Newspaper Page Text
action in church or in parly, in excuse for not
meeting the responsibility of this question or
iarery upheld by our government. It is like
the case or the young man who came to Je
aue nnil inquired whnt he ahoutil do to he
aaved To tliis wns replied " Thou knowest
the commandments; keep them." Joyfully
he responded, "This have I done from my
youth up." Then po sell all that thou host,
then como and follow me." Mnny are pre
pared to go so far as to keep the rominnnd
nients in church or pnrty, hut when it comes
10 sacrifice the great possession of n vote, they
go awny sorrowful and ennnot do it.
lu reply to the position of Gerrit Smith, a
nn whom I honor and venerate for his nolde
lahora in iHjhalf of humanity, that the Con-
titulion is anti-slnvery nnd designed hy its
powers so to he, 1 showed you llint twelve of
III thirteen Stntes which originully adopted
It were slnveholding States, that no nuitn
lion of the subject was had to prepare the
public mind Tor so great a change, liow then
tsould it ossibly happen that an anti-slavery
Constitution should bo adopted ? U'hnt in
fliience existed to so stultify the slaveholder ss
to induce him to do actually what was ex
actly contrary to his intention ? And egoin
for sixty years after its adoption no cue np
peered until in these latter ilnjs to assert that
uch was the practire. Tliu people, the
Congress, the Executive, the Supreme Court ;
II coincided in the one opinion and the one
action under it, and which still continues to
be the opinion and the action of the grenl
mass. Washington, Jefferson, Madison,
Wythe, Henry, and all the rest who engaged
in Mssing the instrument, must he presumed
to have understood whnt it was intended to
mean. Swallow tlio contrary opinion those
vho csn. 1 cannot.
Our fathers agreed tlio sluve trade should
continue for twenty years, and that our (Ing
should protect it against the world for (lint
period. This provision of it is snid to have
become obsolete. True, but it is useful to
remember it when exnniiuiug the anti-sluvery
pretensions of the instrument, and especially
in view of the construction desired hy some
to bo given to the Inngungo of the fugitive
clave clause, lint some sny they only stay
in the government and support the constitu
tion vi itli a view to its amendment. I lu who
wears to siipKrt it is hound hy it till it is
amended. Now how can 1 as an abolitionist
agree that a slave owner may have po'iticnl
jtower in proportion to the number of slaves
lie steals? llow can I as an anti-slavery
in mi swear by my representative tlmt there
shall he no foot of soil under the constitution
from which tlio fugitive slave miiy not bu re
claimed ? I must serve cither God or Ittliul,
wnd 1 never will consent to any of tlio sluve
clauses. It Is only the overwhelming power
of tlio north which keeps the slave in his
chains. I will never consent to be a party in
Ih is guilt.
In respect to the consequences of doing
tight I have no concern. If we suffer with
Christ we shall reign with him. We want
something of the old apostolic spirit and the
spirit of Jesus Christ, anil then we shall be
obis to serve the world like those who have
one before us. .
1 said of the Free Soil party tlmt they stand
on the same pint form with tliu other parlies,
In respect to the Constitution. If they mean
to amend it, they ought to sny so, I would
like to see their banner flung nut, and inscri
bed on it " down with the compromises."
Soma will say," Law which is immoral is
void." " That is true. The right exists in
the individusl to decidu what is right." Hut
nothing is to be gained by reiterating this; it
does not touch the wrong. We are talking
bout a solemn compact. You say you must
have a government. What do you menu hy
it ? Is it that every man in Congress or the
Executive or the Judiciary is to deride every
question hy his own theory in regard to right
nnd 'wrong irrespective of constitutional pro
visiotis? It is to prevent oppression and
tyranny by those in iower, tlmt the constitu
tion is provided and the ofljeers awnrn to
accept it as their guide nud uuthurity. It
Mates the objects of legislation the rights
and duties of tlio people and of the States,
the duties bf their representatives nnd agents,
&e. The mun who says there is sin in these
provisions to which he cannot consent, ran
not come into office. The majority says they
are all right and what llity desire. Legal
writers uniformly tench that the wiong pro
visions of government can only be corrected
by the power which created them. Whilst
laws ex'iBt they must be obeved. The judge
may resign his office rather than administer
n unjust law, but that is his only remedy.
