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Anti-slavery bugle. (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, November 28, 1845, Image 1

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VOL. 1.
SALEM O., FRIDAY. NOVEMBER 28, 1813,
NO. 19.
AN
-SLAVERY
B
G
ANTI-SLAV K R Y BUGLE
Published every Friday at
Salem, Columbiana Co., O.
JAMES DA R.N A BY, Jr., General Agent
BENJAMIN S. JOXKS,
J. ELIZABETH HITCHCOCK, Editors
07".? remittances to be made, ami all letters
relating to the pecuniary affairi of the paper,
to be addressed (post paid) to the General
Agent. Communications intended for inser
tion to be addressed to the Editor.
0r Terms:! ,50 per annum, or $2,00 if
not paid within six months of the time of
subscribing.
Advertisements making loss than a square
inserted three times for 73 cents: one
square $1.
TunLtsiiiNo Committing: S im'i Brooke
George Garrets-n,. lames Ilirnihy, Jr
David L. G illirentli, Lot Holmes.
3. 3. yATOTXlIi Tim'!.
From the Anti-Slavery Reporter.
MISS DELIA A. WEBSTER, AND THE
ESCAPE OF SLAVES.
This lady was present nt the great East
ern Convention. At the request of individu
als she was brought forward and introduced
to the meeting. A friend, whose name we
cannot recall, made a statement of some
length on her behalf. This statement averred
that she was an abolitionist and not a coloni
zationist; that she was so before sho went to
Kentucky and while she was there; that while
there she did aid in the escape of slaves
having on more than one occasion cniiti d
her purse for the purpose; and that she aided
the escape ot the very slaves, on charge of
which she was arrested. 1 lie object ot the
utatement was te reconcile these facts with
certain remarks in Miss Webster's letters and
book particularly, her denial, in Kentucky,
that she was an abolitionist and had done the
things alledged. Tl: plain Saxon of the ex
planation was, that her letters were written
for her friends and not for the public, and that
as they knew her sentiments before she left,
and certain equivocal passages were under
cored, &c, and she assured them of "no
hange" in her views, they would under
siani them, though written so as naturally
enough to deceive her keepers and mislead
the public, and that she was obliged to write
" thus in order to get any word to her friends;
And on the other point, the explanation was
a play upon the word "seduce" that she did
not seduce slaves to run away, to oe sure,
but only counselled or aided such as were of
themselves disposed to go.
We never saw Miss Webster before; and
we never read her book until on our way from
the Convention having thtre bought it,
mainly to lend our mite towards relieving her
of her pecuniary embarrassments consequent
on her prosecution, we would gladly aid
her farther. Nothing hut claims higher than
all personal considerations should ever lead
us to say, what we now leel compelled io,
We were not a little annoyed with the ex
planation as given to the Convention, and
were on the point more man onceot express
ing our condemnation of it. Since reading
the book, we feel bound to say, wo hope we
may never hear it again. We pass over all
that might be said about the letters to friends.
We fix only upon her denial of having aided
the escape of slaves. She admits in Boston,
bv her friend, that she did it. In her book
and in Kentucky, she denies it. Nor will
we admit for a moment that any play upon
the term "seduce," is to relieve her of the
charge and the guilt of falsehood, in the case
It is not true, as the explanation affirmed , that
all Miss Webster did in her book and in Ken'
tucky was to deny the mere act of seducing
slaves. She denied more, as the extracts will
show. And if sho did not, she knew right
well that denying that, in the way she did,
was understood as denying more.
While in jail, before her trial, on the 23d
of November, she wrote to Kichard uuekner.
Esq., Judge of Fayette Circuit Court, implor
ing his intervention on her behalf. She tells
him, pp. 30, 31, "The face is the heaven
of the soul; and both physiognomists and
phrenologists give me the character of being
candid, ingenuous, iranK, open-neartcd, and
confidin;." And five lines farther on, she
adds "1 have never in any way, shape, or
manner, teduccd or endeavored to seduce any
servant whatever to leave his or her mister
or mistress. And I defy any one to bring
forward an instance in my wholo history, that
would comport with anything ot that charac
ter." On the 2d of December she writes to
M. C. Johnson, Esq., to solicit his services
as counsel. She says, p. 39, "Conscious of
innocence, and with a heart tree train guile
1 take the liberty to say, my imprisonment is
an act of cruelty, injustice, and oppression
without a parallel this side the broad Allan
tic. I cannot comprehend why it is, I should
be'o persecuted by tins most worthy Uommon
wealth. I have said nothing to merit the an-
imosity or displeasure of this community.
