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AlWISLAVERY BUGLE,
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S A .EM O., Til 1 1 U Y. J A N U A R V 1 0, S If .
NO JU.
A N T I-SLA VERY BUGLE.
Published ever Friday at
Salem, Columbiana Co., O.
JAMES B Ali.NAIlY, Jr.. (irncral Agent.
BENJAMIN S. JONES,
J. ELIZABETH HITCHCOCK, Editors.
C$All remittances to lie made, ami all letters
relating to the pecuniary njfairs of the paper,
to be addressed (post paid) to the General
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lion to be addressed to the Editors.
Terms: $1,50 per annum, or $0,00 if
not paid within six months of the time of
subscribing.
Advertisements making less than a square
inserted three times 1'orTi cents: one
square $1.
Fchlisiiimi C'ommittke: S un Brooke,
(icorgo Garrctson, James llainaby, Jr
D. iv id I.. Ciallircr.th, Lot Holmes.
3. a. 3A2xr.r:e& ysa'arxs.
We republish tho following address in or
der to stir up the min is of the people by way
of remembrance. Lot them again read it, and
if in 1813 they endorsed its sentiments, let
them, now that in 184C the time for action
lias come, like brave and honest men, dis
solve their connection with the Texas Union,
and repudiate that government which has so
shamefully betrayed their rights. Edrs.
TO PEOPLE OF THE FREE
STATES OF THE UNION.
We, the undersigned, inclosing our duties
to our constituents and our country, as mem
bers of the 27th Congress, feel bound to call
your attention, very briefly, to the project long
entertained by a portion of the people of these
United St ates, still pertinaciously adhered to,
and intended soon to be consummated the
annexation of Texas to the Union.
The open and repeated enlistment of troops
in several States of this Union ill aid of tht
Texan revolution; tho intrusion of an Ameri
can army, by order of the President, fur into
the territory of tho Mexican Government, at
a moment critical to the file of the insurgents,
under pretence of preventing Mexican soldi
ers from fomenting Indian disturbances, but
in reality in aid of, and acting in singular
concert and coincidence with, the army of the
revolutionists; the entire neglect of our Gov
ernment to adopt any efficient measures to
prevent tho most unwarrantable aggressions
of bodies of ourown citizens, enlisted, organ
ized, and oflieered within our own borders,
and marched in arms and battle array upon
tho territory, and against tho inhabitants of a
friendly Government, in aid of free-booters
and insurgents; and tho premature recogni
tion of the independence of Texas, by a snap
vote, at the heel of a session of Congress, and
that, too, at the very session when President
Jackson had, by special message, insisted
that "tha measure would be contrury to the
policy invariably observed by the United
Sta.es, in all similar cases, would be marked
with great injustice to Mexico, aud peculiar
ly liable to the darkest suspicions, inasmuch
as the Tvxans were almost all emigrants from
the United States, &. sought the recognition of
their independence with the avowed purpose
of obtaining their annexation to the United
States;" these occurrences are too well known
and too fresh in tho memory of all to need
more than a passing notice. Thcso have be
come matters of history. For further evi
dence on all these and other important points,
we refer to the memorable speech of John
Quincy Adams, delivered in the House of
Representatives during tho morning lioura of
Juno and July, 1838, and to his address to
his consliuents, delivered at liruiutree, Sep
tember 17, 1842.
The opcna"owal of the Texans themselves,
the frequent aud anxious negotiations of our
own Government, the resolutions of various
States of the Union, theniimerous declara
tions of members of Congress, the tone of tho
Southern press, as well as the direct applica
tion of the Texan Government, make it im
possible for any man to doubt that annexa
tion and the formation of several new slave-
holding States and the Executive of tho na
tion. The same references will show, very con
clusively, that the particular objects of this
new acquisition of slavo territory were the
perpetuation of slavery and tho continued as
cendency of the slave power.
We hold that there is not only '-no politi
'eal necessity" for it, "no advantages to bo
derived from it," but there is no constitution
til power delegated to any department of tho
National Government, to authorize it; that
no act of Congress, or treaty for annexation,
van impose the leest obligation upon tho sev
eral States of this Union to submit to such
an unwarrantable act, or receive into their
family and fraternity such misbegotten and
illegitimate progeny.
