Newspaper Page Text
RO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS."
A.W PIMItSOX, rnblllilnK Agent.
UtAIUlS It. HOKIASOX, Editor.
VOL. 8--N0. 33.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., OHIO, MAY 7, 1853.
WHOLE NO 397.
THE ANTI-SLA.VE11V ItUVLE,
fOSLtSHRD VBBT SaTURDAT, AT SaLXM, O.
Tirms. 1 1,60 per annum if paid in advance.
Sl,7S per annum if paid within the first six
months of the subscriber's year.
$2,00 per annum, if payment be delayed be
yond six months.
nrW occasionally send numbers to those
who are not subscribers, but who are belieTed
to be interested in the diMcmlnation of anti
alavery truth, with the hope that they will
either subscribe themselves, or uso their influ
'ence to extend its circulation among their
r7Communtcationi Intended for insertion,
to be addressed to Mahius K. Robinson, Editor.
.All others to Emily Koiiinson, Publishing Ag't.
J. HUDSON, PRINTER.
Cincinnati Anti-Slavery Convention.
Convention met at 0 o'clock. Traycr by Rev.
Mr. Yancy. Tlie resolutions of last evening
were called up and discussed by Judge Steph
ens, M. K. Robinson, Rov. Mr. Worth and J.
Mr. Laugston aiiid: I am anxious every
-word I utter, ahull Ira ns a colored man,
yet on account of my complexion, I do not
ask your sympnthy. The grant context in
between liberty ami slavery. I thank God
that in this contest I mil of necessity placed
on the aide of auli-alavery. Hud 1 liccn a
white man, and inherited the condition nnd
property of my Fntlior, I might have been
a pro-slavery mini to dny. I stimd ns the
advocate of the American slave, ami from
my connection with him, can speak with
some freedom and liohlncss.
I ak your consideration of n few thoughts,
and lliu first ix, that American si n very is the
"sum of nil vilbuiies." It is so, because it
outrages the physical nature of the slave.
You have heard lime and aguiu,of the lashes
lie receives from his overseer; hut slavery
would be tolerable if it stopped with these.
It dors not stop there. The tdiir.k man,
though lie lias a black akin, is intellectually
and morally a num. The samu intellect ns
the white, man, and the name sort of se ina
bility, which is when cultivated as tender ns
liis. , . He lias the same executive will too.
No, if ha lias these, nud slavery strikes
them down, it must bo tho stun of nil villun
ief. How can n mnn devclope his Intellect,
-when lie is denied the use of his intellectual
nature ? Can I understand the Christian
Religion, unless I linve freedom of thought?
It is worse than futile and absurd to suppose
that the slave can cultivate his spiritual nnd
tnornl nature, nud grntp the great truths
necessary to his salvation. Slavery denies
anything like a full knowledge of the teach
ings of the Bible. No Southern man dare
tell the slave that he is a creature of God.
The moment it is done, slavery tars nnd
feathers, and exiles him. It does not stop
with tho slave. There is a class of people
in tho South, of youi own color, who are
s badly olT us the colored man. See the
poor white man, ignorant, drunken, nnd de
graded, used as the slaveholders' tool.
It stops not here either. It comes into the
Northern States nnd makes slaves of the
colored people. I stand here to-day with
invisible manacles upon me ; I have not the
freedom that you desire me to have. The
prejudice against us embodies itself in leg
islation. Have you forgotten Mr. Cushing's
Bill, that renegade Whig, disowned by the
Gazette and the Cleveland Herald, and tho
' "Whig party, mean ns it is ? The people of
Ohio are too Anti-Slavery to enact such a
law. 1 will not review '.he characteristics
of that bill. Why should I be driven out
of the State ? Have we not labored for the
.support of the government ever since its
(formation, and your benevolent institutions,
and with all, of your penitentiary ? For we
liave all the virtues and vices of other men
Yes, we have helped to support tour poor,
fjut you have refused to support ours. We
have done the same for your blind and in
ane, but you have not for ours.
This spu it docs not stop in this State; it
goes into Illinois and enacts bill as bad as
Cushing's. The colored citizens of that
-State deserved no such treatment a this.