My support and confidence is not
in the breath ot witnesses, but in the stubbor
ness of Truth. Hut though my character
as far above suspicion as the skies above the
pavement, 1 know too well what innocence
often doomed to suffer." On the trial a Mr,
Grant testifies, p. 44, "I talked with Miss
Webster in relation toJLewisand the negroes,
and she denied that she had anything to do
with them, and said she knew nothing about
them." Others testify the same; and Miss
Webster republishes the testimony, without
a word of contradiction. After her convic
tion (die writes to one ol herattorncys in strong
censure of the verdict, and p. 67 asks, "Now
sir, has ell been done that can be doncl Must
I be driven to the last, most mortifying re
sort of all, to ask a pardon of the Governor
lor an offence which I never committed?
And she concludes her letter, p. 58, by af
firming, that she not only "aims to regulate
her whole conduct her heart her affections,
and her sympathies by the laws of God and
humanity." but "has never violated the laws
of her country." Noon after, she petitions
the Governor for pardon. Then sho repeats
that she is "compelled to ask a pardon tor an
offence of which she is not guilty," and de
clares unequivocally "that slie is not guilty
ol the crime imputed tohor. Subsequently
she asked for a new trial. In doing so, she
lid, under oath, that "she knew no one could
possibly be procured who would swear that
ny negroes went in the hack with her, or
that she knew anything about them, or was
in any way or manner implicated in their es-
pe, unless they swore lalsely. In add
force to her own, she also procures and pre
sents the affidavit of Mr. Fairbank, who sol
emnly swears, "I do know to a positive cer
tainty, that Miss Webster is innocent of aid
ing and assisting liowis, wileand child toes-
pc. And then to crown all, Miss W eb-
ster comes home, writes her book, declares,
83, that up to that time she has "never
yet read any publication issued by the aboli
tionists," ami is "as bitterly opposed to what
is termed 'Xegro Stealing, as K-antuckians
themselves."
We ask any honest man to read these ex
tracts and these by no means give the whole
strength of the case and reconcile them,
he can, with the statements made and
the facts admitted in Convention. It is
impossible. Judge Buckner, Governor Ow-
cy, and tlio other parties clearly undei-
stood Miss Delia A. Webster to deny ull
participation in the escape of any slaves, and
especially of those in question. She knew
they so understood her. She meant they
should do so. Her language, in the manner
and circumstances of it, was an unqualified
affirmation to that effect. For one, we will
admit of no hidden meanings or play of terms
to explain it away. We will be no party to
anv such decention and explanation. Slavc-
holders though they be, we say the governor
and others who were appealed to and inter
ested themselves on Miss Webster's behalf.
. '
when they come to tinow tho facts as admit
ted at the Boston meeting, will feel, and just
ly that they were imposed upon and insult
ed.
We sneak strongly. We think the case
demands it not that wo have no care for
Miss Webster, but more lor the cause of the
slave and the reputation of the abolition body
we deem it vitu to our noiu on too punnc
conscience, and our wuolo nsolulnoss in tie-
half of tho slave, saying nothing of Us own
intrinsic obligation, that we maintain, as abo
litionists, on all occasions, a character for
truth, above all duplicity and beyond suspi
cion. The public must feel, and especially
the South, that in all matters coming within
our own knowledgc,our character for truth is
rigorously honest and unbending. In exact
proportion as it is otherwise our power ot
good lor tlio Slave is gone, jjo u, mai men
regard us as fanatics and enthusiasts. So long
as they believe us also honest and true, they
will at least respect, and respecting leel us,
but not a moment longer. And we ask, with
deep concern, if equivocations and deceptions
such as those of tho present case are to have
our countenance or toleration, how long it will
be before our very name as abolitionists shall
bo as distinctive of deception and falsehood
as of sympathy for the slave?
