Search America's historic newspapers pages from - or use the U.S. Newspaper Directory to find information about American newspapers published between 1690-present. Chronicling America is sponsored jointly by the National Endowment for the Humanities external link and the Library of Congress. Learn more
title: 'Anti-slavery bugle. (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, September 11, 1852, Image 2',
meta: 'News about Chronicling America - RSS Feed',
Image provided by: Ohio Historical Society, Columbus, OH
All ways to connect
Inspector General |
External Link Disclaimer |
From the National Era.
HON. CHAS. SUMNER, OF MASSACHUSETTS,
ON HIS MOTION
TO REPEAL THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, AUGUST 26, 1862.
The Civil and Diplomatio Appropriation Dill
iaing under consideration, the following amend
ment wa moved by the Committee on Finance.
"That where tho ministerial officer of the
United State have or ahull incur extraordinary
xpense in executing tho law thereof, the
payment of which U not specifically provided
tor, tho 1'residcnt of tho United states ia uu
ihoriicd to allow tho payment thereof, under
the special taxation of tlio district or circuit
court of tho district in w hich the said services
havo been or shall be rendered, to bo paid from
the appropriation fur defraying tho expenses of
Mr. SUMN'EIt moved the following amend'
bent to tho amendment :
" rroriileil, That no iueh allowance shall be
authorised for any expense, incurred in rxecu
inn the act of .September 18, If 50, for the sur
render of fugitives from service or labor ; which
aaid act la heroby repralod."
This speech occupies eighteen columns of
the National Era. Of course w e cant print it oil
in the Bugle. After an introduction, in w hich
among other things, Mr. Sumner asserts his de
termination to discus tho whole subject of
slavery, and hia entire freedom from all pledgee
and obligations to parties, ho proceeds to expose
the absurdity of the idea, that any legislation
can be final In this country, llo beautifully
ay "Truth alont it final."
He discusses the question under two general
heads, first, tho truo relation of tho general
government to slavery, and second, the truo
nature of the provision for tho rendition of fu
gitives from labor, and tho unconstitutional
legislation of Congress for the purpose. V
commence our extract with his synopsis of tho
argument under the Srst head.
At the risk of reputation, but for the sake of
clearness, review now this argument, and gath
or it together. Considering that Slavery is of
each an offensive character that it can find sanc
tion only in "positivo law," and that is has no
uch u positive." sanction in tho Constitution :
that the constitution, according to its Prcamblo
waa ordained " to establish justice" and "se
cure the blessings of liberty ;" that, in tho
Convention which framed it, and aim elsewhere
at the time, it waa declared not to sanction Sla
very ; that, according to the Declaration of In
dependence and tho address of tho Continental
Congress, the Nation was dedicated to 11 liber
ty" and the " rights of human nature " that,
according to the principles of common law, the
Constitution must bo interpreted openly, active
ly, and perpetually, for Freedom ; that accord
ing to the decision of tho Supremo Court, it
eta upon slavos, not at property, but as I'Biisons;
bat, at the first organization of tho Nationul
Government under Washington, Slavery had
we national favor, and existed nowhero under
the national flag or on the national territory,
hut waa openly conjoined by the Nation, tho
Church, tho Colleges, and literal uro of the
time i and, finally.that, according to an Amend
ment of tho Constitution, tho National Gov
ernment can only exercise powers delegated to
it, among which thero is none to support Sla
very considering theso things, sir, it is impos.
eible to avoid tho single conclusion that Slavery
it in no respect a national institution, and that
th Constitution nowhero upheld property in
But there la another special provision of tho
Constitution, which I have reserved to this
stage, notao much from its superior import
ance, but because it may fitly stand by itself.
This alone, if practically applied, would carry,
Freedom ti all within its influence. It ia an
amendment j reposed by the first Congress, as
M No person shall bo deprived of life, liberty,
r property, without due proven of law."