They are respectable, and possess the chnr
. acteristics of other men. Why then this
human and outrageous law ; not only on
them, but upon those States which regard
colored men as citizens ? Let Mr. Remond
go to Illinois and remain ten days, and on
the eleventh day lie will be taken up and
old to tha highest bidder.
American slavery does not stop with strik
ing down the colored men in tho North.
Where are your statesmen Daniel Webster,
Henry Clay, ondThomas Corwin ? They
were aud are under tha thumb and la the
fatten of slavery. Can you see them thus,
and not be earnest and active in your efforts
to overthrow the corrupting system? If
there was no other consideration to induce
you to war against slavery, the fact of the
prostration of these giants in intellect before
it is enough. But it is not satisfied with
this; it goes into the pulpit and lifts up its
bloody hand against the man who says a
word condemning it. And so cowardly and
unmindful of the trust imposed upon them,
are the professed ministers of God, that they
make it a divine institution, and say that
Christ and Paul gave it sanction. After thill
making tools of your clergy, it makes infi
delity of your Christianity. Have you got
pure Christianity in these United Stales?
What, cry infidel against such men as Wil
liam Lloyd Garrison, Wendell PhiHi, nnd
Charles C. Burleigh, and any that Doctors
Spring, Cox and Rice are Christian and or
thodox? What on Inconsistency ? My friends, if
you would save your country and govern
ment nnd all its great interests, you must
one and nil luhor for the overthrow of Sla
very, or it will overthrow you and every
We must come to the rescue of our coun
try from this great curse. Talk of the Ma
cliiti family and Kossuth nud Hungary I
Why there is not a people in the wide world
that suffers as our own do ; why pass reso
lutions in behalf of those, so far off, while
we are here, millions of us, nnd you can lift
us up if you will ?
Webster nnd Clay could make speeches
in favor of Grecian and South American
revolutions. Who could not do it? You
can talk about liberty nbrond, but if you
would be consistent you must labor for the
emuncipuiion uud elevation of the slaves nt
Mr. Garrison Pillowed with snmo rrinarks(
after which the convention adjourned.
Rev John Rankin mudc some remarks,
tracing the anti-slavery influence of the coun
try to the ltilile as its source, and dissenting
from some views expressed by Mr. Garrison.
Mr. G. followed briefly in explanation.
After which the President read loiters to the
Letter from C. M. Clat
Wiiitb Hall P. O., Madison cn. Ky,
March 25th, 1853.
Lnd'xtt and Gentlemen t Your letter of the
Inst month was, in consequence of my ab
sence Iroiii home, unanswered till now.
In your loiter, in addition to the printed
circular, you say 1 am " especially invited"
in be present at the Anti-Slavery Convention
to be held on the lDth proximo, in Cincin
nati. For this special honor, accept my grateful
acknowledgement. Let me ever be remem
brrediiy the friends of Human Justice, rnther
than be honored with place, by the enemies
of the Right.
If in v engagements will allow, I shall cer
tainly will be with you though I cunuot
You say W. L. Garrison will be present.
I wish to say n word of that man. As a
man. be stumls first unions; livinir men. be
cause he has luliorcd most of all in that cause
which is of most worth to mankind. It is
not for me to say whether, with cipial firm
ness nuil sensibility to the right, he might or
might not linve done more service in the
great cause. It is enough thai with whatever
talent was. Inuned him by Deity, with that be
has zealously at all hazards of ull things
contended for the highest interests of men,
I he day for his appreciation has not come !
There is, however, one saying of his frndu
cers, and tho trnducers of- those who act with
him, which I will notice Hint "they have
set back the cuuse of emancipation by agi
tation." Nothing is more false. The cause
of emancipation advances only with ugi
alion. Let that cease, nnd Despotism ia
complete. The slaveholders have just ns
much intention of yielding up their slaves.
ns the most of the kings of the earth have of
laying down, lor the benefit of the people,
their sceptres! How long will, without ag
itation, kingdoms last!