Jit cannot alter or amend it. 1 sny in ull
deference to the character of Gerrit Smith,
that his position in respect to the government
la exactly the position of the autocrat. It
gives the law-making power into the keep
ing of its ministers without let or hindrance
fiom the will of the people.
Suppose the Constitution of your country
was all you could desire in every particular,
save one article which should declare there
should be no recognition of the one true God
and of Jesus Christ, but that ull the inhabit
ants should devote themselves to the worship
of Juggernaut. You ore professing Chris
tians, could you participate in such a govern
ment aa that t '
I am told that Free Soilers assume that
the Constitution is an ami-slavery instrument,
and am asked by this note handed lo ma to
prove il not. When have they assumed that
position ? I have not heard it. Remember,
1 repeat, in our efforts to get it amended we
must swear to supiort it as it is till the amend
ment is effected and this we cannot do. We
are in the midst of a revolution, bloodless it
is true, but nevertheless a revolution of the
government. We must stand outside of it to
effect our object. This is no terrible doom',
a vnxt portion of the people are already out
side of it. All the women are already there,
and I am not afraid to be where they are.
One mun ennnot be a revolution, but he can
begin it. A few ennnot effect it, but they
ran put causes into operation which will nc
complish it.
Slaveholders confidently declnre that when
ever the Union is dissolved Slavery must be
overthrown. When will we learn from our
opponents?
With this Union I see no hone. The doc
trines of the North are all slaveholders ask.
Thiy holdtho I'liioo'parnmount except when
Slavery is in question. Slavery is with them
mi in her one. Slavery first and Slavery al
ways. You are walking with such a people,
desire union with them and yet dare not go
go to the South and be a man without being
shortened a head. There is no Union for you
We are all outlaws unless we belie our prin
ciples. We ought not to deceivo ourselves
into tlio belief tlmt any Union exists, or in
any right sense has ever existed. Slavery
hns hss been and is omnipotent, omniscient,
and omnipresent ever since the Union so
called was formed.
Of those w,ho argue that we ought to stay
in thcgovornmcnt to reform it, I ask, why do
yotl not nil go back to the old Romish churcli
and stay in and reform her ? Wo demand of
the Free Snilcr that on his own principles he
must come out of the government just as he
demands of the Whig or Democrat tlmt he
must come out of his party. Seven years
ago whon Mr. Giddiugs met us in a noble
nud loving spirit, in largo conventions In
Ohio, we asked him uhout the compromises
in the Constitution and he admitted they
wcro there, and when we nsked him how he
could swear to support them, he answered
that he was trying in his place in Congress
to do whnt he could agiin.it slavery and to
amend the Constitution, and be should lose
his influence hy abandoning his position.
We replied to him, come out fur conscience'
sake and for tlio slave's sake, nnd you will do
them more good in six months than you can
now do in twenty years. We are not to be
concerned about consequences or influence.
Who was it made himself of no reputation
tlmt he might do good ? This characteristic
of Jesus has always had my deepest admira
tion nnd homago. Where ever we find most
abolitionists who have come out of the Con
stitution we find most Free Soil voters. This
proves tlmt their influence is not lost but
magnified. One thing is certain; there can
be no concord botween Christ and Delia).
AFTERNOON SESSION.
Mr E. Ilnmlin, of Columbus said, I believe
we enn honestly nnd riulessty support the
Constitution and Union of these stntes. To
abandon the Constitution nnd dissolve the
Union would be the slave's greatest calamity.
No human institution, party or sect, will abol
ish shivery. It must ho done by a principle,
the grcut principle of huniun brotherhood.
Mr. Garrison snys that no mnti enn support
that government without committing sin, and
that we may not commit the least sin, he the
consequences bo what they mny. I ogreo
with him in this priueiplo. lint I tnnke this
distinction there ia a different rulo applying
to doing wrong myself, and preventing others
from doing wrong. I must not steal, hut it
does not follow tlmt I inn bound, in all cir
cumstiiuces, to prevent others from stealing.
1 huve no right to return a fugitive sluvo, but
whether I shall hy force prevent another man,
is another question.
Our friend tells us that it is a sin to support
the Constitution, because it gives political
power to the slaveholders for their slaves. I
grant that it does, but I deny that it makes
mo a sinner because I support thut Consli'tii
tioii. He says twenty-five members are in
Congiess as representatives for slaves. Did
I put llioni there? No, I did not act at all.
