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JtlAItllTS It. HOUISO., Editor.
".NO UNION WITn SLUEnOLDERg."
r.niuv itotiiso., rniuiiing Agm.
VOL. 8-NO. 3.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., OHIO, OCTOBER 9, 1852.
WHOLE NO. 367.
THE ANTI. SLA VERY BLUE,
PuhliiKei every Saturday, at Salem, Col. Co., O,
Tm. $1,50 per Annum if pnid in advance.
$1,74 per annum if pnid within tlio tlrst six
month of the subscriber's year.
$1,00 per annum, if payment be delayed
beyond six months.
ttTWo occasionally semi numbers to those
who are not subscribers, but who are hcltcvAl
to be interested in the disseminntinnof ntiti-sla
very truth, with the hope that they will either
subscriho themselves, or use their intlnenrc to
extend its circulation amonj their friends.
ryCimmunications intended for insertion,
to no allresspil to Mtitiri II. Hoiiinsom, hditor,
Allothersto Emilt KnnixsnN, Publishing Ag't.
J. HUDSON'. ritlNTEH.
THE BUGLE.
Slavery has no legal Existence in the Government
Slavery has no legal Existence in the Government--The constitution an Anti-
Slavery has no legal Existence in the Government--The constitution an Anti-Slavery Document.
FniKSn Ronittso.i i As there is a diversity
of opinion, in relation lo the pro-slavery chnr
netcr of the Constitution, nml ns niiirh de
pends upon this decision so much tlmt
many nro deprived of a "voire, or vole in tlm
Government, for conscience sake;" I will
with your permission offer a few remarks
li jmjii , mid shall endeavor to lie na liriuf
or possible to iiinke myself understood.
It liaa licen well nigh universally held that
the Constitution is a pro-slavery inurnment,
that it was framed " to co:iiiroiniHO the in
interests of the people," " nml fuvor the slnvo
interests of the Smith." Old, nml precon.
ecived opinions, have nlwnys liecn well nigh
irres'rstably in the way of the promulgation
of truth. For this renson, reformer in every
age, have been cradled in storms of invective
ridicule, iiIiiikc, alnmlcr, nml persecution.
Galileo, Capciiiirus, nnd Newton, were
persecuted for their pretending lo Imvn ills
covered Mint 1 1 in Earth revolved uimiiid cm
its axis, once in 24 hours.prndneing the phe
nomena of ilny nml night. He cause, liir sooth
"the garden was ulwnys found mi the same
side, of the house," und "men w ere not liiuuil
standing on their bends, 12 hours out of 21 ! "
Nevertheless, the Earth did coniini'j lo per
forin its daily revolutions, and the Sun lo lie
1 1 io grand centre of attraction, at least ever
since Joshua commanded ii lo stand still!
Men can only arrive ut true conclusions, thro'
the light of reason, unbiased by prfjucii-r.
Jlul lo llio subject. Tim first thing that
Ktrikct our ulteuliun in reviewing this subject,
is the fuct of its (slavery) having no legal
existence in llio Government. (First to bo
understood, Shivery is incapable of legaliza
tion ; and no paper however authoiutulivc,
ran legalize il or sanction its legality, or pro
tect its existence. Law is lor the protection,
not llio destruction of rights. " Till me not,"
nays Henry Brougham, "of the possibility of
legalizing Slavery. Tell mo not of rights.
Tulk not of llio properly of the planter in
his slaves. I deny llio right. I acknowledge
not the properly. The principles, llio feel
ings of our common nature rise in rebel inn
nguinst it. There in a law above nil etuict
liients of human codes ; anil by that law,
iiiichaiiguiibla and eternal, while men de
spise fraud, loaili rapine nnd abhor blood,
they shall reject willi indignation, the wild
nml guilty fantasy, that man can have pro
petty in man.
