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Anti-slavery bugle. (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, November 28, 1845, Image 2

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left, a bribe is held out to tlie rest logo to Tex
as! Well, if they will go, all 1 can Ray is,
Northern farmers, come liero and settle. Such
land as yon can sell in New York and Penn
sylvania fur fifty, and seventy-five, and a
hundred dollars nn aero, you can buy licre for
from throe to ton. It is "a shame', I say, that
this beautiful rountry, so blest in climate,
it ml needing so little, oidy the fertilizing hand
of man, should he without people. Hero is
an old venerable river running past my door,
older than tlio Hudson, now lined with towns
and villages much older than Ohio, (older
in settlement and geography, I mean,) but
where are the people? Tor a hundred and
fifty miles from Richmond to Norfolk, the
first explored river running into the Atlantic
Ocean, the homo of Powhatan and Pocahon
tas, and the scenes of the truly chivalrous
John Smith where are the people? Gone, I
say, gone lo the South and est, the trum
pet blowing among them now to go to Texas!
Virginia has here depopulated herself to make
homes elsewhere. The cry of one set of her
politicians is, manufactures that would keep
the people hero are nothing Texas is every
thing. Were I a Virginian, I should esteem
as worth more on James river, one good white
man, than all of Texas, from the Sabine to
the Rio del Norte. Why here isjTexas all
about us, land as cheap as in the distant Tex
as, and as good."
SOUTHERN HUMANITY.
"Immediate measures should he taken by
our government to restore to liberty the white
children now held in captivity by the Cum
anches. In their marauding expeditions a
gainst Texas, this tribe has carried oft a num
ber of children, who were spared from tho
tomahawk and scalping knifo only to endure
a life of cruel hardship and bondage. The
humanity of the American people is strongly
appealed to, and in such a cause, the appeal
cannot be in vain, nor receive a tardy res
ponse. We trust that such instructions will
promptly bo sent to our Indian agents and
military posts on tho western frontier, as
will expedite the discovery and release of
the kidnapped children. Aew (Jreans Com.
llulktin.
'Liberty to the white children!' Why not
liberty to the black and yellow children, in
the hands of while savages'! Why should our
government interfere for the liberation of a
few while children beyond its jurisdiction,and
refuse to do anything for the liberation of the
millions of men and women and children, at
Aomc.who, to say the least, have as good claim
upon its humanity! Or rather, why liberate
the one and lend its power to enslave the oth
er? The New Orleans editor is quite tender
ly affected in view of these Texan children
being doomed 'to endure a life f cruel hard
ship and bondage,' while he seems wholly
unmindful of the thousands of poor children
thus doomed within the precincts of his own
city, and some, probably, even in his own
family.
'The humanity of the American people is
strongly appealed to, he says. And pray,
has not this 'humanity' been appealed to for
years in behalf of tho millions of Americans,
groaning in worse than Algcrine bondage,
and all in vain? And lias not this same edi
tor sneered at, and denounced these appeals?
Why then, talk of making appeals in behalf
of the white children ot lexasl
No; if our government was designed to
protect the liberty of one human being under
its jurisdiction, it was designed to protect all
without distinction of color or condition.
And no person, of common sense, and com
mon intelligence, can honestly contend, that
it is any more the duty of our government to
interfere in behalf of the most wealthy and
influential white person, than of the poorest
and most despised black one in the nation.
True Christianity and true humanity are
strictly impartial. The action of our govern
ment was never intended, by its founders, to
contravene those principles, or in any way to
depart from them. Ami lie who would counsel
such contravention or departure, must be
false to all. JIampshire Herald.
GnowiNo Devout. Since the separation
of the southern Baptists and Methodists from
their Northern brethren, the former have been
crowing devout. 1 hey seem to have waked
up wonderfully to the work of tho Lord.
bishop Andrew, for instance, who was sns-
perilled for his slaveholding from the exercise
of Episcopal functions, lias not only exercis
ed them in defiance of tho Methodist Gener
al Conference, but in a letter recently ad
dressed to his slaveholding brethren, he stirs
them tin to a new zeal for souls. lie savs
in referring to the strifes through which he
and his brethren have passed,
' It is now time to stop tho overwhelming
of these turbid waters, and, in their stead, to
bring over, tho land the healing streams
of peace and holiness.