We HESITATE not to say, that annexa
tion, effected bv AKY ACT OR, l-ROCEEDINU
of the Federal Government, or anv of
its departments, would be identical, with
dissolution. It would be a violation of our
national compact, its objects, designs, and
the groat elementary principles which enter
ed into its formation, of a character so daep
and fundamental, and would be an attempt to
eternize an institution and a power of nature
so unjust in themselves, so injurious to the
'interests and abhorrent to the feelings of the
people of tho free States, as, in our opinion,
not only inevitably to result in a dissolution
of the Uuion, but fully to justify it; and we
not only assert that the people of tho free
States "ought not to submit to it," but wo
say, with confidence, they would not si'D
mit to it. We know their present temper
and spirit on this snnject too well to believe
for a moment that they would become parli
reps trrminis in any such subtle contrivance
for the irremediable pirpi tuation of an insti
tution which the wisest and best men who
formed our Federal Constitution, as well
from the slavo as the free Stale.?, regarded as
an evil and a curse, soon to become extinct
under the operation of laws to he passed pro
hibiting the slave-trade, and tho progressive
influences rf the principles of the Involution.
Washington, March, 11, IS 1.1.
JOHN (JUIXCY ADAMS,
SE I'H M. GATES,
WILLIAM M.ADE.
WILLIAM H. CALHOUN.
JOSHUA K. tHDDINGS,
SHERLOCK J. ANDREWS,
XATH NIEL 15. HORDES,
TIIOS. C. CHITTENDEN.
JOHN MATTOCKS,
CHRISTOPHER MORGAN,
JOSHUA M. HOWARD,
VICTORY I1IRDSKYE,
THOMAS A. TOMLINSON,
STALE Y N. CLARK,
CHARLES HUDSON.
ARCHIBALD L. LINN,
THOMAS W. WILLIAMS,
TRUMAN SMITH,
DAVID 1? RON. SON,
GEORGE N. BRIGGS,
From the Pennsylvania Freeman.
Seventh Annual Report the American Free
Produce Association.
Tho Executive Committee of the Ameri
can Free Produce Association, ut the close of
its seventh year, find lilllti to ricord, except
ing the statements which properly b long to
the report of the Manufacturing Committee.
These will show that tha Society has n it ex
isted in vain, although it may have done less
in other departments than in former years.
The difficulty of obtaining a sufficient supply
of free cotton manuf iclures, has, doubtless,
discouraged many abolitionists from attempt
ing to abstain from the use of tho products of
slavo labor, therefore every facility for pro
curing such, which our Association has been
able to furnish, is an advantage gained over
the robber system of slavery.
The Address which was issued by you at
your last annual meeting, to Jlritish aboli
tionists, urging upon them the duty of absti
nence from the use of slave-grown cotton, has
been circulated in Great Uritain, and we trust
not without effect.
Your Committee notice with pleasure, in
dications of increasing interest in this depart
ment of the anti-slavery enterprise. Tho for
mation of a Free Produco Association, among
the Friends of this city, wo hail as a cheer
ing token that the slave is mt forgotten by
them, and as an evidence that the influence of
our own Association has been felt by the com
munity around us. We wish our coadjutors
abundant success.
The adoption, by various anti-slavery soci
eties of resolutions expressing our principles,
wo also regard as manifestations of improv
ing public sentiment, at least, among tho
friends of freedom. If thuso who hive giv
en their votes in f ivor of these resolutions,
will faithfully conform their practice to thein,
tliey may hasten tho day of the slave's eman
cipation. Your Committee feel undiminished confi
dence in the principles on which our Assoei
tiun is based, and earnestly wish that the
hearty adoption of them, by every Anti-Slavery
Society in the land, might render unne
cessary a distinct orgiuization for their pro
motion. They are but plain deductions
from the fundamental anti-slavery principle,
and it is a cause of surprise and deep regret,
that many abolitionists whose eagle eyes are
continually discovering new and rugged paths
of duty, and whose all conquring zeal ena
bles them, bravely 'nd clieerfullj, to tread
those paths, s'.iiul I n.t yet have seen, amid
all th? lijl.t which is burning rjt;nJ them,
that true consistency requires of themabsti
n?ic.i iVota tho purchaso of the ill-gotten fruits
of shivery. Would they cleanse their hands
from participation in these, would they but
annul this union with the slaveholders, the con
sistency of their course would render far more
effective their eloqaent rebukes of his Bin.