Shivery received its final sentenro in F.ng
land, in 1772, and as we were subject in laws
of England at that lime, surely as the Colonial
Charters nil forbade that the laws of the Col
onies, should lie repugnant to llio laws of
the mother country, the fell sentenco of
Lord Mansfield, that " man could not bold
property in man," was us binding in this
country u in England. It that decision
freed the biases in England, then it freed
every sluve within tho jurisdiction of the
common law, which was made llio ground
of that decision. I need not ask fur a luw
pusseil since that lime enslaving anybody in
this country ) then 1 may certainly claim'
that Shivery bus no legal existence in this
Government. 1 uduiit, that tho Slave-States
liuve made laws regulating the system, but
they assumed that Slavery had already a
rightful, legal existence. Tho difference be
tween a luw legalizing, and a luw regulating
a system supposed lo bo legal, is very differ
ent. Then in tho name of common seuso, 1
ask, where is to be found tho legal existence
of Slavery ill ibis country ?
Next iuordor.ig the Declaration of Indepen
dence. That declaration of piiuc.iples.inore
fully, probably, than any other, uttered the
heart of the American People. That paper,
so long as the Nation endures, for some pur
poses, will lie the highest constitutional au
thority in the Nation. That paper, as if to
verify the immortal decision of Mansfield,
nnd to settle forever the blessings of liborty
upon this people, not only reiterates " that
man cannot hold property in man," hut that
"all men art crtated free and equal, endowed by
their Creator with certain inalienable rights,
that among these art lift liberty and the pursuit
of happiness ; that lo secure thete rights, GOV
EHNAlENTS were instituted among men,
deriving their just powers from the consent
of tho governed." This paper settled it for
ever in llio minds of the American people,
that self-government is the right of all men,
& the misconceived interests, prouited by llio
vile cunning of the South, together with the
passivity Olid duplicity of .Northern Dclu
ngogues can only account for its want of
universal application. Next in order is the
Constitution. We learn Iwo tilings f.utn the
preamble, of the Constitution: 1st, who tiiiulo
it, and 2nd, w hat they made it for. " We
the people of the Foiled States" inado il, " in
order to form n more perfcol union, establish
justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide
for l he common defence, promote tho gener-
al welfare, and srciirr the Meltings eij liberty to
ourselves ami our posterity do ordain and cs
lablish Ibis Constitution for (he United Slates
of America."
Is ibis of uncertain meaning ? then the
whole instrument is void for uncertainty.
Hut there is not the least uncertainty in the
phrase, " we tho people of the Fuilcd Slates."
Il nccsaarily means nil, not a part of " the
peopo - every kind, not ono kind ol those
those thai wcru permanent inhabitants of the
country. To say the phrnsc means but volets,
is an ibsurdtly, for nil know that voters, in
such n case, represents the whole permanent
population. Those who claim that part of
the people were excepted from " we, the
people," should show tlm exception in the
Constitution, or yield the ipieslion. And not
only so, but expressed in irresislably clear
terms, according In well-established rules of
interpretation. Then we say, and think we
have proven, (ill least until we arc sufcssful
ly contradicted), thai the Constitution was
liirmed, at It list the I'reaiuble, based upon
the above conclusion, viz. thai Slavery had no
legal existence in the Fuilcd Slates, nnd was
minlo lo guaranty lliosu blessings of liberty
to all its subjects lo l In; Mack as well ns lo
the white, ami that ono no more than the
other, cnti be deprived of thiuii, or w rested
from llieni under the auspices of the Gov
ernment.
To conclude this part of my subject, sup-
pnso during the Antci ienn Revolution, tin
American had been arraigned beforo the
American coin l, (iir treason to llio crown,
could bo not have successfiilly pleaded the
Declaration of Independence, to prove bis
right lo break bis ullegiaiico to the crown.
None daro doubt it. If, however, be bad
been arrested the next day na a Fugitive
Slave, would not bis plea, that llio same pa
per recognising liberty to be the b'n lb-right
of till, just as successfully as it was the day
previous? Certainly. Fur the same paper
makes this right of the people to self -govern-vie
id grow out of the inalienable rights of the
individual lo liberty.
We must next proceed briefly, (too briefly
foi want ol room to do the subject justice,)
to examine some portion of tho interior of
tho constitution, held ns fho "compromise."