Again, they sny the chains of the slave are
tightened by the fierceness of discussion. Be
it so. When a chain guts very tight, it may
Agitation, then, ought not to cense. " Un
cle Tom" proves thai there is yet vitality in
it ! Very well written, they sny, but then it is
an exaggeration of the evils of the " peculiar
institution." No human ingenuity can color
that which allows to be done nil Ihnt the hu
man heart can conceive of Diabolism ! For
one case of " Legreeism," I'll show you a
dozen of infinitely exceeding horror! But
enough. The thing is axiomatic. Delends
est Carthago! I nin very truly,
Your oh'i aerv't,
March 25th, 1853. C. M. CLAY.
C. DONALDSON, &c., Committee, &c.,
LETTER FROM REV. JOHN G. FEE.
To Christian Donaldson and other friends
of universal Liberty.
I have received your kind and special in
vitation to attend the Anti-Slavery Conven
tion, to be held ill Cincinnati, on the I'Jth,
20th, and 21st of April, and take purl in its
Most gladly would I do so, could I con
sistent with other duties. Previous to any
knowledge of the proposed convention, I
had made engagements with other friends of
humanity, to assist in a series oi meetings in
the interior of thia Stats during the month
Aniir.rently the interests of truth nnd hu
manity require that those meetings be held
at tho earliest period practicable. Should I
not meet with you, in convention, nt the
time proposed, my absence will not, there
fore, Ira tor the want of a common interest in
the cause of human liberty.
I trust that when your voices snail elo
quently nnd efleclive'y plead the cause of the
poor slave, and graphically depict the sor
vilnnce of the North and wretchedness of
the South, my voire, feebly it may be, shall
be rnised in the tiudsl oi i:ie evu you so
By spenking thus, however, I do not in
tend to disparage in the least, your labors in
the free Stale. -Vo .' under Cod, I believe the
inlvation of thil nation must primarily come
from the Free Xorlh. And that it those who
have the blessings ol nnerty auu are privnc
ged lo see the evils nnd horrors of slavery,
shall fail to rouse the North to consistent,
vigorous, and persevering action, then our
country is lost! 1ai to those blessings of
liberty, peace nnd prosperity which the
friendsof humanity nnd righteousness so do
vnutly pray for. That slavery will not live
always, I of course believe. Liko other
great sins, it will eventually work out its own
destruction. But if it shnll not oe abolished
by pcncclhl menus, moral, social, political,
then it will die ns it often has done, amid the
crnsh of arms, nnd the shrieks of tho dying,
nnd our nntiou's sun will set in n sen of blood.
May God Almighty avert the cnlamity.
1 repent it, salvation under God must come
from the North. Those who are in darkness,
blinded by prejudice, falsehood, ' and sup
posed interest (as is tlie condition oi many
in the South) see not their error nnd danger.
Then, ns in tho spiritual nud physical
world, life only can beget life, so those who
have light niuxt givo light.
There me, it is trup, a fow spots in the
South ftoui which light and hnpo feebly
radiate ; bill these tew spots havo been
lighted and sustained chiefly by thu North.
Tho North then must bo roused to a
Christ-like devotion to the Interests of oth
ers, to genetons, vigorous, and persevering
Conventions, protracted Mass Conventions
will be found n powerful means for tho ac
complishment of this end. Theso conven
tions will be valunblc, not only for the truth
and argument evolved and spread before tho
minds of'lhe people, hut also for that all pow
erful and lawful enthusiasm inspired by tho
voice nnd countenance of the living speaker,
nud that courage mid strength Imparted by
the presence of tho multitude.
1 regard conventions nil one of tho agen
cies, which God Almighty is now employ
ing, for llie overthrow of that monster uiiqi
ty, Americnn Slavery. May yours bo hon
ored ns such. And may the (Jod of wisdom,
righteousness, and mercv. preside in your
deliberations. JOHN G. I KK.
Glenv ille, Cabin Creek, P. O., Lewis Co, Ky.
C. Dunuldsoii, Suruh O. Km nest and others.
LETTER FROM REV. R. B. DOBBINS.
IPAVIA, April 8th, 1853.
Dear Iirethern : Though 1 cannot bo with
you in body, I am with you in spirit. I pre
sume you inquire why noi present in body;
I answer. For several reasons. I am too
poor I am too old. Born 23rd August, 1773.
