old organization abolitionists.
The next attempt in order was a holy con
vocation of four days continuance in order to
soften the hearts, subdue the refractory spir
its, and bring all into the sectarian traces to
work together, perhaps, for the good of souls,
but certainly for the continuance of the $500
a year. On this occasion there was another
Bishop present from a distant diocese, and
he too claimed some kin to anti-slavery.
He had also been a member of the Genera'
Assembly. It was hoped that he would suc
ceed in reconciling all parties, a thing the
others had failed to do. But alas! all ef
forts to serve God and Mammon at the same
time, and with the same service have failed
hitherto. This last Bishop made many
apologies for the Assembly on account of the
connection that there was between the north
ern and southern branches of the Church;
and finally said that tho action of the Assem
bly of 1843 was the same, in substance as
the action of 1818, thinking' I suppose that
the people had neither eyes, ears, nor com
mon sense. To show this man's dferptiern I
will give the first clause of each so that all
can judge for themselves. I regret that want
of space prevents me from giving the whole
but they are all as wide apart as these two
Act or 1818. We consider the enslaving
of one part of the human race by another as
a gross violation of the most precious and
sacred rights of human nature, as utterly in
consistent with the law of God which re
quires us to love our neighbors as ourselves,
and as totally irreconcilable with the spirit
and principles of the Gospel of Christ.
Act or 1815. That slavery existed in
the days of Christ and his Apostles is an ad
mitted fact; that they did not denounce the
relation itself as sinful, as inconsistent with
Christianity; that slave holders were admit
ted to membership in the Churches organ
ized by the Apostles; that they were not re
quired to emancipate their slaves; that slaves
were required to be obedient to their mas
ters. I will close with a brief account of the
treatment I have myself received. Some
time since, I felt it my duty to withdraw from
the Church, and thereby express my disap
probation of its course on slavery, and I
thought it due to the "Brotherhood" to let
them know my reasons for so doing. I wrote
some of these reasons and gave them to one
of the Elders with a request to have them
read in the congregation. The sesuion took
ten days to consider tho matter and then re
fused to read them. I had then no alterna
tive but to publish them, which I did in the
Liberty Herald. There the matter rested
until the close of the Holy convocation last
mentioned; when it was to be hoped the
hearts of the people were in a proper state to
receive any impression that the Bishop might
wish to make. He then took advantage of
the coward's castle, and made an unprovoked
attack on me in my absence, and stated a
great many untruths which I suppose were
from hearsay, for on the morning of that day
I met the pious Judas in the street, he shook
hands, and was very friendly. I understood
afterwards he was on his way to hunt up
something against me, I being the cause of
the Rev. Dr. Black's sermon on the duty of
secession from proslavery Churches.
I have not room to state the falsehoods he
uttered on that occasion, only one will I give,
and that was, I went out from them, because
I was not of them. I would to God I had
not been of them and that Dr. Black had
spoken the truth, but he did not, and he knew
it, for I was in good and regular standing as
a member of that Church. But when my
eyes were opened, 1 endeavored to follow the
direction of the scriptures, to confess my sin
and forsake it, This I did, and for this he
sees fit to slander me. When his statements
came to my knowledge I wrote him the fol
lowing note, which he has had in his posses
sion five or six weeks, and no answer has
been returned.
Rev. Sir:
In consequence of somo re
marks you made on Monday after the com
munion service about me, which in the gen
era! are incorrect, and although not intended
I trust, yet well calculated to injure my char
acter, I feel it to be my duty to ask of you
the favor of being permitted to stato the facts
in the case, in the same public manner as you
mado the remarks, as that will put a stop to
any further proceedings or wrong impressions.
I hope you will inform me at what time I
can have the privilege.
Let u) be not discouraged when the small
fry of the Clergy slander us, for their high
est Church Courts unblushingly slander the
Lord Jesus Christ and his Apostles.
J. H.
Poland, November 12th., 1845.
"I love agitation when there is cause for it
the alarm bell whieh startles the inhabi
tants of a city, saves them from being bu ru
ed in their beds." Edmund Burke.
(fc5Persons having business connected
with the paper, will please call on James
Barnaby, corner of Main and Chesnut sts.