Besides, we hope the time will come, when
appeals will be made to executive clemency
in behalf of poor Torrey, and other captives
in slaveholding dungeons. Such appeals,
we think, should be accompanied with a frank
and honest statement of what the individuals
iu question did and did not do, in the respec
tive cases. And we confess we do not wish
discredit thrown on all such statements, and
defeat dashed on all such efforts in advance,
by the impression, warranted by such facts
as the presont,thaljabolitionists are not to bo
believed when they thus approach the seatot
authority and power.
We think then the ttmo has come to speak
plainly on this question. We do not mean
the general question of the rightfulness of aid
ing the escape ol slaves. Admitting that,
you will, we maintun that it can never be
duty to do it, and then lie about it. When
ever and wherever it is a duty to do the thing
it is equally a duty to acknowledge it, when
in the providence ot Uod it becomes necessa
ry to do so or to deny it. And he that does
it and is not ready when thus summoned,
own it, and take the consequences, be they
what they miy, runs belore ho is sent.
thing dono rigtittutly and ot duty, is no more
to be concealed and denied when interrogated
than is allegiance to Christ. Indeed such
thing, so done, is allegianco, and' to conceal
or deny it is to conceal or deny allegiance it
self. It is to deny and torsake the master
just where we are bound to confess and fol
low him. The course of the primitive Christ
ians was the true one. Their religious meet
ings were as directly in violation of the Ro
man, as aiding the escape of slaves is of slave
law. Still they helJ them, privately
course, for they could hold them in no other
way. ' Hut let the Koman officer interrogate
them, and when did they refuse to admit
fact of their meetings, and to state fully what
they did and did not do at them; or whcnJ
ny that they were Christians? Such, wo be
lieve, is the only true Christian proceeding
in the present case. Christ dors not ask us
to do a deed for him, that we are not ready.
at any time, to confess for him. And we do
not believn that he will thank us fur any sym
pathies for tlio si ave that wo are not as ready
to confess ns we nro to exercise.
We are sorry thus to speak, but we feel
compelled to it. We think the cause nf
truth and freedom demands it. Wc counsel
all abolitionists who have been or who may
lie arrested at the Nouth on thechargc ol aid
ing the escapo of men from slavery to free
dom, to make a clean breast of it to conceal
nothing to deny nothing to confess nil
and then throw themsi Ives upon a good Prov
idence and a generous public. Nich a course
will command respect and gain deliverance
at the hands of even slaveholders sooner than
anv other. At all events, it will best honor
Christ, and ensure the sympathies and aid of
a humane and Christian world.
From the Anti-Slavery Standard.
AMERICAN WOMEN, vs. AMERICAN
SLAVES.
if
a
to
A
of
tho
e-
Let us speak to the conscience of one, what
will suit the caso of a great majority of A-
nierican women.
You seem to doubt whether it may nut bo
wrong in the eyes of Abolitionists, that you
give neither your mind nor your tune to tlio
understanding of the statistics of tho Anti
Slavery question. They might deem it so,
if the devotion of cither to that purpose were
necessary. But there is no science no mys
tery in it. No reading is necessary, no ex
amination required. 1 think you view the
subject too technically, when you suppose it
involves a necessity lor statistical informa
tion. No such thing. Need any one living
in the pleasant towns ol the lien Mates, sur
rounded by a reading, writing, and cypher
ing people, each soul doing exactly what
seems good in its own eyes, all easy in cir
cumstances, and muted in voluntary, civil
and religious association, for tlio increase uf
their comfort and happiness : need any one,
sitting safely with sons and daughters, nie
ces and nephews, on knee, in the inviolable
sanctuary ot a tree home ; 1 say need any
one so situated, know more than thai there
are only a few days journey olf, and compos
ing a part of her own nation, two and a half
millions ot just as deserving people, depriv
ed of all these blessings, brutalized, bought,
sold, driven, scourged, violp.ted, murdered,
all nt the will and mere caprice of others !
Ladies may sit still because they enn t some
how, quite inexplicably, get to feol an inter
est in this question : or because their friends
are lire with the South by marriage or mer
chandise . e. pnrties in the outrages or be
cause they think common human feeling or
womanly mercy imly something political in
the popular and had sense of the term; or be
cause they love their own children and friends
so well, that tho sixty children, bum every tiny
into Slavery, must die in Slavery too, rather
than absorb an iota of effort; but there is no
great study needed no long time required to
comprehend the condition of tho slaves, and
to prove that ladies are verily guilty in sitting
quiet while such things are done.