" A writer in the Christian Advocate of
this city, reviewing this letter of the Bishop
comments on the above passage as follows:
"Jvowttme. llow emphatic that word
'now' is! Now that the Church is severed
sud half her infl icnce lost now that "South'
ern rights" are secured, and a bishop may
hold as many slaves as he pleases, let us
"brine over tho land the healing streams of
peace and holiness." lieally, this reminds
us of the pious grocer who, in the morning,
said to his clerk, " William, have you sand
a the sugar! " V es sir. "Have you
watered the molasses?" " Yes Bir." "Well
now come in to prayers !"
But says tho Bishop, " Let us remember
that our cause may have been good and our
provocation great, and yet we may not unjus
tified." What is this good cause? Slavery
in the Kpiscopaey ! neither inoro or less !
t'all that good if you will. W hat was tli
nature of this "great provocation?" A mild
respectful, but resolute effort to keep slavery
and the episcopacy apart. Nothing more
than Hint. Tho little book asks, "What shall
bo done for the extirpation of the evil of sla-
very?" Tho bishops's names are in that
hook. They ''earnestly recommend" it.
They "iriili to sua it ill the house of every
Methodist." That question with tho rest
tie; huok tlif-v wish rend and considered.
lint lo! one of these bishops becomes a iave
holder. The Cmire.li protests. Anotli
bishop supports him in his new position.
convention is called. The Church is torn
asunder. Slavery is baptized, justified, and
sanctified.
"Hosannnhs ring through hell's extended
borders.
And Satan's self has thoughts of taking
orders."
Ohservo the above is not from an abolition
paper, but from the central organ of the Meth
odist Church of the United States a paper
that four years ago was among the foremost
in its nbuso of ubolitionists. .inti-Slavery
W purler,
SPEECH OF WENDELL PHILLIPS,
AT THE ANTI-TEXAN MASS MEETING IN
FANEUIL HALL.
You told us, Sir, at the opening of this
meeting, that Texas stood on the threshhold
demanding admittance to the Federal Union.
That I understand to he the precise point
which our action is to touch. We come to
rally our State to meet that emergency; to
rouse the people to protest against her en
trance. Your words, Sir, recall to my mind nn an
ecdote of one whoso living image looks down
upon us from these walls, I mean, Samuel
Adams. When once his wife told him she
expected, that day, to come into the family, a
colored girl that onoot tier neignnors nau giv
en her. "no as a slave!" said tho high-sou-
led patriot; "if she passes tnis threshold,
she leaves her fetters behind her."
I hail this moement, friends and follow
citizens, as one of kindred spirit. It says to
Texas, standing at our door with her consti
tutional provisions for Slavery, "Only free
women can pass this threshold: only free
men ouaht to dwell under this roof."
I anticipate and advocate, in this movement
all that energy anil moderation, which you,
Sir. have invoked: but 1 conless the dilhcul
ty of being moderate, about Slavery, and in
Faneuil Hall! (Applause.) It is hard to be
moderate here and as Luther said to Eras
mus. "To tread on eggs without breaking them."
It was the word of Wellington to his troops
on the eve of Waterloo, " hat will they
think of us at home?" We are here, 1 trust,
to put it under bonds, sinned, sealed, and de
livered to our Senators and Representatives,
what wo shall think of them at home; what
we expect, and what only wo will sustain
and iftliey do not resist tho entrance of Tex
as as a slave State, I hope such a voice will go
up to tho Capitol from Massachusetts, as
shall if necessary, rouse its "very stones to
rise and mutiny!" (Applause.)
I coine, to-night, with various emotions to
sustain the resolutions before you, and I share
somewhat in the hope they express. But if
it be indeed too late, there still are reasons
why I wish to come again and again to Fan
euil Hall, to protest against this deed of
Texan Annexation, i neneve iiiai omy in
struggle can virtue live in a land like this,
...i ci . : : ....... ,,.,! ;,. i.rt r...,
wnere oiavery is iiiuuijiuuhcu m.v ,uu vum
stitution and Government of the nation.
Here, as on the Pontine marshes, sleep is
death. One of those whose names have just
een read to us as examples, has fallen lrom
is high estate, a warning to us not to sit
own in the Ian of corruption. No, Sir, there
is no safety but in battle array there should
be no slumber but on your arms.
I now hold in my hand a letter, part ot a
correspondence w ith the Secretary of this
Commonwealth, who has just addressed us.