Tiiat they v-. be convinced of this, and that
nil who lo c fio slave may be induced to
bear a faithful testimony against oppression,
by refusing to be fed and clothed by stolen
labor, we earnestly exhort tho members of
this Association to bn untiring in their eitorts
to disseminate its principles, and to impress
them on the hearts of abolitionists. By a
pur a example, accompanying cogent argu
ment and urgent expostulation, should this
be dons. 1 he lamentable fact that so few
have rallied around our standard should not
weaken our adherence to truth or discourage
us in our attempt to propagate it. Tho in'
terval between sowing and reaping may be
long, bnt the harvest will come. Truth per
sevoringly spoken, duty patiently perform
ed and sacruices, to :ha right, checrlully
n.adc, will produce results which shall
ultimately bless the world. We have cast
bread upon tha waters, which to us may seem
to be utterly lost, but assuredly it shall be
round after many days.
James Mott, Chairman
of Executive Committee
Philadelphia, 10th mo. 3d, 1845.
A CLAUSE IN THE CONSTITUTION
OF TEXAS.
"Tho Legislature shill have no power to
pass laws for the emancipation if slaves with
out the consent of their owners, nor without
paying their owners, previous to such eman
cipation, a full equivalent in money for the
slaves so emancipated. They shall nave no
power to prevent emigrants to this Suite from
bringing with them such persons as are deem
ed slaves by tho laws of any of the United
States, so long as any person of the same age
or description shall be continued in slavery
by the law of this State; provided, that such
slave be the bona fide property of such emi
grants; provided, also, that laws shall be pass
ed to inhibit the introduction in this St ile of
slaves who have committ'-d high crimes, in
other States or Territories. They shall have
the right to pass laws to permit the owners of
slaves t emincipate them, taring the rights
of creditors, and preventing them from be
coming a public charge. They shall have
full power to pass laws which will oblige the
owners of slaves to treat them with hiiiiHiiity,
to provide for them necessary food and cloth
ing; to abstain from all injuries of life and limb
and, in case of their negiect or refusal to com
ply with tho direclions of such laws, to have
such slave or slaves taken from such owner,
and Sold for ih'.ben-fi' of such owner or owners
They may pass laws to prevent slaves from
being brought into this Srale as merchandise
only."
From the Baltimore Saturday Visitor.
LETTER FROM A MARYLANDER.
LETTER FROM A MARYLANDER. Slavery in Maryland-the domestic Slave trade
-appeal professors of religion, and to the
Women of Baltimore-our Black Laws. &c.
Eastern Shouk of Mauvland,
Dec. tilth 1815.
Dr. Snodorass: Dear Sir: On looking
over tho letter lately addressed to Dr. Steu
art, through your columns, 1 most heartily
cm-aired with tho writer in all ho Slid. I
ox,jres.;ly join him in requesting the Doctor's
opinion on tho suggestions of tho writer.
The said Liter had the same c fleet on my
mind, that the Doctor's address had on the
mind of a " Biltiinorean," that is bringing to
view sundry matters well worthy of tho at
tcntion and consideration of the citizens of
the suite. 1 know and feel that slavery is "a
curse upon our beautiful land," aud furthor,
it is a dark blot on the character of the relig
ious professors of tho "lan I of tho ; and
home of the bravn,'! because . they are parti
eep.i eriminis in the maintenance of the insti
tution, and all its concamitant evils, by not
crying aloud and sparing not all who partic
ipate in the wrong. Uan any person lor a
moment bclieva that a professed negro-trader
would find 'a home in our beautiful monu
mental city, or an editor of a newspaper th.it
would aid him by admitting his advertise
ment in his paper, if the professed followers
of the' Prince of Peace, disregarding the sense
less cry of "abolitionist" (i bug-bear which
the interested are always sure to raise) would
hold a consistent testimony against the traf
fic, and the trafficker '.' ho has the hardihood,
in tho middle of the 19th century, to separate
husbands from their wives, parents from their
children, and infant children from their moth
ers in open day? Would that all those who
hold the tratlie in alihorrencc would do their
duty! Onlv to think that fair mothers in
Baltiinora aro aware that other mathers am
daily sold to a far oif 1 md, and tin ir children
ollentimes (sometimes even infant children)
left behind, and not so much as cry 'shame!'