Under this iCjis the liberty of every person
within the national jurisdiction ia unequivocal
ly placed. I aay of every person. Of this
there can be nojrjucstion. The word " person"
in the Constitution embrace evory human bo
lug within itt sphere, whether Caucasian, In
dian, or African, from tho President to tho
alive. Show me a person, no matter what his
condition, or race, or color, within tho nationul
jurisdiction, and I confidently claim for him
this protection. The naturul meaning of tho
clause ia clear, but a single fact of it history
(lace it in the broad light of noon. As origi
nally recommonded by North Curolina and Vir
ginia, it was restrained to the freeman. Its
langusgo was, " No freeman ought to bo de
prived of his life, liberty, or property, but by
the law of the land." In rejovting this limita
tion, the author of the amondmeut revealed
their purpoac.that no person, under tho National
Government, of whatever character, shall be
Jnprivod of liberty without duo process of law;
that is, without due presentment, indictment,
r othor judicial ptocccdings. Here by this
Amendment i an express guaranty of Person si
Liberty, and an express prohibition against it
invasion anywhere, at least within the no
Sir, apply these principle, and Slavery will
'a Rain b as when Washington took hi first
ath a PresidcntThe Union Flag of the Itcpub
lie will become once more the flag of Freedom,
and at ail point within national jurisdiction
will refuse to cover a slave. Beneath it be
neficent fold, wherever it is carried, on land or
eta, Slavery will disapear, like darkness under
the arrow of the asseuding sun like the Spirit
f Evil before the Angel of the Lord.
Jo all national territories Slavery will be irn
aroddblc On the Ugh teat, tinder the national flag.
Slavery will be impossible.
In th District of Columbia Slavery will in- '
Inspired by these principle, Congress en
give no sanction to Slavery by the admission of
new Slavo State.
Nowhero under the Constitution, can the
Nation, by legislation or otherwise, upport
Slavery, hunt slaves, or hold property in man.
Such, sir, are my sincere convictions. Ac
cording to the Constitution, as I understand it,
in the light of the Past and of it true princi
ples, there la no other conclusion which is ra-
, ' , . , . .
thoratative rules of interpretation t which docs
not falsify indisputable facts of history which
does not aflront the public opinion in which it
...... ..... . ,. t .. I
had its birth : and which does not dishonor tho
. ,' . . , ...
memory of the Fathers. And yet these eon-
victions are now placed under formal ban by
iticians of tho hour. The generous setiti- j
. , , . . !
ment which filled the early patriot, and which j
' ' . . . '
impressed upon tho Government they lounded,
1 . , . . , , . '. .
. 4 . , , J . ,.., !.
and superscription of I.ipkiitt, havo lost their
' r , , , ,
power. Iho slave-roasters, few in number,
1 , . ' . .,
amounting to about 300,000, according to tho
recent census, have succeded in dictating the i
,. , ., .. .. , ,, . , ,
poliey of the National Government, and have,
. ' . . ,
written Slayekt on its frent. And now an
, ... . ,. i ;
arrogant and unrelenting ostracism is applied,
" , , . .
nnl milv to all mnn rviirmi tnrinftplves A'.itllint
, t . . . .. . , !
dawtir. tmf tn nvprv mnn who unwilnnir to
' j I " - - - j - n
bo the menial of Slavery. A novel test for of-
fico ts introduced, which would havo excluded
all tho Fathers of tho llepublic even Wash
ington, Jcirerson, and Franklin ! Ye sir,
Startling it maybe; but indisputable. Could
these reverend demigods of hintory once mora
deeend upon tho earth, and minglo in our af-
f.tira nnl ntin c( them mill,! rpreivA a nmnilia-
. .. , .. .
Hon from tho National Convention of cither of
the two old political parties !
tint nf tho for..
viction of their hearts and tho uttcrunco of
their lips agniust Slavery they would bo con
demcd. This singlo fact reveals tho extent to which
tho National Government ha departed from
it true courso and great examples. For my
self, I know aa better aim u.ider the Constitu
tion, than to bting tho Government back to tho
precise position on this question which it occu
pied on tho auspicious morning of its first or
ganization under Washington ;
that the sentiment of tho Fathers may again
prevail with our rulers, and that tho Nationul
Flag may nowhero shelter slavery.
To such as count this aspiration unreasonable
let mo commend a renowned and life-giving
precedent of EnglUh history. As early a tho
days of Queen Elizabeth, a eourticr had boast
ed that the air of England was to puro for a
alavo to breathe, and the common luw was said
forbid Slavery. And yet in the faoo of Hue j
vaunt, kindred to that of our Fathers, and o ,
truly honorable, elavc were introduced from !
tho West Indies. Tho custom of slavery grad-
ually prevailed. Ite positivo legality was af- j
in professional opinions, by two eminent
Tulbot and Yorke, each ofterwards
Lord Chaiicollor. It was also allirmcd on tho
by the latter as Lord Ilurdwickc. Eng- j
wa already a Slavo State. Tho following ,
advertisement coppied from a London newspn-
per, tho Public Ailtertisi; of Nov. 22d, 1700, '
show tho journals there wcio disfigured as
some of ours, even in tho District of Columbia :
" To bo sold, a black girl, tho property of J.