It comes from the attorney of slaves in Vir
ginia, fifty in number, tho descendants of a
woman ot color who, two years alter me a-
iloption of our Hill of Rights, was stolen from
the town of .Southwick, in Massachusetts;
and now, after the lapse of two generations
each handing down the memory that their
mother was free, these, her posterity, ask a
certificate of the State of Massachusetts, that
the Constitution ol 1780 was broad enough
to cover the rights of the long forgotten slave
of 1782.
God bless the noble hearts that framed it!
They rest from their labors, and the blessings
ot their great work do lollow them lorover-
more ! 1 he Constitution they trained in
17H0 tor the Hay Male, in ltilo sweeps filty
human beings from the grasp of the Old Do
minion, and places them beneath the broad
shield of its own State Fcedoin. (Applause.)
1 commend the example ol that forlorn and
enslaved family to the State of Massachu
setts, during the darkness of national Sla
very, through which she must struggle in or
der to preserve even her own freedom invio
late. Still, through the long night of forgct-
fulness to which they were consigned, have
they clung to the little thread of tradition that
bound them lo the Hancocks, the Adamses,
and the Otisis of Massachusetts; and still, in
liko manner, let us hand down to our chil
dren, by tho constancy of our protest, the
memory of our freedoms's birthright, and
swear them upon her alter that they thought
fully " hide their tunc," anil oiuitno ellort to
take, at last, upon Slavery, a freeman s deep
and abiding revenge ! (Applause.)
I believe there is power in the continual
testimony, even of a single individual, to do
a mighty work for Freedom. One vote sent
Oliver Cromwell to tho long Parliament.
Little thought the holder of that vote that his
hand was to send Charles Stewart to tho
scaffold, in front of Whitehall; and, who that
stands ticre to-night can say that his own is
not the will, whoso expression shall finally
turn the chances of the lot! What then will
bo tho moral might of the united voices of a
Stile, in arousing the tailing heart of a nation!
"Utvnio the tiiunuer into surlo tones, says
tho German Schiller, "and it becomes a lul
laby for children; but pour it forth in one
quick peal, and the royal sound shall shake
the heavens!
So shall it be with this Commonwealth.
Let her pour forth her people's voice in one
undivided not ot protestation, without wai
ting till parties practice self-denial, or politic
cians become brave: moderate 1 would have
It, with you, Mr. President, but most enipha
tic in ita energy; "for the people, like the air,
are never heard but when they speak in than
dor. Clear, emphatic, and undoubted,
would our act might be; so as to claim and
arrest the attention of all Christendom so
that, horcafter, when on the world's highways
we shall sen the finger of scorn pointed nt
the United States with the taunt, "Behold
the Republican hypocrites the Texan slave-
holders!" I would fain have it to reply, 'not
me! I come from old Massachusetts! Uni
versal and enthusiastic Jpplnnse.)
I hope much may yet be done to avert the
disgraceful catastrophe, iheineaot Annex
ation has come suddenly upon the great body
of our people, like the sharp, quick crack of
the avalanche to the Swiss peasant, ona mid
summer's day: while to thoso who have long
watched the formation and tho decline of par
ties, and tho progress of political intrigue, it
has been tho subject of long years of appre
hension, till, at length, they could only hope
that the mighty fragment might, nt least, awa
ken tho North by tho shock of its u si cut.
We have seen tho North, meanwhile, enga
ged in driving Manchester from tho market of
Canton, in sending ice to Calcutta, and
granite to Louisiana, while the green and
gilded snake of Slavery has glided upwards,
till ilrom the ton of tho Capitol it hangs 'his
sing nt the nobler man below.' Wo have
seen the allegory of the muck-rake of Bun-
yan, niado a reality by men of our own times,
who sutler the temptation ol tho sticks and
straws beneath their feet, to divert jthcireyes
from the freeman's crown that hangs above
their heads. We have seen men spell-bound
by the mean magic of place and gain, even
while over the mirror of the present, steals
the giant shadow of the coiningdespotisin!-
(Applause.)
but 1
trust, Sir, we shall gather, in good
time, a throng of earnest men, and defeat tho
project of Annexation in its latest stage.
The throng present at this moment, so dense
ly filling the floor of this hall, in spite of all
the fury of the storm without, gives promise
that our hope shall not go out in night. I
trust the river-gods of tho Connecticut, tho
sons of our Hawleys, our Ellsworths, and
Sedgwieks.will speedily be heard responding
to tho call now made on them. And when
that spirit which first anchored in Plymouth
Bay, the stern old heart of Puritanism, its
cold high purpose, ill remorseless determina
tion, its iron will, girds itself for the conflict
with the hot zeal of tho fiery South let who
will, tremble, 1 shall cheerfully abido the re'
8ii It. (Overwhelming applause.)