And ns we have shown the illegality of Sla
very in llio government, vvu think conclu
sively, and as wo have thus far found tho
constitution clearly Anli Slavery, " sinco
we see the Goddess of Liberty, standing in
its poicb, may wo not expect to find that
the whole constitution constitutes her glori
ous temple.
The fust clause in order, is the ono for
the appointment of repicsciilutivcs, it is
claimed that the "other persons" referred to
in this clause are slaves, lint this clause, on
Ihe supposition that it does, can but bo
numbered, with the ,1uli-S!avery features
and Anti-Slavery advantages of the constitu
tion. If instead of ullowing the slave lo
count but three-fifths) of'a person, the Con
stitution had allowed llio persons', "nil per
sons" who could rot rend nnd write, to
count but ihrcc-fiftlis of n person, would il
have been chargeable with favoring or putting
a homily upon illitcratincss. Certainly tho
true and intelligent friends of tint Slave will
not object to Ihe colored man beipg counted
tlueo-lililiH of us much value ns the while
man. Certainly not. Hut would they not
rather be was counted a whole man. " lic-ciiut-o
n iiihii is wronged, shall bu be counted
less ihuu a man. "A muii is a inun fur all
that." God counts every man nn unit.
Then tell me not that " the constitution is
wrong in allowing the Slave lo count nt all
in the apportionment," which is tho objec
tion urged against this clause. It is also
urged by way of complaint, lliut tho sluvo
should be allowed lo vote. I certainly ad
mit it. Hut this is tho business of tho State
government, not of the Constitution. The
Stale and not tho Federal Government reg
ulates voting. I admit that the Constitution
wrongs the slave, if it counts him less than
one unit. Hut it dots not help Slavery
thereby. Hut the Stute Government that
disallows tho slnvo to cust his vote to the
contrary, both wrongs the sluvo and helps
slavery. Supposing this provision was ad
mitted to relate to slavery, thnt the instru
ment docs recognize the existence of slave
ry ? Il docs not follow, that it approvingly
docs so. And the Imro recognition of slnvo
ry, is not nn obligation to uphold it any
more tbnn tho recognition of illilcrntencs
would be an obligation to uphold illilcrate
ncss. The cessation of slavery trnuld not
make an amendment of the clause necessary.
Hut tiller all enn ibis clause, without doing
injustice lo its language, nnd ihe canon of
interpretation, be made to refer lo slnvery.
Sullicn il lo say here, that il bus been con
clusively proven, thnt iho correlliilivo of
"free" in Ibis connexion cannot mean
slaves.
Next is the clause providing for the migra
tion nnd importation of Persons. I deny
this meaning Haves, il means prisons, wo
nrn to lake il us it reads. Look at the Slave
Statutes and see if the definition of a Slave
fills the definition attached to " person ;"
look to Webster, not Dan, but Noah Webster,
sec his definition i.f tho word Slave, look
where you will, nml your argument falls to
the ground. The word Slave, is not found
iu the (.'(institution, nor anything (hat can
ho made to nuswer its purpose. At least il
is lo be pioved that there is, in one instance,
let alone this Mie. The legal rules of inter
pretation, rctpiirn if there bu n doubtful mean
ing, "that Ihe innocent meaning shall be
adopted, casting away that which fuvors
crime." Hut as Ibis cluuso has expired by
its own limitation, more than forty years ngo,
it was pei Imps unnecessary lo mention il.
It was, however, (if it means slaves), by
inference, the strongest nnti-slavery argu
ment for '.bo Constitution : showing clearly
that it was intended for the extinction of
Sir. very in thai generation, by the prohibition
of Ihe importation, taken in connection with
other facts and clauses in llio Constitution.