That clause does not pledgo you or me to
increase slave property. I have nothing to
do with it. Again, he snys, if the slaves
should rise, tlio (icople would he bound to put
them down, under the clause which provides
for the suppression of domestic violonce or
insurrection, nud therefore it is sinful to sup
port it. I admit the Constitution requires
tlmt. No government could exist without
such power. The clause was not intended
to apply to the sluve specially. Hut it is
asked, if we are required to put down the
slaves under this general cIiiubc, are we nut
participators in the wrong r.f slavery ? In
my opinion, if there should be an insurrec
tion, the quicker it is put down, the better
for the slaves, and for all. I was sorry to
hear my friend any, if the Union were dis
solved the slaves would be free. I deny it.
The slaves are only three tnillions-the whites
six or seven. I know the slaves have physi
cal power and courage, but they have not in
telligence and the munitions of war. The
whites have. Were the slaves five times
their present number, they could not free
themselves. An insurrection would be their
extermination. .
But has not the slave a right to rise ? And
ia it not wrong to put them down ? That
depends upon circumstances upon the pros
pect of success. The day may come when
1
through the assistance of foreign powers
they might be successful. They might then
rise, and we could then abolish slavery by
the Constitution in the same manner that we
would lake property for the public good. An
other clause is that referring to persons held
to service and labor. I admit this covers fu
gitive slaves as well as those bound out as
apprentices ; but docs it require mo or you
to send them back ? If it docs, I will tram
pie it under my feet. Let us see. Recollect,
if the master lets his slave come he cannot
tnke him back. It is only when he escapes
from his mnslor that no law in the free Stntes
shall dischnrgo him from service. Now, wo
do nothing here we are not called upon to
act at all I but it says he shall he delivered
up, and if ha is to be delivered up, you are
liuund to do it. Let us remember, friends,
we must take the words in a legal sense,
Now look at it. The Convention thut framed
the Constitution refused lo recognize prop
erty in man. 1 he Stales did recognize it,
Hut tho the new government formed by their
Union refused lo recognize it. Hut if they
agreed to send hack slaves to their masters,
it wns a recognition of the property of the
master in the man. They left the question
with the Inws of the States, neither recog
nizing or refusing to recognize, hut left it
where it wns. The Constitution snys in the
Stntes t You mny regard men ns properly if
you will ; I will not do it, hut will not pre.
vent you. I will not send hack your slaves,
nor assist you, but they shall bo left us other
property.
Suppose a horse escnpes from Kentucky
into Ohio. The owner comes nud proves
his horse, and tolls you lo cntch him and de
liver him up, hut you tell him lo cntch ilia
horse himself. The Inw snys, ns the Consti
tution dors, that such property shall be de
livered up. All thai is required is tlmt I do
not prevent the master. So I sny to him,
catch your slnve if yon enn. If he bents
out your brains it is none of my business,
We have ogrcfd not to use force to hinder
tho master, thnt is all. This clause comes
the nearest to involving us in the sin of sin
very. Construe it os you construe other
laws, and you must understand it thut wo
must make no Inw to prevent tho master
from taking his slnve. You mny help the
slave, only when the master comes you shall
not knock him down. Few negroes would
be tnken if this rourso wns followed. Hut
it is said we agreed not to stop the slave trade
for twenty years. Suppose we did. I am
not going to tear down the Constitution be
cause it once hnd a wrong thing in it. One
would think from the remarks which hr.ve
been mnde, that there is nothing good in the
Constitution. I admit there nre clauses, the
effect of which mny be lo prolong slnvcjy.
rhere are other clauses which are directly
nnti-slavery, especially that one which pro
vides that no perton shall be deprived of life,
liberty or property without due process of
law. And there- is not a clause which re
quires nie to do anything which will tend lo
prolong slavery.