It is to aggregate that spirit into one uni
ted and intelligible voice, to gather togeth
er the isolated opposition of our laud, and list
it Know now strong it is, mat we are here to
night. Our work is the work of freedom:
Cod bless it: and help us to nurture our
children to carry it on!
The history of tho past docs notdiscourage
me. There has nothing happened that thought
ful men might not have foreseen. YY lien, in
the compromise of 1781), the South chose
power, and the North bartered right for the
certainty of gain, how easy to anticipate the
overhearing insolence w hich would soon mark
one party and the truckling and shuffling pol
icy, the "bated breath" of the other. The
Roman girl, at the lout ot the lurpeian, ask-
cd the enemies' bracelets, as the reward of
her treachery-why should we bo surprised,
lli'it IlL-n hnr llifl Vlrlna nt llir Anrllt
smothered beneath the vorv reward itemvedl
True, no partial efforts can save us now.
slave power is and always has been,
mighty in the land. It has scattered to the
winds the mightiest! parties it has laid
low the fairest reputations it has thrown
down the bulwarks of Saxon liberty, "cov
ered with tho hoar ot innumerable ages, -
and now it looks on this last triumph as a
c neck-mate.
God grant that it may overleap itself and
that this effort to rally all honest men to the
conflict, may be crowned with complete suc
cess. ( Loud and universal applause.)
Thirteen Davs Later fuom the Citv
of Mexico. We copy the following from
the New Orleans Picayune of the !th inst:
La Voz del Pueblo fan opposition journal
of the city of Mexico) furnishes the founda-
Hon ot the report that negotiations are likely
10 oe resumeu ueiweenine united orates and
Mexico. It states that in a secret session of
the two chambers of Congress, on the 1 fth
of October, the Minister of Foreign Affairs
communicated to them that tho Consul of
transmitted to him despatches from the Cab
v...,o, , ,v.w, ..Ml.
inet at Washington, tho tenor of which was
as follows: That, desiring to avoid hostili
ties between two Republics which ought to
le firmly united by sympathy and a thousand
ties of mutual interest, tho Government at
Washington was disposed to submit the af-
fair of Texas to negotiation; and that, in or-
der to arrive at a determination of the matter
at once reasonable and honorable to both par
ties, it would send an envoy extraordinary,
should the Mexican Government bo disposed
to receive him.
The Government of Mexico replied that
the relations between the two countries being
broken, it could not receive the envoy in a
public character, but would admit him as the
simple private bearer of the message in ques
tion, upon the condition that, first ol all, the
I.'. S. Government should withdraw Us squad
ron from the waters of Vera Cruz. The min
ister added, that, without prejudice to these
uiloriual coiniiiuni.-ations, the ..lex lean Gov.
eminent would continue to tike measures to
protect the nation from a coup-de-main on the
part ol ilie I mted States.
N. CAROLINA—BALTIMORE.
James Cannings Fuller, well known by
leputation to most of our readers, stopped a
day in this city on his return trom rsortli
Carolina, where he lias just been to attend the
Yearly Meeting, lie gives a most encoura
ging account of his visit and the state of the
cause , i j "v i , m;.s . i i
he never attended a early Meeting in this
country, where there was so much said a-
gainst slavery, and where there seemed to be
a oeiier ami-siavery s pirn, among y. ...e.,
hers. In this respect lie was most delightful
ly disappointed. Where he expected frowns,
he met a cordial reception, and where he look
ed for opposition he found sympathy.
The state of things in North Carolina he
considered much more encouraging than in
Baltimore, In the latter place public senti
ment seemed, from somo indications, to be
retrograding. Slave auctions (ono of which
ho attended and described,) he was told were
less repugnant to the people, and tho slave
trade obtruded some of its most odious fea
tures before the public, without the wonted
manifestations ol abhorrence. Wo were not
prepared to hear so discouraging nn account
of Baltimore, and are inclined still to hope,
that tnend r uller may bo misinformed.
What are tho facts in tho case, Dr. Snod-
grass? Perhaps you can tell us in tho next
number of your excellent " lsitor. l'a.
freeman.