Crippled by a fid I from my horse, henumhud
nil over my system, too deaf to hoar propo
sitions in a Convention, I am not only wil
ling, but desirous you should do anything,
but everything you can with propriety, that
will purgo the Church of Slavery, relieve the
poor slave, whether white or black. No
slaveholder ought to he a church member.
All our great dillicultics now in this Repub
lic, are the consequences of our perfidy ro
s)ccting the Declaration of Independence.
Had this Republic adhered firmly and faith
fully lo llio principles of the Declaration of
Independence, we would now lie a happy
and glorious community : and to these prin
ciples we must return, or he miserable. The
Church is the great bulwark of Slavery in
North America. The Church is ashamed of
Christ Jesus the Lord.
May God be with you, and influence you
and guide and direct you to whatever snull
be most for his glory and the advancement of
his cuuse here below.
ROBERT R. DOBBINS.
l.xplnnntion too poor, to pay passage
too old, weak in body and mind. Too deaf,
often require those who speak to mo to spell
tho words, cau't distinguish the articulation
without it. 11. it. l
Mr Garrison then said, " I hold in my hand
a series of resolutions, which I will read.
The five first with the concurrence of the
Business Committee, but the two last 1 report
on my own responsibility:
Resolved, That the nearest duty is tho first
duty to be fuithlully nnd energetically per
formed by abolitionists thai belbre expend
ing the force of their denunciations upon the
alavuhuldiug South, they uro bound to grnpplo
with whatever in legislation or public senti
ment manifests a nroscriptive and tyranous
spiiit against the colored man in the Statu
where they live ; aud to make its suppression
their constant nud immediate concern.
Resolved, Therefore that the political dis
franchisement of the colored citizens of Ohio,
being a most unjust and proscriptive act, and
a dark stain upon the escutcheon of the Slate,
and furnishing as it does, a weapon lo the
slaveholder to strike down the l ining spirit of
emancipation, should be vigorously denounc
ed and held up to populur condemnation until
it ceases to exist.
Resolved, That anti-slavery is not simply
an issue with the fugitive slave law, or oppo
sition to slavery in the District of Columbia
and the Territories, or resistance to the fur
ther extension of chattel servitude, or giving
succor or shelter to the fugitivo slave, or con
tributing occasionally to the funds of our
movement; but it ia a life-giving and a life
embracing principle, demanding inflexibly
and uncompromisingly tho immediate sua
. ......... u,i, in, vt in mi; oiuvn system, and n i
iuii recognition oi tlie equal riclils ol nil M l o
dwell on the Americnn soil, without regard lo
origin or complexion.
Resolved, That the claims of tho slnvo to
freedom admit of no postponement for tho
convenience, profit, safely or success of any
Institution, sect, party or enterprise whntover ;
but are to ho enforced as paramount in sol
enmity and importance to ull other consider
ations. Itesolvcd thnt the pnrty which is in nllianrn
with slaveholders, ought to he repudiated as
unworthy of any countenance or cooperation ;
nnd the Church or sect which gives the right
band of Christinu fellowship to those w ho
cloim nnd hold property in luirnnii flesh,
ought to be abandoned ns an anti-Christian
body, in order to he true to freedom.
Kesolved, Thnt the government which is
fashioned and moulded by the slave power ;
that the constitution which grants aid and pro
tection, and gives unusual prerogatives to tlm
bidders and breeders of slaves, that the Union
which was formed and is maintained only by
immolating one-sixth portion of tho people
of the land on the nltnr of shivery, ought to
be excommunicated at whatever hazard, cost
or opprobrium by every one claiming to bo
the friend, representative or udvocnlu of the
Resolved, That tho vital nnd all-conquering
motto of the anti-slavery movement, is " no
union with slaveholders, religiously or politi
cally," and therefore by n stern moral neces
sity, every consistent abolitionist is forced to
disfranchise himself for conscience sake ; lo
tak i his position outside ol the present irov-
i mucin, auu 10 eon ior inn insiution ot n new
government, wherein shall ho recognized
neither slaveholders nor slaves ns umoiiu hu
In advocating these resolutions, Mr. Gar
rison remarked, in substance: The anti-sla
very cause is one, and imposes the samo
obligations on us nil. We should seo to it
that not for our own convenience, or profit
we compromise the rights of tho slave.