The clause respecting "domestic violence,"
is next in order. If there was not a slave
in the laud, would not this clause, unaltered,
bo nn indispensably necessary cluuso of the
Constitution ? Time Mill not permit me to
dwell on this lo any length. Hut eleel a line
man to the Presidency, and llio dillieuliy is
theirs. Were the Slaves violently to assert
their freedom, and the President n line man,
bo would promptly tell the Slaveholder that
he was was the insurgent, because ho
would regard not ibnsu who were striving
for their dclivcraucn from the cruelly of
bonds, but the ir oppressors us tho guily ones
as the ones who were guilty of "domestic
violence." And he would do so, because lie
would defend the Federal Coustiiotion, and
would treat the slave laws as void, because
repugnant to the same. So much then lor
political action.
Next is the clause relating lo Fugitives
from Service. Hut had then) not not been
a Sluvo in the country, and no prospect of
there being one, this clause would also have
hem propel. For the same reasons that
liuvo been given, this clause cannot reli r lo
Slaves. Sluvesnio renlly men il' they "owe,'i
for slaves cannot owe no moro than can a
horse. Says Gen it Smith, " n fugitive slave
is claimed, brought before a magistrate."
"On w hut groud do you claim htm ?" nsk
liio justice. "On the ground that ho is my
properly," replies the claimant, "Then the
Constitution has nothing to do with the
case," rejoins the magistrate. l'.ven as iider
prttcd by Ihe Supreme Court, il admits no I ighl
of proycrtu in man." Then says the claim
nut, " I claim bis services on the ground thai
he is a " person." Hut says the magistrate,
" il takes two ' persons' to muko n bargain.
In the case of n man nnd n mouse, one can
muko bargain. The man catches llio
mouse, unil the mouse is his without ihe con
sent of tho mouse, lint fiir otherwise is it
in ease of two persons. If ono claims the
services of the other, be must show the con
tract by which the other consented to servo
him."
Hut 1 must close, as I bnvo extended my
nrtlelo to nn imniodcrato length already. I
have touched upon tho arguments merely,
thnt may bo produced on tho unti-sliivury
character of the Constitution, but have
said enough to lead lo ri flection, and would
refer those who would investigate, to the
many works now published on the sub
ject. As lo what is said in relation to the
illegality of Slnvery in tho Government, I
challenge successful contradiction, w hich is
really tho essential xiint at issue. Tho read
er will refer to the rules of interpretation,
laid down in the nhovo works, which I could
not give for wunt of room, which will add
greatly to the force of what is said. Also,
no one can fail to seo how utterly futile, ub
surd and silly, it is fbr professing abolition
ists to ask the slaveholder to give up his
victims when Ihoy acknowledge his right to
hold them; this, ton, is virtually their posi
tion' The slaveholder nsks for his properly,
you grant it. lie says he litis a legal and
constitutional right to enslave his cpntl bro-
titer, you grant this also, with npprreut sat
isfaction.
If you would nsk fur the redemption of
Ihe sluve if you would befriend him if
you would do towards him, as you would
bnvo him du towards you, were your condi
tions changed then deny lite legal, constitu
tional, right of properly in mm." Strip him
of the law legnliing bis claim upon bis
victim, then nsk him in the nnmeof thenir,
lo lei his slave go fice," nnd be believes you
honest. Hul go with him in the law, grunt
bis legal claim to the proierly! and yet ask
him to let him go, nnd be laughs you to scorn.
Yours most devotedly,
J. D. C.
COLUMBIANA, Sept. 16,1852.
Hope for Liberty.
I have, sir, but one topic more lo present,
lirforr I shall have siillieiemly disobey ed nml
defied the Haltiiuoie resolutions, tor tins limp,
nnd shall bu reudy In sit down. As 1 said
beliire, present omens Ibrbode ill lo the causi;
ofliei iImiu, iu this land : hul u more search
ing tinaljKis throws a cheering light upon
our prospect.
I.et us see in the first place, why il is thai
the North, with almost Itvo-thiids ot the pop
Illation nnd of the votes nf llio whole Fnioti,
is conliolleil on nil question pertaining lo
slavery by the other third belonging to the
South. The answer is ut hand. Wn at the
Nonh nre divided into two parties, Whigs
Democrats, who balance, nnd, in nil political
Contois, neutralize each other. Nominally,
the South is divided into the siunn parties,
but, iu whatever regards slavery, il is undi
vided and a unit ihlinlnlile us the Siamese
twins: for where you find Chang, you arc
sure to find Eng.