Man Fon Sale at the Capitol of this
Nation. "The Daily Union," of Tuesday,
the 7th inst., President Polk's official organ,
publishes the following advertisement:
" Autice Will be sold, at the jail of Wash
ington county, 1). C. on Friday the tli ol
iNovember, 1815, at 10 o'clock, A. M. a ne
gro man, committed as a runaway, who calls
himself John Smith. He is a dark mulatto,
about ti feet high, and about 28 or 2'J years
of age. Had on when committed, a striped
summer coat and pantaloons, a black fur hat,
and has other clothing with him, principally
home-made. He savs he is a sl ave, and lie-
longs to a Mr. John Smith, who lives in Hen
rico county, between Petersburg and Rich
mond. He has a scar under the left eye, and
one in the upper lip, and says that his mas
ter's nearest neighbor is Mr. John Richard
son. Tho owner or owners of the ahovo descri
bed negro man are hereby requested to como
forward, prove him, and tike him away, or
he will he sold for his prison and other ex
penses as the law directs.
ROBT BALL., Jailer.
For A. Hunter, Marshall, D. C."
The African's Love of Home.
The lollowing beautiful and affecting pass
age is from the writings of the unfortunate
Mango Park:
I he poor negro feels this ileuro in its
full force. No water is sweet to him, but
what is drawn from his own well; and no
tree has so sweet and pleasant a shade, as the
taboo tree ol Ins own hamlet. When war
compels hiin to leave the delightful spot
where he first drew breath, and to seek site
ty in some other kingdom, his timo is spent
in talking of tho country of his ancestors;
and no sooner is peace restored, than lie
turns his hack on the land of strangers, has
tens to rebuild his f illen walls, and exults to
see tho smoke of his native village."
COMMUNICATIONS.
ANTI-SLAVERY A MORAL ENTERPRISE
PRISE.
honestly can for the destruction of the diabol
Tho ical system of American Slavery. Todol-ss
Standing on the platform of human rights
in a country whose public declaration is that
all men are born frco and equal, I regard it
as a duty to define my position in the anti-
slavery ranks. I am an abolitionist on moral
,.ce. I claim it as my privilege and con-
" "
sider U my duty to 8ay and to d a" that 1
than this, would bring guilt on my soul, and
render extremely doubtful my Christian char
acter. In saying this, I not only pledge my
self to each and every one of my anti-slavery
brethren who go the same length with me in
fulfilling anti-slavery duties, hut I also hold
myself responsible for all the moral evil that
may necessarily follow emancipation on mor
al principle. It is a sound maxim that in
faith and practice, indi,idual responsibility is
not lost in voluntary association, civil or ec
clesiastical, for what is d ine by one's agent, is
done by one's self.
Ecclesiastically, if I am
a member of a pro-slavery church, or of ono
,w ; : fi,ii,ai,i .;,i, ,0i.,, i,ri.
..... . .. ... - ,
es 1 81,a" "e c!rfcrea'e with me sin ot Slav
ery. I shall bo contaminated with its guilt,
ag an accessory whatever I may say or do for
, r.. , , ,. m fl,,n ,n
- " " - - - T ........ ... J .....
countcractcd, it will be a spot on my feast of
charity, a stain on my garment which must
be washed out, a sin that must be repented
of, consequently forsaken. I am aware that
by taking this ground I shall be subjected to
the charge of infidelity, and with a design of
attempting to destroy tho church of Christ,
under tho cloak of anti-slavery. Now does
not the attempt to bring such a charge against
us, imply that the church is pro-slavery; and
the fear of its being dostroyed, that it is not
owned and sustained by Christ? Let anti
slavery go through the churches with her
spirit of reform, and the next geneitition will
rise up and call her blessed. Furthermore, I
am not answerable either for the sustentation
of the church, or the destruction of slavery.
I am accountable only for the moral charac
ter of my words and actions, and the recti
tude of the measures I pursue. My concern
is with truth and du'y. Then if the influ
ence of the church is on the side of the op
pressor, or if she takes neutral ground and re
fuses to rebuke tho sin, in cither caso she
will be guilty. How then can I act with her
and be innocent? How then can I be identi
fied with her and escape contamination?
P"P 8om "e '"' you must remon-
1 "
8trate- i'P08e 1 uo a'l continues ln-
corrigible! Docs not every one see, thathav.
brought a charge against the church, it
must eventuate in our final separation unless
one of the parties repent?
I repeat it, I am an abolitionist on moral
principle. The instrumentality I would
wield, is superior, and lies buck of the ballot-box.