11., cloven years of oko.wIio is extremely handy,
works at her teo.Ua tolerably, and speak. Eng.
hsli pcrtectly well ; ts ot an excellent temper.
and willing disposition. Enquire of her owner
at tho Angel inn, bciuiiu at. Clements inurcn,
in tho Strand."
At lust, only three year after this advertise
ment, in 1772, the singlo question of tho legal
ity of Slavery was presented to Lord Mansfield,
on a writ ot llatieat Curnu. A poor negro,
named Somcrsett, brought to England at a
slavo, became ill, and with an inhumanity dis
graceful even to slovery.wos turned adrift upon
the world. Through the charity of an cstima-
ble man, tho eminent Abolitionist, Qrunvillo
Sharpc, ho was restored to health, when his
unfeeling and avarisious master again claimed
him as a bondman. Tho claim was repelled.
After an elaborate and protracted discussion in
Wcstminatcr Hall, marked by raro learning
and ability, Lord Mansflold, with discreditable
sullying his great judicial namo,
in trembling obedience to the genius ot the
British Constitution, pronounced a docrco which
in ado tho oarly boast a practical verity, and
rendered Slavery forever impossiblo in England.
More than fifteen thousand persons, at that
time held as slaves in English air four times
as many as aro now found in this District
stepped forth in tho happiness and dignity of
With this guiding oxamplo let us pot despair.
Tho tiino will yet como when tho boast of our
Futhcrs will bo mado a practical verity also,
and Court or Congress, in tho spirit of this
British judgement, will proudly declare that
nowhero under tho Constitution can man hold
property in man. For the Ilcpubliu auch a
decrco will bo tho way of peace and safety.
As Slavery ia banished from the nationul juris
diction, it will ccaso to vex our national politics.
It may linger in the States as a local institu
tion; but it will no longer engender national
animosities, when it no longer demand na
II. From this gencrsl review of the relations
of the National Govcninent to Slavery, I pass
to tho consideration of tho Tuca hatch or
TUB rOOVUlON rOtt TUB SL'UUL.NlJlill or FUGITIVES
FHOM laiou, embracing an examination of this
provision in the Constitution, and especially of
the recent act of Congress in puriuance there
of. And here, as I begin this dicusaion, let
ma bespeak anew your candor. Not in preju
dice, but in the light of history and reason, let
us eonsidor this subject. The wsy will then bo
easy and the conclusion certain.
found that tins tatcmcnt has been hastily
.... , ., .
made, without any support in tho record
, ,' , .... ,
of tho Convention, tho only authcntio cvidcnco
, , . .,, ,. . . - ,
of tho compromise i nor will it be easy to find
any authority for it in any contemporary docu-
' ' , , . .
uiucnt, speech, ptibliMied letter or pamphlet of
any kind. It is truo there were compromisca
at the formation of tho Constitution, which
Cfrivo tli0 plan of tho Constitution if it pro
to hibita the slave trade." Churle Cote worth
pickcy thought himself bound to declare
candidly that ho d id not think South Carolina
w ould stop her importation of slaves in any
,hort time." The clfrontory of the slavchold
flrined, crt .M mutched by the sordidncss of tho East
lawyers, crn mcmbcrs, who yielded agair.. Luther
Martin, tho eminent member of the Conven
bench tion in llis contemporary addrow to the Legis
land iature 0f Maryland, has described the comnro-
any evidence, from tho records of this body,
that tho proviiion on this subject was regarded
' with any peculiar interest. Asits ahsenca from
j tho Articles of Confederation had not been tho
occasion of solicitude or desire', anterior to tho
National Convention, so it did not enter Into
j any of tho original plans of tho Constitution.. -rcluctanco,
, It was introduced at a lato period of the Con
but ! vention, and with very littlo and most casual
Much error arise from the exagorntcd Im-
porttnee now attached to thia provision, and
una ,iiv anvuui fitiuiiB TV,, it ii'mu w ,t vaign.
and primitive character. It is ofton asserted
that it was suggested by some special difficulty,
which hod become practically and extensively
felt, anterior to to the Constitution. But this
is one of tho myths or fables with which tho
supporters of Slavery have surrounded their
flso god. In the Article of Confederation, while
provision Is made for the surrender of fugi
tive criminal), nothing is said of fugitive slaves
or servants, and thero is no evidence in any
quarter, until after the National Convention,
of any hardship or solicitude on this account.