1 say unto yon, oh women '. yo who ex
ercise so much influence on all around you,
you are bound to do all you can, lawfully to
put an end to this trading in the "blood of
souls." To the christian voters, to those
who, by their votes decide the destinies of
this stale, I would humbly advise you to en
list on the sido of oppressed humanity; and
if you fail in putting an end to slavery, and
tho domestic slave trade you can, by refusing
to vote forany candidate, unless he he a .friend
of the oppressed, Inld a glorious testimony a
gairsl it. I, for one, am determined (in lan
guvre like that of tho fearless champion of
civil liberty in tho West, ('. M. Clay) that,
so far as the o.nnipotency of one will ellect
it, Maryland shall be free 7
I wish soino fearless and competent person
would portray to the inhabitants of this state,
the unequal and consequently unjust laws oi
the state, with reference to the free colored
people how injurious the " Black Laws of
Maryland are to the interests ol the nou-si.ive-holding
portion of the people, such as have
to depend on free labor to till their lauds.
Very truly yours, A.
THE BLACK LAWS.
The State Journal, we pcreeive, has taken
stronr srround it favor of action upon the
lllack Laws, at the present session of tho Leg
islature. The subject is, undoubtedly, one of
great importance, and should becarclully con
sideredbut whether tho restrictions inipos.
ed bv those enactments, should be entirely
removed, is a matter of groat doubt in many
minds. Now, much has been said about the
rejection of neuro testimony; it has been main
tained, that the refusal to receive tiie testimony
of the colored population in our courts, is a
matter not only fraught with injustice to thorn
but that it is also attended with ineonven-
cince, and even positive injury to our white
citizens. We have no doubt this may often
be the case. It is seldom true that negro
testimony can be rejected, in a cause whero
that rejection will not be attended with nan
ger to tho interests of tome persons.
Where negroes arc the parti, s, as well as
the evidence, no one will deny the reasona.
bleness ol" admitting the testimony. Uut for
one suit between colored parties, there are,
and wiil be a hmwlre.l .vl,,,,,, .,;.!,. ,.i,.:...:rr
P , . : ... . ..nvi wiaiiiuu,
lendanl.or both. am whii... n .,....
811000SO a ne.rr.l ld.len.1 it,,.... a i. I.: .
I I -1 " ..IV D..I1IU, 1111
evidence is desired by, and deemed of advan
tage to tlie cause cl the party eHering him
his testimony tho law refuses to admit, and
u'es my Dfiinni oi proof WhltM,
miirlit he direct and conclusive; or which
DrhnOS. is llm mill' PfiJcnnn trt i... ..!..; i
' I ''J -uciIVV W UE.1 WUillllllllt
No one, then can doubt that the rejection of
Mi-giu H-smiiony, worns to tlie niurv of
the liarlv. Kn in ..II .1.- ': .
. i " vu-.ea, niu rejection
will, more or less, jeopardize the cause of
one or the other. Zi.u .rillr It.pubUvin:
From the Liberty Bell.
THOMAS CLARKSON.
Pi.ayfoud Ham., near Ipswich, )
Oil. It. 1815. j
Dear Madam:
1 received your last letter, but was so ill at
the time I was unable to answer it for some
days; and indeed I have recovered so little
since tiiat time, that 1 despair of beintr much
better. My constitution is now, pnbablv. us
we say in En-rland, 'breaking up;' which I
regret only, as it hinders mo from beimr far
ther useful. 1 could have wished, perhaps,
to have lived a little longer, but it would have
been onlv for the sake of seeiiiif thedav when
slavery should terminate. That its days are
numbered, I have no doubt; no more doubt
than that I am now living; and tho event
cannot fail of being hastened on by what has
happened in the case of Cassius M. Clay.
The brutal treatment of him, and the outra
ges committed since by the white mob at
liuxmgtan, on tho person ol the noor and
harmless black people residing in that city,
will be a fine engine for the citizens of the
North, with which to work.