On tariffs, tin rand harbor improvement,
nml so forth, lin y carry on a feeble ami som
nolent Warfare among themselves; bill
w believer the locsiu of slavery is sounded,
they awaken lo seize their arms, and form in
solid column for n (piiek-slep march to Ihe
point iu contest. Ilenee, by obtaining the
It-el. lest support I'm in the North generally
speaking by Healing marches upon us, while
we me ciigiopsed by our accustomed voca
tion an easy triumph is won. The nomi
nal division of parlies, thcreliire, is very tar
from being the trim one. Tho country is,
and for a lung lime has been, for till puronsc
usiile from the spoils of office, divided into
llirss put tics ut very nearly eiptnl numlier
the U uig ami Ifeiuoer.its ol tho Aorth, nml
the pro shivery party of tho Souili I ho lat
ter, with the slightest aid, or even with nc
ipiieseeiico from either of the others, being
n bio lo prevail. And this w ill continue to
be the cusp, until n practical anli-sbiveiy
pally is liirmed at tin! North, to balance this
pio-slaveiy party of llio South, nnd lo do
battle fur liberty us tin y do for slavery. Such
u party, iu sufficient numbers to contend sue
cesslully w itb its iititngoiiisl, may mil be
immediately formed, nml therelore I seo be
lli' u us n period of struggle nnd trial. Hut
Ihe spirit of God is nn our side in this work.
The laws of tlm moral universe, the laws of
nature, the laws of population nml power,
urn our allies, and therefore wc inn:.! pre
vail. Look at the nuviziug fact that the southern
States, w ith more than double tint area of the
tinthern, after tin experiment of more than
sixty years of lice government, have but about
hall' the free population of the liuter. I say
the area of the former is more than double
the urea of the latter ; but this is by no menus
the only element ol their natural superiority.
Their milder climate; their more, fertile and
easily cultivable soil, unil its happy adapta
tion lor producing the great staples of com
merce which tint w hole civilized world will
have nnd lira ready lo pay for, gives lo ihe
South at least n twofold advantage over tlm
North, ucru for ncrc, or State fur Stute. With
Iheir supereniiuent and casily-uuilcrslond ad-v.-uitiiL'c,
the southern seeiioii of this l.'nion
might possess, und but for its slavery would
to-day possess, thrcclbld llio population of
the northern section nil free, ull blctiscd
W illi more ulioiiiuliug comforts and couipe
tence, nml with nil Ihe menus of embellish
incut, education, and uuiveitial culture. As
compared w ith the North iu ull that gives in
dividual independence or social strength, in
stead of being as nuu lo tw o, they should be
us three lo ono. Ohio ami Kentucky, separ
ated only by n ribbon's w idth of water illus
trates Ibis problem, even lo school boys. It
is slavery, and sluvery alone, that has struck
Ihem down finin Iheir lolly pre-eminence;
that bus dwarfed Iheir gigantic capacities,
and driven them lo maintain an ascendency
ultimately worthless, and worse than
worthless by suborning northern politicians
instead of exulting iu the legitimate superior
ity ol home-horn and undecajing vigor.
And this is only the fulfillment ol eternal
law which always bus been, nnd always will
be exemplified iu the history of mankind
the luw Unit nil error is weakness; that nil
wickedness is dementia. Hy a luw, fixed us
gravitation, error tends to ruin, ami moral
wrong to imbecility. Lei any individual, act
upon a false theory, nnd iu that, bis hopes
will bo dinpHiinled, nnd his foiluues maim
ed. Let a community legalize lithe princi
ples, or adopt evil institutions into its organic
law which is if sensorium its strength
beenmo fdntniss, nnd its glory turns black.