Vr. iiMviAin t,.a rinnpfl tn rmrMl drsiro
. ... ... ,
for any provision on the euhject. iho story to
tho contrary is a modern fiction,
, , ,.
I put asu as equally fabulous the common
saying that this provision wa one of the ongi-
nal compromise of the Constitution and an
. .. .
cscntial condition of tho L men. 1 hough sano-
tinned by eminent judicial opinions, U wul bo
wero the subject of anxious dcWo; but this
wai not of them.
There was a comprnmiso between tho small
and largo States, by which equality was securo.l
to all tho States in tho Senate. Thero was an
other compromUo tlna'.ly carried, under tbteata
from Ihe South, on tho motion of a Xiic Etiylantl
member, by which tho Slavo States were allowed
Kepreer.taiivo according to the wholo number
of free persons, and three-fifths of all other
iiwo vi-umiiig jiniiiui l'""li unw-
count of their slaves, in consideration that di
rect taxes should be apportioned in the same
way. Direct taxes have been imposed at only
four brief intervals. Tho political power has
been constant, and, at this momont, sends
, twenty-one members to the other House.
Thero was a third compromise, which cannot
bo mentioned without ahame. It was that
hateful bargain by whiih Congress wero re
strained until 1809 from the prohibition of the
foreign slavo trade, thus securing down to that
period, toleration for crime. This was pertina
ciously pressed by the South, even to the extent
of an absoluto restraint on Congress. John
Hutlcdo aaid " If tho Convention think
North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia,
wilt ever agreo to this plan tho Federal Con
stitution unless their right to import slaves bo
untouched, tho expectation is vain. The peo
ple of theso States ill never bo such fools as
jo givo up so important an interest." Charles
Pickncy said, " South Carolina can novcr te-
misc. " I found," ho suvs, " that the Eastern
members, notwithstanding their aversion to
Slavery, were very willing to iudulgo the South
ern States, at least with a temporary liberty to
prosecute tho slavo trade, provided the Southern
state trould in tu ir turn gratify them, by layinj
restriclion 0 navi!ation Tho blirg,im
. .. ,
"truck, and at this pneo tho Southern
Statos giincd the dctestablo indulgence. At a
subsequent day, Congress branded the slavo
trado as piracy, and thus, by solemn legistativo
I act, adjudged this comprorr.iso to bo felonious
Such aro the three chief original compromises
of tho Constitution and essential condition of
Union. The case of fugitives from labor is not
( of these. During the Convention, it was not in
, any way associated with these. Nor is thero
discussion, adopted. A few facts will show how
unfounded aro tho recent assumptions
Tho National Convention was convoked to
meet at Philadelphia on the second Monday in
May, 1787. Sovoral members appeurod at this
time ; but a majority of tho States not being
represented, thoso present adjourned from day
to duy until tho 25th, when the Convention was
organized by tho choice of Georgo Washington,
as President, On tho 28th, a low brief rules
and orders were adopted. On tho next day
they commenced their great work.
On this day Edmund Randolph, of sluvchold
lug Virginia, laid before tho Convention sc
ries of sixteen resolutions, containing his plan
for the establishment of a now National Gov
ernment. Iluro was no allusion to fugitive
On the samo day, Charles Pinekney, of slave
holding South Carolina, laid beforo the Con.
vention what ia called "a draft of a Federal
Government, to be agreed upon between the
free and independent State of America," aq
cluborat papor, marked by considerable mU
nutcness of dotuil. Hore are provisions, bor
rowed from tho Articlo of Confederation, se
curing to citizens of each Stuto equal privileges
in the sovoral States; giving faith to the publio
records of the States j and ordaining the sur
render of fugitives from justice. But this draft,
though from the flaming guardian of the slave
iuteieat, contained no allusion to fugitive slave.
In tho course of th Convention other plan
were brought forward ; on tho 13th of June a
scrio of eleven propositions by Mr. Patterson,
of New Jersey, "to as to render the Federal
Constitution adequate to tho exigencies of Gov
ernment, and the preservation of the Union;"
on the 18th of Juno, eleven propositions by Mr.