I think you look at the subject in too nar
row a point of view. It is not black people
that the Abolitionists care about: it is a
wronged, insulted, suffering people: not a col
ored man, but outraged humanity: not "a
pickaninny," as you heaillessly say in tho
plenitude ot your prejudice, but helpless, op
pressed infancy. Our cause is the cause of
the weak against the strong, tor the preser
vation of the existence of both; and God do
so to us and more as wo are faithful to it.
We are born into tho world for a purpose; and
surely self-concentration is not that purpose.
We are here to do good as we have opportu
nity: to save what was lost: to do to others
as we would they should do to us. This is
our religion, and tt is all the religion we have.
We believe also, it is Christianity. I or when
we tlii.ik of the example and injunctions of
Uhrist, we see that to the Christ ol tue cross,
man is never bo holy
"As when braving the proud in defence of
the lowly.
Wo think we understand the feeling which
irompted his exclamation, "Inasmuch as ye
lave done this to tho least of theso, my breth
ren, ye have done it unto me ! Uur leel-
ings are outraged when a child, a little in
fant, is taken from its mother and tossed in
to the hands of the nearest wretch that will
be a party to the deed, whilo the mother is
tied, and lashed along to join some wretched
coJBb which is going to swell up the annual
sixty thousand who aro sent in the flower
their youth, from Virginia and Maryland on
ly, where they are bred fur the purpose, to bo
used up on tho sugar plantations. All these
things exist simply because you, and all tho
other influential women of the North, suffer
it to be so, without one ward of remonstrance
one thought of compassion one flush
generous indignation. You know enough
AUlf, my friends, too much for you to know,
yet innocently to remain inictive from this,
timo henceforth, Bud forever.
This is a duly: not more ours than yours.
As women, American women, moral beings
not to say Christians, intelligent beings, wo
must declare so a to make it plain to every
soul we know, and act so as to prove our
declaration sincere, that we aro not cannot
be strengthened of this omnipresent guilt,
sympathy or silent connivance. It is truly
an omnipresent iniquity, blighting the fair
est characters. It is nigral suicide, equiva
lent, Calvinistically speaking, to damnation,
to let good and evil pass before one, and make
no effort to feel a deeper interest in good than
in evil. While it is resuscitation and new
lifo to choose the good and cleave to it through
good report and through evil report. It is
the salvation of the soul when
Freedman's breath
Comes in through ruins Into but not in
vain
Making e;.ch blighted place all green with
life again."
There is no need of overcoming anv holy
horror one may have of societies publicity
meetings, or the hue. (:m is not neces-
sirily required to he political conspicuous
or anything out really oppose,!, heart and
soul and strength, to slavery. But one must
do one's duty, end t ike the consequences.
Your position inxpriitu, is made unequivocal
by you. You so conduct tint no one can
doubt that yon are deserving of the highest
social rank. It oujht to he equally clear what
your moral rank is. Is it not your duty to
sustain the highest! ion know it is. ve
do not drinind that you should go out of your
nature and habits, but we think nothing is
wanting but depth of feeling on your part, to
insure your doing even as we. We do not
think that there is any thing repugnant to your
nature or habits in the principles or measures
of the cause. We have seen more fastidious
and more exclusive beings than you, repent
ing as a sin ot tho disposition you are cher
ishing as a virtue, the moment that they real
ly felt that they, as inhabitants of the United
States, were responsible for tho existence of
Slavery. There is the most perfect freedom
in tho cause. All Sorts nf people find them
selves in mutual co-operation, without con
straint or annoyance. If you only really
wanted the thing to be done! Ah there,
there alone, lies the difficulty ! c.
RECEPTION OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS.
In the Liberator of last week, we copied
from the Cork I-.xamiucr an account nl un
'Anti-Slavery Breakfast,' which had been
given at Lloyd's Hotel, Cork, to Mr. Doug
lass, and at which Alderman Lyons presided.