Fulse notions, or even ignorance hhout the
laws of health, bring disease upon nil indi
vidual, or epidemics iiwin a country. False
conclusions iu political economy bankrupt n
city or the treasury of a nation. Fulse meta
physical or theological dogmns cramp the
iiicultics, vitiate Ihe knowehlge, and repress
the aspirutions of their wisstssors nnd tho
schools or Ihe sects that adopt lliem dwin
dle into weakness, become coiitoiiiptihhyind
perish. God kills out error by the meanness
of its results. Neither caste, primogeniture,
nor hierarchy can gnve it. The false notions
of Aristotle, nbout tho perfuctness of the cir-
do for motion, nnd the Inw of equilibrium
lor fluids, willi other absurdities, kept the
philosophic and inventive genius of the world
in irons for two thousand years; but then
tliey passed into everlasting contempt.
Fulse maxims in government, nnd liilse prac
tices in iMiliticul economy, Imvn worked out
the terrible problem of he land's ruin, send
ing almost Iwo uiillionsnl her penple through
disense nnd starvation into the grave, or into
exile, within the lust leu years, nnd comple
ting by processes which make " destruction
sicken," the dreadful demonstration of a
crime which was begun six centuries ngo,
nml has now passed into tho Gehenna of
eternal execration wherever history ahull be
read.
Now a slavery is error ami wickedness
comb'mrd, it must incur Ihe Hiinliios ordain
ed of God against bulb. As it corrupts do
mestin virtue, contravene ihe ualural luw
of'a niitioti's prosperity nml growth, excludes
nnd drives nwny those who are instinct willi
Ihe lorn of freedom, from witling within its
borders, makes general education impossible,
unil eviscerates from Ihe Gospel of Jesus
Clnist the highest and purest of its princi
ple unit precepts, it billows by a law ol aila
mimlinn ne cessitv,that the body ixilitic.w Inch
sutlers it, is vulnerable in every part, anil that
physical und moral death In su res every gale
of ils citadel. Sluvery assails nil the laws of
(mil broadside; nnd il must therefore, receive
His retributions broadside.
Those nre the specimens of the weakness
which is always inflicted by error, and of the
futility that ensues from moral wroiiir. Tbev
are specimen of those " Higher Laws" of
God, which fulfil their destiny whether men
heed Ihem or defy. They crush tho resist-
nut, while resisting, nnd silence the blasphe
mer m mill volley.
If the northern States of tin I luon, there
fore, will cherish liberty while Ihe soulliern
foster shivery, the predominance of the for
mer in political power, ns well ns iu all other
things desirable, will soon be overwhelming.
I nreign annexations by tho latter cannot rc-
ibcss the balance, 'i hey but pulliutn the
symptoms of a distemper which i organic,
as the new ly-ereetcd w ing of n luzar-himse,
lor a time dilutes the inle ction, which u soon
scuds Iwek to nggniviite the general virulence.
I nppcnl to the friends of liberty, tbcu,w here
ever they may be found, to stand fast iu Iheir
integrity ; for, lo ndopt the sentiment of Mr.
Jefferson in such n contest, there is nut nn
attribute of ihe Almighty but must tuke part
with its.