Abolitionists havo forsaken the parlies nnd
churches they loved for the slave. It has
cost them a struggle to do it. But they have
done it, and now 1 believe we stand before
the citadel of slavery, nud it must he carried
or all is lost; and that citadel is the Consti
tution and the Union, nnd the samn necessity
that separated mo from my chinch and party
bears upon me in regard to these. A pro
slavery Church cannot be supported without
gtnl, and so of a pro-slavery party ; nnd 1
think we must not stop h"re, but come out
of tho government loo, or cat our own
words. I say tho Constitution is a pro-slavery
instrument, and that the Union is co
il, cnted With the blood of tho slave, and I
cannot uphold il. I know there is a differ
ence of opinion about this.
But how is the issue met? It is said in
justification of voting nud a continuance in
tho government, That the Preamble to the
Constitution, proves il iiicmupntiblu with
slavery. It shows that the instrument was
formed to establish justico and secure tho
blessings of liberty. That there is no Fugi
tive clause, nothing that requires or allows
tho return of fugitive slaves. That if there
was any understanding to that effect, they
did not get il into the instrument, and there
fore it is not binding. That the South has
broken tho bond, and therefore we may do
the same. That the Constitution is to bo
construed as each understands it, nnd the
objector so understands it as to relieve his
conscience. That the Compromises were
not intended to be permanent, fur the frnui-
ers expected slavery would die. l lint ns
Gcrrit Smith says, the Constitution was nudj
is designed lo Do Anti slavery, nud so slav
ery is unconstitutional every where, nud
Congress has the right to nbolish it. Thnt
it provides for its own amendment, and it is
not pro-slavery to vote to do it. That the
preservation of the Union is of more im
portance than the abolition of slavery.
That if we wait for a perfect government
before we act in it we Bhull wait till the
crack of doom, and wo must do the best we
can now. Thnt there is no power fir dis
solution, and we must stay in the govern
ment and right it os fust us we can. Thnt,
finally, it will be far ensier to persuade tho
people lo abolish slavery, than the govern
ment. I believe theso cover the whole ground of
objection to my position. In iiiuh-rlnking to
settle this matter, we must take facts, with
out denying, shuffling or dodging them. Mr.
Smith soya the Constitution is Anti-Slavery.
What are the historical facts with regard to
its adoption? There were then 700,000
slaves, and 13 out of the 13 Slates were
sluveholding. Mr. Smith says men owning
slaves came together in Convention, and
without discussion or agitation udopted on
instrument which took every sluve from
them I Cun a statement be moro wild?
Why did not the slaves go free after the
adoption of the Constitution ? No one
thought of it. The price of slaves went on
increasing. Its trainers were slaveholders,
and they did not bring a single sluve to en
joy its benefits.
Did or did not the frnmers of the Consti
tution stipulnto that the Slaveholders should
have a three fifths representation for their
slaves? Tho fact is, ns soon ns it was nil.ip
led, n census was taken nnd three-filth of
the slave population irat taken ns tho basis
of representation. This would have been
ebsurd nml impossible, if such a contrnet
hnd not been made. It remains intact to
tho present timo- tho worst compact ever
entered into since llio sun began to rise.
The nation has decided by il arts for 00
years that il is in the bond.
Will nny oun sny ho lielicves there never
was n contract maile with tho slave power,
for tha continuance of the slave trade for
twenty years? In regard to fugitives, can
nny one stand up and sny that our fathers
did not bargain for their return ? I crmld
say that there are tin slaves ill the world, as
well ns to say this. They ngrecd too, that in
surrection of the slaves should be put down,
nnd all these things except the foreign slave
trndn remain in the Constitution till now. I
admit the word slave nnd slave holder are
not in tho instrument, hut this is not a con
flict of verbal criticism. Tho calamity is
that the words are not there. Fur when
you have the naked devil beforo you, you
lire in no danger. Ho is daiigeruus onl
when ho wraps himself in tho garb of mi
nngel of light. When men enter into devil
ish bargains ihey net in secret. Now ihey
cull slavery n patriarchal or peculiar institu
tion, hut who thinks they don't mean slavery?