Hamilton, of New York, containing his ideas
of a suitable plan of Government for tho United
States;" and on tho 19th June, Mr. Randolph'
resolutions, originally offered on the 20th May,
11 as altered, amended, and agreed to in Com
mittee of the Wholo House." On the 26th,
twenty-threo resolutions, already adopted on
different days in tho Convention, were referred
to a " Committee of Detail," to be reduced to
the form of a Constitution. On tho 0th of Au
gust this committee reported the finished draft
of a Constitution. And vet in all those resolu
tions, plans, and drafts, iceen in number, pro
cccding from eminent members and from ablo
committees, no allusion was made to fuitivo
slaves. For three months tho Convention was
in session, and not a word uttered on this sub
ject. At last, on the 23tli August, as the Conven
tion was drawing to a close, on the eonsidcia
tion of tho nni.-lc providing lor the privileges of
citiiens in different States, wo meet the first
reference to ihis matter, in words worthy nf
note: "Gen. Charles Cotcsworth Pinekney
was not satitllcd with it. Ho SEEMED to wish
soino provision should bo included in Invor of
property in slaves." But ho made no proposi-
tion. Unwilling to sho. k the Convention, and
uncertain in his own mind, ho only lecnmllo
wish such a provision. In this vague expres
sion nf a vaguo desire this idea first appeared.
In this modc-t, hesitating phrase is the gi rin of
the itid.ii ioiis, unhesitating Slavo Act. Here
ia the littlo vapor, w hich has siuco swollen, as
in the Arabian tide, to the power and dimen
sions of a giant. Tho next articlo under dis
cussion provided for the surrender of fugitives
from justice. Mr. Butler and Mr. Charles
Pinekney, both from South Carolina, now mov
cd openly to require " fugitivo slaves and ser
vants to bo delivered up like criminals." Hero
was no disguise. With 11 unlet it as now said
Sremi, madam, nay, it is ; I know not teemi.
But the very boldness nf tho effort drew atten
tion and opposition. Mr. Wilson, nf Pennsyl
vania, at onco objected : "This would oblige
tho Executive of the Stuto to do it at tho pub
lio expense." lr. Sherman, of Connecticut,
"saw no more propriety In the puhliu seising
mid surrendering a slave or servant than a
horse." Under tho pressure of theso objec
tions tho offensive proposition was quietly with
drawn. The article tor tho surrender of crim
inals was then adopted. On tho next day,
August 29th, profiting by tho suggestions al
ready made, Mr. Butler moved a proposition
substantially like that now found in tho Con
stitutionnut directly for tho surrender of
" fugitive slaves," as originally proposed, but
af 'ugitivcs from service or labor," which,
without debato or opposition of any kind, was
The provision, which showed itself thus tar
dily and was so slightly noticed in tho Nation
al Convention, was neglected in much nf tho
contemporaneous discussion beforo tho people.
In tho Conventions of South Carolina, North
Carolina, and Virginia, it was commended as
securing important rights, though on this point
there was a difference of opinion. In tho Vir
ginia Convention, an eminent character, Mr.
Georgo Mason, with others, expressly declared
that thero was " no security of property coining
w ithin this section." In tho other Conventions
it was disregarded. Massachusetts, whilo ex
hibiting peculiar sensitiveness at any respon
sibility for Slavery, seemed to view it with un
concern. The Federalist, (No. 42.) in its clas
sification of tho powers of Congress, describes
and groups a largo number aa thoso " which
provide for tho harmony and proper intercourse
among tho States," and therein speuks of tho
power over public records, standing next in tho
Constitution to tho provision on fugitives from
labor ; but it fails to rccogniso the latter among
tho means of promoting that " harmony and
intercourse;" nor docs it anywhere ulludo to
Tho indifference which had thus far attended
this subject still continued. The curliest act of
Congress, passed in 1703, drow littlo attention.
It was not originally suggested by any difficulty
or anxiety touching fugitives from labor; nor is
thoro any record of the times, in debate or other
wise, showing that any special importanco was
attached to its provisions in this regard. The
attention of Congress had bocn directed to fug
itives from justice, and, willi littlo deliberation,
it undertook in the same bill to provido for both
classes of cases. In this accidental manner was
legislation on this subject first attempted.