Sir, I have endeavored now In sneak upon
the rent nnd true slum of the Fliiou, I have
desired to ascertain towards what point of
mo moral couiMis tins great vehicle, w lucli
we call Government, freiubted ns il i with
so much of human vvellare, ami w ith the
fondest hopes of tho oppressed, is now mov
ing. I have sought lo ilelermitin thai direc
tion, not by the meteoric lights which nrn
exhaled from human passion and selfishness,
but by taking observation of the iinchnngta-
lilo luminal tes of truth nnd duty, w hich shine
down upon us forever from Iheir fixed places
in the skies. I have spoken nn word iu the
spirit of n partisan or n politician; but have
sought lo embrace within my vision the
horizon ol llio luturc ns well us ol the pres
ent. The mere politician judges of event by
their immediate consequence by their re
lation to himself and Ins puny, iiudcr our
Cnns'itiition, the next lour years is Ihe poli
tician's i-ternity. The next election is bis
judgment day. The blessedness of hi fu
ture consist in an nutieipaied share ol tho
!0fJ,(i(KI,00 lo bu distributed from the Na
tional Treasury during the next presidential
term, mid in being one of the hundred thous
and men who for Ihe same period nro lo be
elevated into coUHiieiinusuess, or to nbiile in
their obscurity. Hut Ihe eternity thai I be
lieve in will not end on the -lib of .March
JS.TO. Consequence nre lo flow from events
now passing, which nrn unending iu their
nature nml their influence. Interest tire nt
stake infinitely mote important than the tem
porary (illieial prominence or obscurity of a
hundred thousand men infinitely more pre
cious than '00,(100,0(10, or two hundred
millions of California, with golden Austra
lia to boot. Iloonly is worthy Ihe name ol
statesman, he only i til to preside over the
ntl'iirs of n great nation, whoso vision lakes
iu the vast relation of cuuso and i tied ;
whose judgment is determined by what must
be, iu Ihe future, us well us by what exists
in the present, nml who never erect n su
perstructure of Constitution or luw for the
protection or tho enjoyment of nny human
interest, without laying its Inundations on
the law ol God. Horace Munn's Speech,
Abolition.
Every where nnd every day we hear il
said, u Slavery is very bad. We bate it.
Hut it can't he helped." Can' I be helped! What!
is there no God? And what then is the use
of the religion upon which we expend so
much time nnd money ? Hut it enn bo help
ed and that noble act of lh iiish Emancipa
tion proves the possibility.
In thai book w hich was published by the
Iwo gentlemen who visited the Hrilish West
Indies to learn tho result of emancipation,
and w hich the Hon. F.d. Everctaaid (ami it
liked lo liuve cost lii.it the mission to Eng
land lor dating to say ns much) that it piov
ed Alwililioii lo be leasible in that book,
you recollect (ihe statement is loo striking
ever to lie forgotten) thnt iu the Island nt
Antigun, which contained ;i0,C00 w bites, nod
70,000 blacks, nnd which wus the only is
land thai accepted Iho net ol emancipation
unconililioiially, without any previous appren
ticeship system, the next Christmas alter Ihe
act went into effect, was Iho fust cbristmus
lor ninny years when il was not necessary
to cull out Ihe military lo preserve order, A
I act like this speaks volumes us to the safety
of Abolition. If, II, t'urness. -
Truth itsulf is of no vnlue, only ns it con
duces to on upright, holy und benevolent
practice.
From the Christian Press.
Liberia.
-,
A missionary lady sent to Africa, by the.
Presbyterian Hoard, write, Dec. I'itb, ltJol,
us follow I .
" .Monrovia is the capital of Liberia, a col
ony which extend some two hundred miles
along the const, established by the American
Colonization Society in IHil.lor the purpose
of preventing the ulavo trade along the coast,
ami likewise, a homo for liberated slaves,
ft out the l ulled Slnte. TIm so are both
good object If ihey w ere well parried out. ,
Hut I have heard it snid, here, that there,
have la-en slaves shipped nut of the colon
w ithin tlm last yenr. And many emancipat
ed slaves have died from the effects of the
climate, nnd Ihe want of ihe means of sup
port." A Prcsbylprinn Indv, who resided in Libe
ria three year, gives Iho following state
ment :
" 1st. Thnt many of tho colonist hold
slave, nnd that the President owns thirty or
forty slave.
'iu. That slave ran be purchased from
llie natives for nilU-les of goods worth four ,
or live dollar.
3rd. That slaves are rrnclly trenled, and
Ihe Instrument nf torture is a whip contain
ing n number nf large lushes w ith knots on
the end. W ith this the slaves nre scourged
on tin ir naked bucks, until, iu some cuaes,
the flesh is laid open in large gashes.
4th. That slave nro held in n very degrnrl-.
ed condition. When they go to church they .
tiro itinile either lo sit outside nt Iho door, or
if lliev coino inside, lo sit on the floor. Tho
iiima lady also state that nf nun hundred .
ami sixty-live emigrants, all lint sixty died i
m lour week.