Mr. Smith grants that the foreign slave trade
is recognized in the conMiliilinn, but I defy
him to prove it on his own ground. It only
speaks of the migration or importation of
persons. How cunu it to pass for nil this
length of time, ihal slave holders havo rep.
rcsentalivea on the floors of Congress, nnd
fugitives have been bunted if slavery is not
1 ullirni the Constitution to ho a covenant
with death ami un agreement with hell ; that
in the language of lliu prophet, "Wo huvo
made lies our refuge." For more than sixty
cars lill public bodies have agreed in con
struing this instrument In the samn manner.
Did not Washington, Henry, Madison, nnd
nil the fathers understand tho Constitution
they adopted? To make it uuti-slnvery you
must accuse them of this fully. I am not
disposed to say nny thing hut'shly of them
unnecessarily, but I say they acted wickedly
in compromising with shivery. Tho argu
ment was that if the Union was not formed,
llio colonies would fall a prey tit England.
This argument was powerful plausible, and
I w ill admit, for tlm urgumeiit's snko, that
such n result was certain. Wlint then
h lint right has one man to sacrifice another
to save himself? What right had our fath
ers In immolate the rights of others, to se
cure their own ? It is high-handed villainy.
It seems to ine that if the meaning of the
Constitution is not settled, nothing is settled.
Do you Frea Sailers go for nil amendment
of the Constitution for striking nut the
compromises with slavery ? You have not
inscribed it on your banners, ami until you
do, I bold you to tha bond. Mr. Smith is
going to Congress-. I In will bo n rjra avis
there. Ho says that slave holders nro pre
eminently pirates, nud he takes his scat
among pre-eminent pirates, to promote the
blessings of liberty. I would not dictate to
him, but it seems to mo his first duty will be
to move for the expulsion of twenty-live
members of Congress as interlopers. I hnpo
he will nttend lo that part of his duty. That
will do to begin with. Tin y will have live
ly limes. Another thing an anti-shivery
construction of the constitution would bring n
dissolution. Such n definition would he a de
claration of civil war. If Free Soilcrs had
majority in Congress, nnd should proceed on
Ibis construction, the South would arm us a
It is a bloody construction ours is a peace
ful one; we acknowledge the bond, and we
have this alternative, to swear lo support il
or stand outside. But you support il ns you
understand it; that is a game two can piny
nt. Cnrry it out nud your constitution isn
nose of wax. If the slaveholder can gel the
power, he will understand il bs be pleases.
Aside from the constitution, we havo no un
ion, nnd when I speak of dissolution, I menu
a withdrawul from the constitution) and a re
fusal to act under it.
The evening was devoted principally to a
discussion of the position and claims of the
colored people of llie Free States. The
speakers were three in number uud nil col
ored men. They acquitted themselves in a
manner that would have been highly credit,
able to nry cluss of men under any circum
stances. They were Mr. John I. Gaines, of
Cincinnati, Mr. C. L. Remond, of Salem,
Mass., and Mr. J, Laugston, of Oberliu. The
speeches of the Inst two gentlemen we are
nut ublo at Ibis timo even to sketch, as we
took no notes at the time. Mr. Guinea
speech rve will publish next week. A few
remarks were also mndo by Mrs. P. M. R.
Puikcr, of New Richmond.
Cnnvrn'inn met nt 0 o'clock, and the res
olutions of Wednesday were culled lip.