There is no evidence that lugitives wero often
seized under this act. From a competent in
quirer wo learn that twenty-six years elapsed
before a single slavo was surrendered under it
in any Free State. It is certain that, in a caso
at Boston, towards tho closo of tho last century,
illustrated by Josiuh Quincy as counsel, tho
crowd about tho magistrate at the examination
quietly and spontaneously opened a way for
tho fugitive, and thus tho Act failed to bo exe
cuted. It is also ccrtuin that, in Vermont, at
tho beginning of tho century, a Judgo of tho
Supremo Court of this State,, on application for
the surrender of an alleged slavo, accompanied
by documentary evidence, refused to comply,
uitleu the matter could iliow a Bill of Salt from
th Almiyhty. But even theso cases passed
without publio comment.
In lbOl, the subject was introduced into tho
House of Representative by an effort for an
other Act, which, on consideration, was reject
ed. At a later day, in 1817-18, though still
disregarded by the country, it seemed to excite
short-lived interest in Congrcs. A bill to
provido more effectually " for reclaiming ser
vants and slaves, escaping from ono State into
another," wa introduced into the House of
Ilopresoutalives by Mr. Pindall, of Virginia,
was considered for icvoral day in Committeo
of th Whole, amended and passed by this body,
In the Senate, after much attention and warm
debate, it wa also passed with amendments,
But on its return to the House for the adoption
of the amendments, it wa dropped. Thi ef
fort, which, In the discusion of thi ubjoct,
has thus far been unnoticed, Is chiefly remark
ablo as tho entlicst recorded evidence of the un
warrantable assertion, now so common, that
this provision waa originally of vital importance
to the peace and harmony of tho country.
At last, in 1850, wo have another Art, passed
by both Houses of Congress and approved by
the President, familiarly known as tho Fugi
tive Slave Bill, A I road thi statute I am
filled with painful emotions. Tho masterly
subtlety with which it is drawn, might chal
lenge admiration, if exerted for benevolent
purpose; but In an ago of sensibility and re
finement, a machine of torture, however skilful
and apt, cannot be regnrded without horror.-
Sir, in the name nf tho Constitution which it
violates; of my country which it dishonors ; of
Humanity which it degrades; of Christianity
w hich it offends, I arraign this enactment, and
now hold it up to the judgment of the Scnalo
and the world. Again I shrink from no re
sponsibility. I may seem to stund alone; but
all tho patriots and martyrs of history, all tho
Fathers nf the Republic, are with me, Sir.tliero
is no attribute of God w hich doc not unite
against this Act.
But I sin to regard it now chiifly as an in
Iruijj' ii, i n' of the Constitution. And hero its.
outrages, ll.igrant as manifold, assume thedecp-c-it
.he Mid broadest character only when we
consider that by its language it is not restrained
to any special r.ico or class, to the African or
to the person with African blood ; but that uny
inhubilant of tho United States, nf whatever
complexion or condition, may he its victim.
Without discrimination of color even, and in
violation of every presumption nf freedom, the
Act surrenders all, who may be claimed as
. "owing service or lalior" to the same tyrannical
proceedings. If thero bo any, whoso sympa
thies are not moved for tho slave, w ho do not
cherish tho right nf the humble African, strug
gling for divino Freedom, as warmly aa the
rights of the white man, let hiin consider well
that tho rights of all aro equally assailed.
: " Nephew," said Algernon Sidney in prison, on
1 tho night before his execution, I value not my
own life a chip, but w hat concerns mo is that
the lato which take away my life may lung
every ono of you, whenover it is thought con
Tho argument for tho unconstitutionality of
this law is based first upon tho want of power
in Congress, second upon its denial of the right
of trial by jury. After this argument fiillowe
a comparison between tho fugitive act and tho
' British Stamp Act. We ran only give the con
cluding paragraph on this topic.
I Sir, regarding tho Stamp Act candidly and
cautiously, free from the animosities of tho time,
, it is impossiblo not tn sco that, though gravely
unconstitutional, it waa at most aa infringement
of civil liberty only ; not of perianal liberty.
Thero was an unjust tox of a lew pence, with
j t)io chances of amercements by a singlo judgo
I without a jury; but, by no provision ot tins
j Act was the personal liberty of any man assuil
I cd. Under it no freeman could bo aeixed a a
slave. Such an act, though justly obnoxious to
every lover of constitutional Liberty, cannot bo
viowed with the feelings of repugnance, enkin
dled by a statute, which assail tho personal
j liberty of every man, and under w hich any
irccman may bo seized as a slave. Sir, in placing
tho Stamp Act by the side of the Slavo Act, I do
injustico to that emanation of British tyranny.