We are comtnnnded to " hold fast to tlmt
which is good." There is good in the Con
stitution. Were the Union dissolved, wo
could not help our brothers John G. Fee nud
C. M. Clay, or the millions of non-slaveholders.
We could have no influence in the
South. We liave freedom of worship, of
speech, nnd of the press, nnd where these
exist tho days of oppression nre numbered,
these nro guarantied to us by this blessed
Constitution we are called upon lo overthrow,
dissolve the Union, nnd we ennnot operate
upon the South by these at nil. My friend
will sny there is nono of this freedom in the
South. It is true it is curtailed to soino ex
tent, but there ure more anti-sluvery papers
circulated in the South than we know of;
but dissolve the Union and nut a paper could
go there. I glory in these privileges, giiitr
ta us by our glorious Constitution, and as
lung as we have them 1 have hopo for the
slave.
Mr. Uhickwcll of Cincinnati!, said, I be
lieve the Constitution is un Auli-Sliivcry
document. I do not think Mr. Garrison has
applied the right test in determining its
meaning. The General Government is ns
sinned lo be an omnipotent government,
whereas the Constitution expressly declares
it to be limited. Shivery has grown under
the Constitution; but it is not because of tho
Constitution, but the want of nnlislnvory
sentiment. We do pot want a change of
Constitution to abolish slavery, hut a rhnngo
of sentiment. The Constitution j plastic in
the hands of shivery or anti-slavery. No ono
doubts (hat the general objects of t lie Con
stitution as expressed in the preamble, nre
Anti-Sluvery. In interpreting it wo nre to
look at the evident intention of its adoption,
os thus expressed. Strict construction is the
order of tho day, and everything thnt does
not clearly favor slavery, must be otherwise
interpreted. Now look ut the supposod pro
slavery clauses. First, the clause providing
fur a three fifths representation for slaves.' I
am willing to admit its inexpediency, but If
slavery were abolished, Southern represen
tation would be increased. Sluvery and the
slave trade existed at the formation of the
Constitution, and it is not responsible for
them. There are guarantees in it wholly
incompatible with slavery. Guareutees of
liberty. Among these are the rights of Ceo
speech, a free press. The right to assemble
peaceably for lha redress of grievances, the
right to bear arms and the right of jury trial.
I
' We have laws contravening these, but it
is on account of defective public sentiment.
When the Constitution was formed twelve
out of thirteen were slave States; the slave
slave trade exiated; each State might pursue
it as it pleased, and we gained by the Consti
lotion its prohibition after twenty year.
Wns that nothing? I might enlarge on it,
and show that it was a great thing to Anti
Slavery. Without it we would now have
twenty millions of slaves Instead of three.
Again, aa to putting down Insurrections or
suppressing domestic violence. This is a
glorious provision. J. Q. Adams, whose
words should have unusual weight, said that
when requisition was mado by a Slate on the
General Government for the above purpose,
tho first thing for the government to do Is to
put ihe State under martial law, thus super
seding the State by United States authority.
Then it may inquire into the nature of this
violence. Domcstio violence is the usurpa
tion of the rights of one man by another.
Slavery is domestic violence. Of all force
that is the greatest. It consigns one man to
the possession of another as property. Un
der this provision therefore the government
mny abolish it.
Thero are two other clauses which 1 will
speak of in "connection; those referring to
persons held to service, and securing to the
citizens of each Slate all the privileges and
immunities of the citizens of the several
tales. Interpret one by the other. It hns
been decided that there is no power to en
force the latter in fuvor of tliu colored citi
zens of Massachusetts, who are enslaved hy
Louisiana and South Carolina. Massachu
setts has tried to sue the question in the
courts, but it has been found there is no pow
er in the government to enforce this contract
between the Slates. So with the fugitive
clause. Tiie Constitution is becoming more
and more strictly construed, nnd soon the
whole interpretation of these clauses, will
their action under them, will be left entirely
to the States themsclres.
We are not responsible for the contrncts
of men dead and gone. They refused to in
corporate the name of slave in the Constitu
lion, though they were slaveholders. Inter
pret the Constitution, and we have no return
of fugitives, and no slnvory after An insurrec
tion; we have power to keep shivery out of
the territories, to nholish tho sluve trude be
tween the Stntes, iiuil secure to every man
the right to life, liberty and property. What
more con wo ask ?
EVENING SESSION.