Tint ludv, who cave these statement, is
church member in (nod nnd regular stand- -
log, and is esteemed n woman ol truth.
The statements of both these ladies; tberu
is reason to believe, nre line. Il i just w lint
we might expect such n colony of white
people lo do, nml there is no renson lo be
lieve thnt colored people nre nny belter than
those that nre white; unless the colonists are
heller than while people they will both bold
slave and engage iu tho slave trade. A
number of the colonist nro strongly sus
pected of being ettgnged il) this horrible
Iriiflic. The larger pntt of the rnlonisls nre
emnncipnted slave, from the South, whci
have witnessed the b irbarities nf tho slavo
system from the earliest period of lifo nnd
been ever inured to cruelty. Such must bo
expected to carry w iih them nil Ihe barbarism
of tho plantation. To throw such masses of
ignorance nnd barbarity upon n foreign nnd
barbarous shore, is both cruel nnd wicked.
And then lo deceive tho world hy giving it '
the name of n republic, is worthy of tho
lenders w ho are engaged in the murderous
scheme. To shove out llio colored people
from the ndvaulage of this country, which
bn lo n great extent been opened and Im
proved by their labor, and place Ihem, illit- '
crate, in a barbarous and unhealthy laud, is
ns ungenerous ns it is wicked.
If these statements nre true, tho public .
who are contributing money to support an
institution so destructive of human lifo and
hnppinces, should know it, ami tho colwrat
people should be warned to avoid the avenue
to death.
If tin se statements nre not true, thev can
he refuted. JOHN KAN KIN.
The Domestic Slave Trade.
It is undoubtedly trim that no southerner
would countenance any interference, hy the
general government, w ub the slnve-lrnile lm
tween the states. Kueh attempt would he
dangerous und nncoiisliliitional procedure
one which would cull forth unanimous re.
sislnnce from our people. Hut, while there
is no diversity of opinion in regard to this
point, Ihe proposition is equally clear, thai
llio resM'ctivo slate have, nt nil times, the
indisputable right lo prohibit the introduc
tion of slaves, either as merchandise or oth
erwise, within their several limits. Th
premise bus never been controverted, accor
ding to our knowledge. Tho legal right of
iho slave-biatu to prohibit slave emigration
from another Male, being undoubted, iho
question immediately becomes ono of mere
calculation. Is it politic lo exercise this)
power at the present lime? Will il conduce
lo Ihe ultimate safety of our people, ami lo
tho permanent prosperity of our stale ? Have
we not now slave enough lo till our IuiiiIm
ns fast n they come into cultivation, and w ill
not the incieasii of those wo already hnve bo
loo great, iu u quarter of a ennturv, to be
consistent w iih safety or profit ? The sub
ject must ho reviewed w iih nn eye to the
future, us well ns the present, if enrreetness
und good policy are to be consulted. Look
ut the future, iherelbro, mid being guided by
the experience of the past, w e liuve long since
come lo the conclusion, that sound policy c
iiiij that Ihe txlitme southern states should
pass laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves
as uurchandise front the more northern slave
stales. Why? it niny be asked. We will
briefly give our reason, w hich we hope will
bo suiisliielory lo iho public, as they have
been convincing to us.
Il is a well known fact, thnt an immense
''luck emigration annually lakes place from
Virginia. Mai viand, and Miannnrl iu...u
southwardly, and that lens of thousand
to infimi are inns precipitated upon the
colton-growiiiB; state! every year, swel
ling to nn inconvenient exlout in ttuiny
phices, nn already overcrowded population.'
v a is,, concern-it, as a general thing, that
more ihuu ono of tho Mates mentioned will
become fn milieu - ,w... . . ...m-.....-
, -" - m -illllV IUItl
iiuiiiIk i of slaves shall liuve been disposed of
,.. ..,..- lonner sniitii, just m the sntne
maimer that the stale norili of ihem got rid
of sluvery selling oil' nil their vuluuble no.
groes, thus turning their philanthropy into a
o.iiuii ui uuui. Aim nun an will lollow
tint, at no vety distant day, if the present