I am very sorn- that tho present state of
my health will not permit ine to send you
the contribution vou desire against ihe forth
coming Fair. A particular circumstance has
occurred which will stand in the way ol per
forming what otherwise would have been a
pleasure to me. An American, of ".be mine
of II. C. Wright, who has been in England,
but more in Scotland, for sometime, and who
has attended several anti-slavery meetings,
at Edinburgh, Glasgow, and other places, to
the great advantage of the cause, wrote tome
a week or two before the receipt of your let
ter, to do him a great favor, which was, that
as my History of tho Abolition of the Slave
Trade contained the facts relating to it only
up to March 1807, when the Rritish Parlia
ment put nn end to it, lie wished to have some
little farther history of our proceedings in
England since that time, so as to take in tho
rise and means by which slavery in England
was abolished also. He could get this, he
said, (and he said truly) from no other per
son now living but myself. I consented to
furnish him with a liule account though far
from well at the time willing to oblige a
person who hail dono so much for our cause,
and thinking that it might allbrd pleasure to
sonic of our friends in America. 1 agreed on
ly to give hi ll tho f.cts, leaving it lo him so
to embellish it as to make it a readable little
book. I had no other idea, however, than
that it would be the work, on my part, of a
fortnight only, though I had too many things
on hand even lo spr.re that time; but three
weeks have passed, and as I am now a very
slow writer, it will take three weeks more lo
finish tho work, l ou will see, therefore,
how impossible it is for me, when this work
for Mr. Wright shall have been finished, and
in my present state of health, o write any
thing fit to read, to be ready at the time of
your Fair. I will just say, that I was the
more induced to put mysell to the trouble of
writing on this occasion, when I saw that in
Ihn Reporter of tho Glisgow Female Anti-
Slavery Society, Mr. Wright had given so
lofty and yet so truo a character of Mr. Gar
rison.
Notwithstanding I have said all this, I will
think of a subject for the Fair, and will en-dea.-or
if I can steal a few moments, nt in
tervals, to begin it and go on with it; and if I
can finish it in time, 1 will send it you; but 1
must know what is the last day lor receiv
ing, at Uuston, publications for tho press.
And here I will ask a question. I have
some memoirs of Henry Christophe, king of
Ilayti. l corresponded with hnn tor three
years, and put him in the way of making im
provement for the good uf his country, which
I believo ho followed. His only fault was
that of being a too rigid disciplinarian; a fault
indeed, wich I cannot palliate; but his inten
tions were noble, anJ his projects great, and
he had a great mind. When I was at the
great Congress at Aix la Clnpelle, in Ger
many, trying to do smnediing with the sov
ereigns of Europe, then assembled, in favor
of tho abolition of the slave-trade, I found,
unexpectedly, in my pocket, a letter of king
Henry which 1 had unknowingly brought wilh
mn from my own house. This letter had in
it remarks on education. I showed it to tho
Emperor of Russia. After having read it, he
asked my permission to show it to the Em-
feror of Austria, and the king of Prussia.
le did so and told ma tint both of them
Were astonished at it us a letter coming from
a black man; and all the three agreed, that
though they spared no expense in getting the
cleverest men in Europe to be their ministers,
and to sit in counsel, noono of their then cab
inet could produce a better letter. Now the
publication of such mamarandi in America
might hava a good elfaet in many ways, for
however they might class tho bl ick man with
the brute, in intdlect. Henry Christophe, a
man as black as jet. had powers of mind equal
to those of any President in America.
Would such a work do good, then, and would
it suit your Liberty .'(.
1 will finish my Liter with a saying of one
of the ilnnrcst friends I , ver had, namely
General Lafayette. 1 was with tho General
often, and corresponded with him after his
coming out of his dungeon at Olinutz. But
the first tune I knew him was when I was in
Paris, the year after tho French Revolution,
on the subject of ihe slave trade, and I assis
ted l.ini miterially. lie was decidedly as
uncompromising an enemy to the slave-trade,
and slavery, as any man I ever knew. He
freed all his slaves in French Cayenne. w i
had come to him by inheritance, in 1785, am
shrcwed me all his rules and regulations for
his estate when they were emancipated. I
was w ith him no L si than four different times
in Paris. Ho was a real gentleman, ami of
soft ami gentle manners. 1 have seen him
put out of temper, but never at any time ex
cept when slavery was the subject. He has
said, frequently, 'I would never have drawn
my sword in the cause of America, if I could
h ive conceived that thereby I was founding
a land of slavery.' How woeld tho people
of Fayette County like lo hear this! to hear
their land cursed by t lelinan who gained it for
them!