Mr. Lewis said, this is the last meeting of
our Convention. Your bumble servant has
tried to do his best, and be impartial to all
who desired to speak. All could not speak,
and It wns due our stranger friend Mr. Gar
risen that he should have a full and fair
hearing, and that those who wished to reply
should have the opportunity. Now, I want
to occupy a few moments in defining my po
sition. 1 would not occupy any time were it
not that I may be assailed, and through me
my friends ond those interests I deem impor
tant. Doubts were expressed whether I
would be willing to attend this Convention if
Wm. Lloyd Garrison were invited. Now I
want it understood that my feelings were
hurt by the hint. I have always been in fa
vor of free discussion. When I have enga
ged in the advocacy of Temperance, Free
Schools, or Abolition, I have always invited
As evidence that 1 am in favor of it, 1
will mention that at the discussions between
Messrs. Campbell and Owen, Hlanchard
nnd Rico, Campbell and Pureed, I was
present, nnd tried to keep order and
lo justice to all. I love freedom of
lebuto. Let no one think I lower my Chris
tianity by entering into convention with that
man who has done more for liberty and rigid
then hundreds of those who denounce him
os infidel. You know I do not endorse him
in all things; but in many I do, especially
when he speaks of slavery. When he paints
its horrors and siiifltlnesa most strongly, I
tell him the half is not told. Though we
difler on some things, we agree on this.
But we differ, and I lake the stand to soy
word about these matters. First, about
Christianity. 1 think that here there is more
lifference in words between us than in fuel.
As I said before, if the words of the com
mentators who have made the Bible sustain
Invery, nre to be tnken as ihe Bible, I will
go as fur as any against it. Thnt Ihe chur
ches have done wrong 1 admit, and it has
been a part of my duly to stnnd up against
these wrongs. W hen I was a boy I attached
myself lo a religious body, and to some ex
tent have since remained a member of that
body, censuring and exposing what 1 deem
ed wrong in it, nnd I believe the good done
hy that church greatly overbalances the evil
done by her leaders. As to the Bible, its
truths existed before it, but Ihe Bible is the
revelation of those truths. Take it away, and
many of them would never have been known
to us. I revere the Bible ; give it, I say
send it on the wings of the wind let every
down-trodden slave read it, and his aoul will
grow too large for his chains, and siovery
will cease. Great applause. Shall I hesi
tate to say this, when I look upon that man,
Dr. Brisbane who, under the inspiration of
that word, was taught to liberate his slaves
and flee from the land of hia futhers ? Shall
hesitate about the value of the church, im
perfect as it is, when I look upon Father Ran
kin, born and reared under the influence of
lavery, yet taught by that word lha princi
ples of liberty, and made a light, sot as it
j were, on a hill. No ; and I tell you, my per
( sonal and political friends, whoever you are,
i owe an i nave and am to the Hible and its
sacred teachings. Applause. I have not
a word of apology for what churches have
said or men have done.
Now, about the Constitution. I shall
merely state my views. I think, if we look
at the circumstances under which the Con
stitution was formed, we shall come to just
conclusion. Previously, the Stales, or Colo
nies, were all independent of each other, and
they come together and formed a compact by
which they can act together for certain pur
poses. My friend read from the opinions of Eng
lish Courts to prove his position, but you
must remember that rules of Court settling
Parliamentary law, are to he considered only
as they are related to our law. In England,
tne mug, Lords, nnil Commons are the su
preme power ; here it is Ihe people. I look
upon it to-night. When you send men lo
Congress, you only scud them to write your
decree. Congress liss no original power.
what a glorious Innd we live in after all. Oh,
tell me not we will resolve it into chaos, and
see wnat we enn make of us ruins.
Before the Constitution was formed. Con
gross had no power to interfere with slavery
ny legislation. l.verytlung in it granting
thnt power is so much gained. The power
tu abolish the slave trade after 20 years was
of this sort; and the very day Congress
came into possession or tins power it exer
cised it. The three-filths clause is another,
The South contended for a full represen
tation of her slaves as persons. The North
snid no, for you regard them as property ;
and when it wns reduced to three-filths, it
wus consiuercil selnuch gain as discourage
ment to shivery. We must not send our In-
titers' names down to perdition because they
did not nlwnys do just right. They did what
they thought best. Slavery hns been extend
ed and will be further extended, if you allow,
not uecnuse ni the Constitution, but in viola
tion of it. Men commit all sorts of crime
in spite of the Constitution. Now about the
fugitive law, n law worse than Nicholas of
Russia would dure enact. We mutt not sny
we will take a Inw according lo Ihe intention
ol the legislator. Courts are not IkmiiiiI, ex
cept ns the plain nnd express tcords of the Inw
declnre. Construe this law by legnl rules,
nnd you cannot mako it mean Punitive slnves.