Slavery is an infraction of a law
older than the Constitution of the United
Slates, and can never bo abolished but by a
recognition of human rights. Tho spirit that
breathed the declaration "all men are born
free and equal," and then disappeared, must he
recalled, or all our legislation will be in vain.
When our revolutionary fathers compromised
the rights of the colored man for a Constitu
tion to secure the blessings of liberty to them
selves and their while posterity, the genius of
impartial freedom fled from our shores. Sho
did not stay even to preside over the forma
tion of that Constitution, which makes slave
hunting ground of all the northern and west
ern Stites. Nay, she did not tarry even un
til the 20 years of slave migration from Afri
ca ended.
That tha Constitution of the United States
is a pro-slavery document, who can deny?
Tho fugitive slave cannot deny it 1 The con
ductors of the underground rail-way to Can
ada cannot deny it! The twenty-five mem
bers in Congress who hold their seats by vir
tue of the three-fifths slave representation
cannot deny it! The members of the Con
vention, who refused to vote for the adoption
of the Constitution, cannot deny it! Neither
could those men who made flaming speeches
against slavery when it interfered with their
interests in tho matter of taxation; but cast a
damning veto against human rights, in favor
of perpetual slavery, deny it. Hear them.
Mr. Patterson, (of New Jersey) says, "Ho
would regard negroes in no light but as prop
erty. They are no free agents, have no per
sonal liberty, no faculty of acquiring proper
ty; but, on tho contrary, are themselves prop
erty, and like all other property, entirely at
the will of their master. , He was
also against such an indirect encouragement
if the slave trade; observing that Congress in
their act relating to thoir change of tho eighth
article of confederation, had been ashamed lo
use the term slaves, and had substituted a de
scription." Mr. Morris, (of Pennsylvania,)
says " Unit domestic slavery is the most prom
inent feature in tho aristocratic countenance
of tho proposed Constitution. The vassalage
ol the poor his cvct been the favorite off
spring of aristocracy. And what is tho pro
posed compensation to the Northern States for
a sacrifice of every principle of right, of eve
ry impulse of humanity? They are to bind
themselves to march their militia for the de.
fence of the Southern States, for their defence
against these very slaves of whom they com
plain." I will call upon the stand but one
class ef witnesses more tho leading politi
cians in the free States (soealled.) Atwh.it
period since the revolution, has the prejudice
against the cast and color of the African nice
ceased to be rife? Let tho broken up school
of Miss Crandell, the destruction of a New
Hampshire Academy let the black laws of
Ohio let tho decisions of magistrates in fa
vor of claimants of fugitive slaves let the
negro pews, and tha echoes of pro-slavery
pulpits, tell the story. In view of a capitu
lation of this mass of undesirable, though un
impeachable testimony, we cannot avoid
(though would to God we could,) the conclu
sion that the Constitution of the United States
is pro-slavery. How thn can I vote under
it, or swear allegiance ,t it? My duty to
God forbids it. My , elation to my robbed
and down-trodden brother forbids it. Justice
forbids me lo strike hands with the robber,
and the oppressor of my brother and sister.
My complaint against the Constitution is
not that it is obscure or imperfect, but that it
designedly consigns to unmitigated bondage
a large class of my brethren, naive born A
niericans, a portion of whom fought in tho
battle fields of the American Revolution sido
by side with our sires. Why then deprive
thein of their portion of the boon? Will the
God of justice wink at such hypocrisy, rob
bery and oppression as this? In what articlo
and section of the instrument, drawn up to
"establish justice," is the grant of freedom
secured? If the Constitution does not secure
freedom to the slave, it m -tiers not what it
secures. It is a pro-slavery document, and
cannot bo sustained with moral integrity.
J. S.
DISUNION.
Friends Editors:
I send you a copy of a resolution which
has been discussed for some two or three
months in our Anti-Slavery meetings at Un
ionville, and which was recently adopted.
Whereas, we believe that the framers of the
United States Constitution were not men of
their ward, but hypocritical in their conduct,
and iintruo to their profession of the love of
liberty; and believing as we do, that mor
al power is the only means by which the ab
olition of slavery can ever be accomplished;
therefore,
Resolved, That no true Anti-slavery man
can consistently act under the present Consti
tution of the United States by holding any
office, the entrance upon which requires an
oath or affirmation to support it.
This resolution created much excitement
in this neighborhood; some were anxious it
should be adopted, others exerted their influ
ence, against it. I will give you a brief
sketch of the grounds assumed by its oppo
sers, that you may comment upon them if you
I -o iii. incy admitted that the preamble to

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