I remain.
Dear Madam,
Yours
THOMAS CLARKSON.
To Mrs. H. G. CHAPMAN.
THE RESPONSE.
Well tho response to our appeal which
has come from conventions and meetings, has
filled a side of our journal for two months!
In tho whole North not one meeting has stood
by the Robbers, and one so called whig press
in all the free States, the .Vtn York Courier
and Ennuirer, has justified tho rebels! Out
of all Kentucky one hundred counties but
tour or live have sustuned the mob bv doubt
ful majorities, leavingabouL ninety fire againx'.
ine.ii; .oi one meeting in tlie Mavo States,
leaving out Kentucky, has stood by the as
sassins whilst all, or the manly portion ol
the press, whig and democratic, have denoun
ced them in Baltimore in St. Louis in
Louisvillo and other places! If tho Cour
ier and Enquirer and tho Philadelphia Dinner
Committee prefer to honor thoso who stood a
thousand against one sick man contending
for their liberty as well as his own! wo shall
not on that account, or for any man's sneers
or blame, he jostled from the firm stand whore
honor and conscience place us? Against
them, loo, as against the rebels of the 18th,
we are reidy to appeal to "Kentucky and to
the world," and with unbroken faith to abldo
tho verdict! Clay's True American,
The Slave Trade in AreicA A letter,
daled July iGlh, appears in the London Times
from an ofli-cr of one of her Mijestj's ships
on the African coast, giving a horrid picture
cf tho Slavo Trade, and expressing din con
viction that no treity stipulations, no combi
ned squadrons can suppress this traffic, so
long us a slave worth only a lew dollars lu
Africa will bring jLJS0 or 100 in America.
He savs the idea of blockading 2000 miles
of coast is absurd, that the African service is
attended with much loss of life, and is de
moralizing to tho habits of seaman, and that
in fact the miseries of the slave traffic hav
increased.
The Bev op Tunis. "I told the Bey that
a French writer and deputy, Mons. Desjnbert,
had published a bjok, ia which he said 'th? t
Tunis was more advanced in tho work of
mancipation of negro-slavery than France hei
sell" with all her boasted civilization: when
Ilia Highness, smiling, replied, 'I have open
ed the way. 1 havo abolished the sale of
slaves, an I I will never letve thi wrc of t
miniepa'inn whilst a slave remains in my do
minions." Mr. Richardson, April 1H45.
' Unequivocal. The venerable Dr. Lyman
Beceher, speaking of Slavery and of those
who hold that it is not a sin, says:
" Enslaving men, in tho first instance, is
by their doctrine sinful, but he that takes up
and perpetuates the wrong thus begun, is
guilty of no wrontrr though the curse of sla
very is thus sent down through all the slave's
posterity to the judgment day ! Will some
of them tell us nt which link in this horrid
chain the wrong loses its nature and become
right? I toll you that at whatever link thn
slaveholder lays hold of for the purpose of
Klaveholding, it will attract the electricity of
(J. id's wrath, that shall burn to tho lowest
Hell!"
"The clergy cf Alabama have called a
Sabbath Convention, to be held in Mobile on
tho 261b of February, 1S1C."
Do "the clergy of Alabama" imagine that
they can "keep holy the Sahhath day" or any
other day, while they are robbing their breth
ren of lh"ir birthright of liberty, and leducing
to chattels intelligent beings, mado in the
image of God! Do they think by presenting
themselves before Him in the weekly mock
ery of homage, lo hide from the All-seeing
eye the inenttl ruin they h ive wrought, or by
the observance of solemn fast and festival lo
atone for their outragis on humanity? "'Hi
that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen
how shall he love God whom he hith nt
seen." Pennsylvania Freeman.