Mr. Amos Moors addressed the meeting in
favor of the Union, Constitution nnd tha
Compromises thereof. The gentleman ad
mitted these compromises were wrong, yet
observed that the Convention could do no
other than adopt them, nnd bo would have
voted for them br.d be been a memlier there
of. Ho condemned with much severity tha
course nfremnrk of some of the speakers
w ho hnd impugned the character of Wash
ington nnd bis rompntriots. The speaker
n vowed that he bad born the rrmnrks yesler
day ns long ns he could, nnd hnd left th
meeting in nonseqtteiiec of them, lie was
followed by Mr. L Remond in a few caus
tic remarks. Tho first five resolutions wersj
unanimously adopted. Mr. Garrison then
took the floor in continuation ol bis argu
ment, in support of the two last resolutions
of the series now before tho bouse. He re
marked : ''Sir, you wero right In your pre
liiniiiary remaiks. Ami Slavery Is not sen
sitive nnd cowardly, bill brave, bold, nnd frt,
and invites the most searching scrutiny of it
principles nnd its measures. I do not ack
nowledge a mini ns nil abolitionist who is a
fm ill of discussion. Said the Apostle in tha
face of opposition "we nro always confident."
And why should they lint be ? They had
truth uud God upon their side. When wo
try lo put n question from u we have occa
sion In nsk ourselves seiiotisly "do we lovs.
triilh ?' Are we nfrnid of progress? Or
nro we in the condition of those of old who
exclaimed "old things nro passing away."-
In paming through lliu different stages of our
cause it is done step by step. Aud eventual
ly we come lo the last, nud if wo refuse to
take this, wo have taken no step. If wa
compromise with Slavery nnywhtre we can
never uholish it. Tho question before us
now is "can an ubolitiuniM sweur to support
the Constitution of tho U. S. or vote for
another to do it forlorn?'' n answer we
must go to the instrument nud examine into
lliu conditions it imposes upon us, mid see il
wo ran carry out its provision j without coir--seining
with thieves nnd striking hands with
adulterers. I am addressing abolitionists
who Irivo givou evidence of the correctness
of their purpose by the advances and tha
sacrifices they have made. If you do not oc
cupy the highest possible position upon tha
question of sl.,veiy il is bccutiso you have
not yet examined nud understood it. By
the adoption of tho five first resolutions
which you have just consented to unani
mously, w bicb assert the propriety nnd ne
cessity for iiholiiiuiiiids to come out of and
ho separated from ull parlies uud sects which
compromise with slavery, you have com
mitted yourselves to the priiiciplo which de
mands jour separation from a pro slavery
government. Jesus said "if any one love
lather uud mother, wife or children, houses
or lands more than ho loves me, ho is not
worthy of me." It is no light matter to
givo up father or mother, or fiiends and sub
stance ; to do so requires faith in God. In
our day it is taken liir granted there is no
cross to be born. One is looked upon as a
madman who lakes up his cross and mani
fests his love to God by hi lovo for man.
We have Scribes nnd Pharisees now, and
more hardened nppnsers to the teachings of
truth than ever the Jewish nation exhibited.
You ask whern shall we bn if we dissolve;
the Union ? That is tmt the question, but
thu true one b-'loro us is, how' shall we ex
pect to prosper by the violation of God's
Luw ? You do not believe tho end sancti
fies ihe'ineuiis. Tout is tho Jesuit's doctrine
A man may not lie a litllu for the sake of
nflectiug n great good. It is an nhiurdity to
expect good In result from the violation of
God's Law. Many temptations are held out
in this compromising world, to bargain for a
considerable good, nt the cost of o little evil.
When I can be charitable without crime, I
mil willing nud desirous to be so; but when
you nsk me to nllow you to sin u little that
good may cnuio of it, I cannot agree to it.
I need not recapitulate ull of the twelve
positions I alluded to yesterday as those gen
erally nssumed by our voting friends in sup
port of their political course. Those and
stronger perhaps, will probably bo stated by
themselves. The object before us is not 10
recriminate or nliui-o, but lo inquire into
facts nud responsibilities. But conceeding aa
you have nlreudy done that it is our duty to
leave party and sect which upholds slavery,
it follows logically and unavoidably that aa '
the government which upholds slavery is
equally accursed, we nre bound to come out
of that ulso. Thia brings ua to the question '
"Is the government of the United States'
pro-slavery ?" 1 argue it, undorstnud tne, aa
an abolitionist, and not aa a lion-resistant,
Tho question of the rightfulness of human
governments ia a wholly extraneous one with
which we have nothing to do on this pisi
form. We may not plead our nntl slavery