Such rules require n construction in favor of
right nnil against wrong. We are lo pre
sume nothing ns lo the intention.
If two opposite constructions nre possible,
you sre tu take the one which favors justice
nun reject the other, ihe law in question
might npply to a child or apprentice, and
many other cases, and Webster says ihe rea
son of Ihe Constitutional clause was lo en
able those who were entitled to the service
of emigrants for a term of years, in consid
eration of having paid their passage money
to secure such service.
My friends will live to see Ihe day when
tho voters of this country will p it men into
cilice who will so construe the Constitution
as lo make it wonderful it was ever supposed
lo mean shivery. Let us put men in to givo
the right construction, and slavery will be
abolished. So it wns uliulished in England.
Slavery is in the District of Columbia, in
violation of the Constitution, and in the ter
ritories, too. Tho fugitive law is not in the
Constitution, either.
Dr. Brisbane. Would you obey it if it
was?
No, sir, no. Applause.
Mr. Garrison. Would you swenr to sup.
port the Constitution if you thought it was
there.
No, sir, no. Great applause. I revere
the Constitution, but show me that in sub
scribing to it 1 subscribe to the extension
nnd support of slavery, and you render it
odious to me. But I think it impracticable
to tuke n position outside of the government.
We ennnot help the sluve by if, and it might
ruin us both. Ours is the practical position.
We must voto for men who will make right
eous Inws. If we abolish slavery in the
District and territories, ihe South will set
themselves about the work of abolishing
slavery. Their Statesmen hove said so. Jt
must be abolished by law when it is done.
Oh, 1 long to see tho day when it is done;
you will see it, you Indies who have called
this Convention; I know you will. I will
give the Sonth all we have agreed to give,
but we have ogreed to give nothing fur
sluvery.
Mr. Julian presented the encouraging aspects
of tho cause. The whin party which had been
tho enemy of freedom was dead, and tho Dem
ocratic party having no principles except more
negative and obsolete ones to bind it togother
composed of most heterogoneous materials, and
having Inst its outside pressure by the demise
of the Whig party, must of necessity fall to
pieces. 1 hat tho party is conflicting with it-
stilf, it is only necouary to ask the question,
what is a Democrat r To determine tho ques
tion, you must find his latitudo and longitude.
In tho South he is one thing, in the North an
other, in the East another, and the West still
snothcr. There are in the party Hunkers and
Uurnburnsrs, Old Fogies and Young Fogies,
Fillibu.tcrs, Hard Shells, Soft Shells, and what
not. Laughter. They cannot long hold to
gother ; the different factions will fall to de
vouring one another, and we shall have Libeity
or Slavery as the only issuo in politics.
It has been resolved that all agitation shall
ceaso ; but since that, agitation has been great
er than ever. Tho National Era had but 12,000
copies then, but now 30,000. We havs some
seventy papers devoted exclusively to anti-slavery;
many others give us their sssistance.
Ho then enumerated many books, boginnins
with "Uncle Tom's Cabin," which have been
written on both sides, helping agitation, not.
ithstanding President Pierce's Inaugural as
sures us the question is forever at rest. Thank
God for such a rest. Applause. '
The Colonisation Society begins to talk
about tho improbability of the African That's
a sign of progress I
On rising to adjourn the Convention, Mr.
Lewis said a few words and it adjourned. Ws
have mot here representing all the different as
pects of anti-slavery sentiment to tell how we
felt, and for once it has been seen that all clas
ses of anti-slavery men ean meet and discuss
questions without attacking persons. Ws have
no quarrel with men but with principles. You
gentlemen and lsdics have the keeping of mora
precious principles in your hands than any
other people. You and soch aa you bold ,th
destinies of your country and the world. Not
even tha preface to the history of our country
has been written. A glorious history will be
written If you will do you duty. You have
all some portion of the responsibility to bear.