On our first page will be found the pro
ceedings of the Indiana State Society, togeth
er with the comments of the Editor of the
Free Labor Advocate. We should have giv
en them to our readers at a much earlier date,
had we been able to procure them. The Ad
vocate does not exchange with us, why, we
cannot say, and we were therefore indebted to
a friend for a copy of the paper containing
the proceedings, and the remarks of the edi
tor upon the presence of our friends Foster and
Kelley. He appears to be exceedingly jeal
ous of his " friends from the east," as he calls
them; and while admitting their " right to
introduce their views as to the best method
of operating against slavery," he asserts that
the exercise of that right, would, If it had any
effect, produce discord and contention among
them. ' If the Advocate utters the sentiment
of the Indiana Anti-Slavery Society, that so
ciety must he mads of strange material to
thus grumble because of the presentation o
some other measure for the emancipation of '
the bondman than that w filch the member
have adopted. We attribute such feeling to
a petty sectional jealousy, which should rVul'
no abiding place in the heart of a trus friend W
the slave. Titis spirit, we think, prorrpfedlther
Secretaries to omit In the minutes a notice" elf
the fact that the society invited S. S. Foster
to address the meeting, although they very
properly recorded a similar invitation given?
to the President, Daniel Worth. The latter
is a western man, an advocate lor "oting un
der the U.S. Constitution, and a member of the
Liberty party. The former is an eastern man,
and a Disunionist whose views in relation to
Liberty party and the Constitution do not
harmonize with those of the Indiana A. 9.
Society. This may in the estimation of its
members, be a sufficient reason for the course
they adopted. It strikes us though as rather"
singular that they should extend an invita
tion to their other "eastern friends," to attend
their meeting especially as they knew Jo
siah Foster and company held, " views as
to the best method ot operating against slav
ery" as different from those of the Indiana
Society as wore those of Stephen S. Foster
and company. We must however bear this
fact in mind, that while the one was less ul
tra than the society, the other was much more
so. The English abolitionists are opposed to
coming out from religious societies for tho
slave's sake, and the men.bers of the Indiana
Society invited them to attend their meeting,
doubtless intending to rebuke them in thai
spirit of christian love, and with plainness of
speech. The New England abolitionists are
not only in favor of coming out from pro
slavery sects, and forsaking pro-slavery par
ties, but believe in the duty of refusing to
support a pro-slavery government, which the
Indiana society doe? not. This would of
courso have subjected them to censure as se
vere from S. S. Foster and Abby Kelley for
their position, as they would have visited up
on the English abolitionists for not coming up
to the standard of right which the Indiana
Society sets up; the prospect of which, we
grant was not over pleasant.
Tho Editor of the Advocate is very anx
ious that unity and harmony should be pre
served among tho Indiana abolitionists says
the society has pursued a course calculated
to keep dissention and discord from out the
ranks of the slave's friends; and then he, and
the other members of the society turn around
and tell all the Whig and Democratic aboli
tionists in the country, that if they vote with
their parties, that no matter how much they
love the cause of the slave, they "vote for the
slaveholding interest," and that it is a viola,
tion of Anti-slavery principles so to do.
This we call conciliation with a vengeance!
Are there no friends of the slave in the Whig
and Democratic ranks, none in whose bosom
the love of freedom burns as brightly as in
the souls of the Liberty party men of India
na! None will pretend to deny it, yet such
men are censured because they do not como
up to the standard which Liberty party says
is right. The Whigs and Democrats in the
anti-slavery ranks will most assuredly think
the denunciation of their parties is far from
promoting union and harmony, although the
editor of the Advocate may regard itas such.
Now mark the consistency of the editor and
his friends. They think it very proper for
their society to declare the Whig and Demo
cratic abolitionists who vote with their par
ties pro-slavery; but regard it as exceedingly
improper for any one to say that those who
vote with Liberty party are pro-slavery in po
sition. It is perfectly right, in their estima
tion, to declare that these two parties are
bound to the car of slavery, but very wrong
to assert that the U. S. Constitution gives
"solemn guarantees" to the accursed institu
tion. It is kind and conciliatory for them to
expose the inconsistencies of Whig and De
mocratic abolitionists, but savors of a conten.
ious spirit in others to rebuke them for their
departure the from striiht and narrow road
It is right for them to censure others, but
wrong for others to censure them. If they
say, in justification of their course, that theic
Whig and Democratic brethren are evidently
in the wrong, we reply they are not more paU
pibly so than is the Liberty party in ouresti,
mution. If they plead purity of motive'so dq
wo, if they urge sincerity of heart, so do we,
if they claim to love the cause of the slave,
6o do we. They are right in condemning the
Whig and Democratic parties, and we are
equally right in condemning the Liberty part
ty. We will not dwell longer upon the iq
consistencies of these men, but pass to
another point.
We have no wish to represent the Indiana
Society as occupying any other position than
that in which it has placed itself, Wejudge

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