IJelow is an interesting letter Irom James
Hal'ohton to tho Editor of the Dublin Free
man, by which it appears that the Lord May
or of Dublin, in order to show his respect for
Mr. Douglass, and his abhorrence ot the col
orphobia which prevails in this country, hid
invited Mr. D. to dine with him, in company
with a number of the Aldermen and Common
Council of that city. We hope the letter of
.air. II. will hnd a place in every autl-slav-ery
journal in the laud. Liberator.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE FREEMAN.
of
of
33 Eccles street, September 20lh IS 15.
Dear Sin:-SAII your readers are fully a
ware of the existence of slavery in the Uni
ted States of America, and of its peculiarly
hideous character in that land of high profes
sions, whose people declare to the world, in
their magnificent Declaration of Independ
ence, that 'all men are born free and equal;
but whose Constitution is only noble in words
for in its acts it is tho very embodiment of
tyranny of tyranny more galling than any
which exists under the most despotic govern
ments. But all your readers aro not fully a
w.iro of that contemptible prejudice- against
color, which prevails in the nominally free
States of tho Union, which depresses tho en
ergies of the colored man. by condemning
him to the pursuit of tho lowest occupations
in life. It excludes him from the social arch,
no mnttor how higljy cultivated his mind
may be, no matter how gentlemanly his man
ners may be; it confines hint to separate pla
ces in houses of worship (except in Koman
Catholic churches, where all men stand side
by side as equals in the sight of (,'od,) and
to separate comers in the church-yard. This
hatnlul prejudice meets the colored man in
all situations in life, ami debars him from ad
vancement in social lifo, in that country.
Improved public opinion 13, I am happy to
say, banishing this unworthy feeling out of
the heart of the white men ol" America, and
it is with a view of urging onward this chris
tian sentiment that I now address you; not
that there is any need for enlightenment of
public opinion here or any where in Europe,
on this inittcr, for with us the colored iiiiu
takes his place in society according to his in
tolligenco, but that your many readers in
America may know the estimation in wlucii
wo hold all our brethren of mankind. Your
readers aro aware that Mr. Fredericl: Doug
lass, a colored man from America, has been
for a few weeks in our city, that he has de
livered several lectures on 6lavory as it ex
isu in his country, that the Right Hon. the
Lord Mayor did him the kindness to take the
chair on Tuesday hst, nt one of his lecture
in the Music Hall. 1 say nothing hero
the enthusiastic reception given to Mr. D.
all his lectures; th.it ia now well rfnowii.
Hut I hasten to toll your readers, that his
lordship was so pleased on tho occasion allu
ded to, that ho invited Mr. Douglass and
friend, Mr. Jjiiws X. BuiTurn,-to dine with
mm, and that ho treated lu.,1 as an honored
guest, respecting him because- of his talents,
and his amiable m inners and gentlemanly
deportment. Here we met a number of
Aldermen and Common Council of Dublin,
and many of my rvspcctablo follow cilizeua.
Mr. Douglass was treated with marked con
sideration. His health was drank (would
that these health-drinking customs wore ban
ished from among us,) and ho was called
to give an account of the manner in which
proceeded to acquire tho knowlejgo and
bo is posscsucd of, amidst tho
which surrouudod his early lifo
is now 27 years old, and it is just seven year
since he ran away from shvery.) This ha
diil in an unaffected manner, and gave great
satisfaction to the entire party. Mo quoted
with great t isto a passage Irom that fine ora
tion ol Uurrau s, in which hn described the
s icredness to liberty of British soil, upon
which the captive stands disenthralled and
free, as soon as his foot touched it, and he
compared this to the condition of his own
country, within whose immense boundary,
there was not one spot upon winch he could
stand as a freeman. The noble Douglass is
liable to bo seized in any part of the Union,
and enrried away into bondage again. Amer
ica, where is thy blush? Shake off" this blot
upon thy proud escutcheon, and stand "dis
enthralled and free under the irresistible in
fluence of universal emancipation.'
W lien Mr. liullum rose to return thanks,
he told the company that Irish sympathy with
American Abolitionists was ot incalculable
value to the cause of freedom in his country,
and ho alluded in grateful terms to Mr. 0'
Council's noble conduct on behalf of the out
raged black man.