You can do something hi creating ssntlment
snd the right kind of feeling. We separata
with the kindest feelings. Let the bands which
bind us togother continue. Let u agree tb
labor on doing what we can, and if we- ean. do
nothing else, we ean pnry to Godl kneeling em
his green earth. Be not dfocoorsged,. there Is.
a harvest time coming, and whan, it somes and
you shout tho hsrveat home, will you. not be
glad you havt a sheaf under your arm. Great
applause.
Let us go to our several fields of labor. I
have vowed before high Heaven, that while L
can walk, I will go over the earth lifting up my
voics for Liborty. Vo do not toil In vain.
This Society toils not in vain. Hundreds nsvsr
been warmed by our garments, and aped on
their way to freedom. When we separate, our
toil ahsll not cease. Wo havs drawn ths sword,. '
snd thrown away the scabbard, snd are deter
mined to fight on and ever. It ut we now go to
other fields of toil ; there remains but a word
to be spoken, but it is hard to reach It the
Convention is adjourned. Farewell. Tre
mendous cheering
Resolutions wore adopted thanking the chair
man for tho ablo and impartial manner in which
he had discharged his duties, and the Ladies
who had called and sustuinod tlio convention,
and also to the speakers from adjoining statos.
who had aided in its deliberations.
Aftor
which the Immense assembly disperses.
Treasurer's Report for April.
B. S. Jones,
J. E. Jones,
D. H. Iliso Wife,
Thomas Donnldson,
William Kirk,
JgtJ.OO
f.,00
10,00
25,00
6,00
J. McMILLAN, TREASURER.
ANNUAL MEETING
OF THE
AMERICAN AND FOREIGN ANTI-SLAVERY
SOCIETY.
Tha Anniversary is appointed to bo held at
the Broadway Tabernacle, New York, on Wed
nesday Evening, May 11th, when the Ar.nual
Report will be presented, and tho meeting ad
dressed by several distinguished speakers.
WILLIAM JAY,
8. S. JOCELYN,
J. W. C. PENNINGTON,
JOSUCA LEAVITT,
LEWIS TAPPAN,
Com. of Arrangements.
NINETEENTH ANNIVERSARY
OF THE
American Anti-Slavery Society.
TIIE ANNUAL MEETING or Thb
American Anti-Slavery Sociktt will be
held in the city of NEW YORK, at the
CHINESE ASSEMBLY ROOM, No. 531)
Broadway, on Wednesday, Mat llih, 1833,
commencing at 10 o'clock, A. M.
The Business Meetinus of the Society
will bo held in the large Committee Room
of the same building, on the Afternoon of
Wednesday, May 11, and on Thursday. It
is very desiruble that large delegations front
all purls of the country shall be in attendance,
not only at the public Anniversary, but at
the subsequent private meetings for the
transaction of important business in relation
to proposed operations of the Society for the
ensuing year.
WM. LLOYD GARRISON, r.r.m.vr.
WENDELL PHILLIPS, i
1 1 Secretaries
13. II. UAI,
ANNUAL MEETING
OF THE
Ohio Woman's Rights Association
The Frst Annual Meeting of tha Ohio
Womuns' Rights Association will be held at
RAVENNA, Portnge Co., Ohio, commencing
on Wednesduy, the 25th of May next, at 10
o'clock A. M., ami continuing two days.
The object of this Association ia ihe re
moval of the many unjust and oppressive
legol and social regulations, from which
Woman suffers; and which lend, not merely
to prevent her fulfilling her own Inch destinv
-by meeting her responsibilities and per
forming her duties but retard also, the
progress and development of the race.
Tin intelligence of the world is becoming
awakened to the evils of many of these legal
social, and vocational distinctions ; and man
hood, aa well as womanhood, is demanding
something better adapted to the udvan come nl
ond welfare of both.
The fri ends of Humanity nnd Progress are
earnestly and cordially invited to attend tha
meeting, and there discuss the subject of
Woman's true position in society her rights,
duties, and responsibilities.
SALLIE B. GOVE. Secretary.
March, 28th, 1853.
JOHN C. WIIINERY,
SURGEON DENTIST 1 1-Office over its
Salem Book Store The subscriber would In
form his friends and the publio, that he it again
his post. .Having spent sevoral months in
Cincinnati inmakinlhimselfnuUli
ted with the various branches of his Predion ,
he foci, confident of being abb, to render thl
ISrvTces? " 10 thM Wh0 m"7
Salem, March i, 1801,