Both, indeed, infringe important rights; ono of
property; tho other tho vital right of all, which
is to other rights as tho soul to tho body the
right of a man to himself. Both are condemned ;
but their relative condemnation must bo mcas
urod by their relative characters. As Freedom
is more than property ; as Man is above tho
dollar that ho earns; as Heaven, to which we
all aspire, is higher than tho earth, where every
accumulation of wealth must ever remain ; so
are tho rights assailed by an American Congress
higher than thoso once assailed by the British
Parliament. And just in this degree must his
tory condemn the Slave Act more than tho
Another scene occurred in Italy, August 1st,
worthy more than a passing notice. It was a
funeral ncur Genoa. Tho church wos crowded.
Tho oceount says True Dem.
" A more subl ine and moving sccno than the
accompaniment of the corpse to the cemetery
Staglieno, has never been known. It may bo
said thut tho entire city waa there. In tho
morning all tho English and Ainericun, with
soiiio Dutch, Swedish and Danish, vessels in
the harbor hoisted thoir flags half-mast high,
and lowered their punants in tho form of a
cross, us a sign of moumiiur. At 6 in tho vi.ii.
ing the eorteye started from tho Church of tho
J Carmine, lollowod by all tho emigration, all tho
j associations of workiiigmen of Gttuoa, St. Pier
D'Aruuo and the suburbs. Every class took
part. All the naval captains of Genoa and the
Riviera were present, 30 or more being from the
iGulphaiid Lericlj and tho immense body of
I sailors, w ith tho associations of tho boatmen of
j tho port.
I Many Genoese and foreign ladios carried the
funeral palls, and surrounded the coffin, upon
which wero deposited numberless wreaths,
wovon by them, and presented by the Associa
tion. Tricoiorcd banneis, and ribbons, and
flowera without end. English and American,
the Swedish, Dutch and Danish Captain wero
present in doep mourning, each in their turn
seeking the honor of bearing the coffin which
wa aliko claimed by the working men, the
emigration, and thoso qf all classes who were
present. Tbecivio band led the procession,
playing religious music. The proeesslon num
bered at least H.000, walking in two column
of four abreast. Th entire population lined
the streets, and th most perfect order reigned
amid manifestation of the ainceicst grief.
When the cortege reached Staglieno the night
wa far advanced ; and th whole valley of the
Bisagno wa illuminated on every aide. There
wss not a peasant' hut or nobleman's palace
without light In every window, Illuminating
the cortege on its. darksome way."
And w hom did the peoplo thus mourn ) Who
brought out tho peasants and sailor, the citi
icn of all classc with (uch sad testimonial
" A lone woman." But that woman wai th
mother of Mnzzini 1 The ton live in the heart
of the people, and on the d. ath of hia mother,
over her dead body, they spjko to him, and of
him, and for the cause ho would dio to save.
The heart of Italy is true. Thero i lifo in it.
and it want only the opportunity to prov IhsiU
Young People's Convention.
ATWATER, Aug. 31, 1852.
Mr. Rniit.tsosn Please announce in the)
Bnulf, tlinl Mr. I. A. MINE of Cincinnati
ami Mr. JANK PKOIIOCK of Wclhjville,
will mlilri's the Y""ng People' Convention
Alio, T hut ibeiu will bo conveyance reo
ily lit Limiivilli", lur thorn mining on the.
Southern Train of Car, on Fridny 8il. SI,.
nl 3 o'cloc k, iiihI on Sniiirtlny Sept. V5ili, at
VI o clock, to meet tlio fsoitliern I rain.
Yotn, A. V. CAMPBELL.
A Rich One Just Out.