My object in addressing this letter to you.
is to add to that swelling tide of enlightened
public opinion which is in America rapidly
swelling, and which will soon bear away be
fore its indignant waves those crumbling but
tresses which have too long separated man
Irom his tellow-man.
I am authorized by my friend the Lord
Mayor, to give you tho foregoing account of
us attention to .Mr. Douglass; no leeis mat
it is impious to draw a lino of demarcation
between different races of the human family,
who are nil alike born for the same high des
tiny, and ho is desirous it should be known
that he and the lricnds by whom ne was sur
rounded felt it to bo no disgrace, but, on the
contrary, a high pleasure, to have so noble,
so intelligent a man as Frederick Douglass
with him at the social board. To the friends
w ho sympathize with me on this subject, both
in this country and in America, I believe
this letter willaffbrd sincere pleasure; and I
hope it will not he unproductive of good up
on the minds of some in the United States,
who still keep aloof from their brethren, whose
complexion God has seen fit to tinge with a
darker hue than their own. In the expecta
tion'that this anticipation will be realized, I
subscribe myself faithfully yours,
JAMES HAUGHTON.
Facts. In Ohio iilono, there are 51,813
more public scholars than in the thirteen
slave states.
In the free states, there are 501,835 Sab
bath scholars in the slave States, only 82,
582. Tho state of New Y'ork has twice as
many Sabbath scholars as tho entire thirteen
slave States.
After the great brenk-down in 1837, a com
mittee was formed to ascertain as far as possi
ble, l;.u iiinoiint that tho North lost in an in
definite period in the South. It was ascer
tained that Maine, New Hampshire, and
Vermont, lost about 1 62,000,000; Massa
chusetts, Rhodn Island and Connecticut,
10(5,000,000; New Y'ork, !200,000,000;
New Jersey, 13,000,000; Philadelphia,
Hs7!l,0f)0,000; and Ohio, 87,000,000.
Slavery in this country, between 1830 and
H10 committed tho wholesale murder of
400,000 human beings.
In the chivalrous state of Mississippi, only
one o( every twenty white persons over twen
ty years of ago, can read.
The Missionary Society of the American
Board, in 1813, received into its treasury, up
wards of 51310,000. Of this sum, the free
States contributed 030.1,000, and the 'gener
ous' South $7,000.
Upon the most moderate calculations, be
tween 1820 and is:i() a space of ten years
not less than 320,517 human beings were
prem iturely worn out and killed on the cot
ton and sugar plantations of the far South.
The only slave States which have actually
diminished the number of slaves since 1790,
are Delaware and Maryland. Delaware has
lost 70 per cent.; Maryland 13 per cent. The
wholo increase of slaves in the Union from
1790 to 1810, is 1,123,290, or 268 per oent.
True Walyan,
VIRGINIA.
of
at
his
the
on
he
in
formation (he
A correspondent of the National Iotollignn
cpt, writing from Wilton, noar Richmond,
Virginia, thus sueaka of the diminution io
tho population of that state:
" Thus much l nave written with an eya
lo tempt to Virginia, Northern farmers. I
havd a great aesire to capture mis gooo. oia
Uomiuouweaiin lor me anitee stock oi states.
Land is cheap; 1 say land, of which t good
farm may soon be made, at from three to ten
dollars an acre not the land on the banks of
the river, cleared and cultivated, but land
where marl lies, marl worth more to the land
than a gold mine. Society is good. The
people uso a good people. Schools will coma
with a population. It often seems to me that
as j el thfcio are no peoplo here, and I wish,
therefore, to see them come. I have to take
up a spy-glass to see the houses of my neigh
bors, they are so far olf, and yet so near am
I to a capital ot about a-iuuu uinaoiianis, ui
I can soo ito pi.'ea and ftoeplee, and almost
hoar the hum of its laborers. Back of ino, and
bolow me, off of the river as far as I hams
explored, I cannot find much else but wtwds,
woods, woods. I ride for miles and miles io
the forest, looking fir people. And yet this
is the first settled, and oldest settled part of
Virginia! The people have gone olTj they
have settled in Georgia, Alabama, Kentucky,
Missouri, Mississippi, Louibianp, Florida;
oni now, as if tliere were too many people

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