A rerlnin rhlnr in tho Prcnbylcrinn r-liiirch
in Mobile:, bum in Cnntiociiciit, now n slave
Iml.iVr, hint been iniieli interested in tli slave
popujiiiiuli of tlinl oily. Hu Iwd a ccrtniti
kIiivh Tiiiii (nut known in " Uncle Tom'
Cabin " who was n filled tipciiker, ami used
tn expniiiiil llie Hililn with bin muster, lielbre
hirgM ruiiyrrgiiliniiii ; mid ns often n lie waa
ralli il bvtoie northern, visitors, would any lie
Iniil no di-siio to liu lt,eev liiu master wu to
kind, mill shivery was nut fo bail fur the
black limn. Of emu so lie said this Ujciiuit)
lint Tom lind a prnmlinoilier hi St. Lottie,
flinl ms bin pulpit cnllHiigun mid masler waa
eh-rlecl n delegate) to the, (Jenerul Assembly,
nml as Tom paiil over t?io a month to hie
muster, uml look euro of himself besides, lie
nskeil to !ii iihinjr. The master consented,
for it whs in hi heart to show the northern
unsocial! a rouleiileil, liappy, mill intelligent
piece nl' iriKTiy, uml lie hail a rqiecrh
ready, in Invor of " Orul Instruction for tint
Turn went, ami wna a linn in the west,
ireiieliinif every evening In Inrye -uiifregA
tinim. Hut one erniiimr while a largo enn
prenliiin wero lelioiniinK llieinnolve wild
the prospect of such HpeukiiiK, lite speaker
did nut arrive, unit ihe people waited in vain
until nine o'clock, Inn no preacher Turn i
peiued. Next (lay Ibu mauler ai. his prop
erly wiih gone, mnl the pnliro wero neut on
the lr..ck of thu liiiiiiive elei yym.iii) ,U in''
Vain. The properly li.ul learned iIH iluler
eiico Im-i ween u rm in uml n slow boat, uud
ho wa oiie, a lira, I ,, , owner, of
piir'ndi m-riieo mid git5 pur mouth.
Pnur Ihiutf " llu.t t-otilil mil lake rare of
himself, wrulu hack to Mr. tfunfuiil Unit To
ronto was n healthy plare, em.li was! inoro
plenty llian lit llie tniulli (at leant with hiui.)
mnl now h roulil jiray lur bis liu iuer col
league, not as bia master, but a n num.
Bloomerism and Slavery.
Another fenmlo bns just arrived in Canada
in main nllire : alio wa brought limn Ilia
alate of Mississippi, into tlio slate of llliuoi
m tlio chamber-miiiil mid lmily servant of a!
slaveboldiug liiniily. Ibu aj, concluded on
llmt occasion to leave them to nurse their
own children, black their own boom, anil
coinli ihtir own buir, or liny fur having ii
The plnn npgegted lo tins female for e
enpe, wii in dreas in bur old muster' anil,
noil sun t fiir Canada, whilo ho whs in bed
nsluei. Sho had not proceeded (iir beloro
aim liiiiml n friend in ihe (own of Galena
111. who nft'erud her a place of cnnceuluieiit
and I illei lunl aid, by whiidi slio escaped.
The w hole country around was uon filled
with advertisement, offo-intf a rewurd lor
her apprehension. Hliu lunrtied from a per
aon, who bad conversed with the slave hun
ter ; that mi llie next morning nfler her de
parture, iho la II rang for passenger to get
up nod prepure lor breukiiist; when her old
muster went lo dress himself lie could find
no clolhe lo put on. He culled loudly (or
liia wilb's maid servant lo get hi punt &c.
bill blie wh nnl lo be found either w hich
conned no Utile stir mnl excitement, llo
declared that lie should not leave Iho place,
until she wa recaptured. Hia mime ia
Richard livun Orn, of Memphis. Malida.
"' mi", i Iter mime. 8he wishea lo in-
lorui him Unit he need not wait longer in
llliuoi liir her company; liiat sho ia now in
thu mijuyiiienl of Urittih liberty ; uud when
ever alio gel ready lo return lo nuriean
Mluaery, she will lei tiiiii know. Tin is the,
cixlh pernou, tlinl bus arrived here Iroin aB
very wiihiu iho present week Voict of the.
A Fugitive Slave.
The most renmrkablu fugitive clave cats,
ha receinly occurred that Im prolmbly tn
ken place .uico vumiiv nf ,(e 11u act
" in tuieh eases made mnl provided." Tim
rimuiiHtuiicee uio lis follow! "Captain
Webster of liie U. 8. A., having married a
1 lornln lady, visited tho North ibis eenaon
with hi bi.ly, accompanied by a female eer
viinl, owned in Florida by tho mother of
Mrs. W. Ihe servant in question becoming
d.HaiiliHlied, made her way back home to
Honda. Hho aaya that niygera nre wonh
unihuiK, no bow, in lliem ree Stale, and
hat alio .l.du't want to stay there,' even
temporarily I What will U,0 aMiuimisia
ay to lUm? "-Mobil Mvcr. mvmttmugu
They will auy that it ia nothinir atri.'.
that among so many white fool a there are)
III Ihe world, litem ,1.1 i..
Jo. R. Jniforgoll Im been confirmee by
tin Senate Minuter to England, vice Abbcit
Lawrence, resigned. ' !