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ltlAIMUS H. ItOBIXSOX, Editor.
"NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDER."
AM ri: iHSO, Intlililnir Agent.
VOL. 8--N0. 34.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., OHIO, MAY 14, 1853.
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Reply of Hon. Horace Mann to Wendell Phillips,
WEST NEWTON, April 19, 1853.
V. L. Garrisox, F.so,.:
Peak Sir, I sit down to an unwetcomo
teak. I deprecate n controversy with any
man, and never was engaged in one in my
lifa until first assailed. Last February, while
Tar awny in the performance of public duties,
l round myscll otmckeit, misquoted, malign
ed. I elmwed every charge of my assailont
lo be untrue, lie then openrd upon mo with
ft broadside of now ones; and lliia holms
now twice rcpeat-d. have twin; propnacil
to conduct our discussion, on those points
wnere we presumed to ihllrr, w ithout any
referenco lo proving each other personally
or historically wrong ; hut with tho solo pur
poae of illuminating the path of political
duty. Though tho assailed pnrty, ntnl though
I hnve been the assailed party, honi tho aiinia
source, fur snmo dozen yearn, yet I proposed
to make our discussion us impersonal us ge
ometry. Ho spurns the peaceful proposition,
and returns upon inn with new accumulation
of charges, longer mid falser than before:
the iiuniher of his columns increasing arith
metically,:): 5: 7; hut tho evil spirit of
mem geometrically,.!: '.: 7. i cannot
waive these attacks upon my personal char
acter uiul conduct. mustilclciid my intcg
rily, aa a prerequisite lo defending anything
else. If any one thinks I feel these indigni
ties too strongly, let him reflect how very
easy a thing it is for human nature lo bear
cthtr people's provocations.
As be lore, I cunuot reply to all Mr. Phillips'
assertions of non-existing diets ; nor his de
nial of existing ones; nor cxposo nil his
ophisins. But theiirst two or three eoluinna
of his illogical and immoral congeries are
peculiar. They are susceptible of being
mapped out, us it were a diagram, where
4 Falsity' will be lint Qiiorf trat demonstran
dum? ol every proposition.
In nil odious and offensive ways Mr. Phil
lips accused me of ' guilt' in a public office,
In regard lo the rights of the colored chil
dren of our Slate ; of ' smothering convic
tions,' &c. Ate. ; and then hi) rung many a
change on these low and base imputations,
which every honorable; mind scorns. And
vet, such is his sense of decency, that, in his
laal letter, he declares I ought to lhaiik him
for Ihoso vile arraignment. 1 cannot con
sent lo learn the laws of gratitude, any more
than those of honor or veracity from such a
In addition to varied imputations of base
ness, both of net mid motive, Mr. Phillips
made a general charge i thut in the move
ment of himself and friends to pet colored
children into white chitdrens't schools, I never
gave them one word of recognition, counto
stance or aid.'
To this, in my last, 1 gave eight distinct
disproofs; and then stopped, not because my
evidence was exhausted, hut because ho .
.stood irredeemably condemned. Several of
the facts 1 adduced wero of a public charac
ter, such as men of ordinary intelligence
ould not plead ignorance ol)
To those, Mr. Phillips has made eight dis
tinct replies, repeating his disproved nsaer
lion, with additions still more offensive.
These, I shall now examine. To save space,
J shall stale the substance of the points brief
ly, endeavoring to omit nothing ol importance
on his side.
1. To prove my interest and efforts in be
tihlf of colored children, I said that, nearly
twenty yours ago, I reported to tho Wind In
stitution, us one of its Trustees, that the col
ored children of the State should bo admitted
there on precisely the sumo terms as tho
Mr. Phillips replies: ' The meetings and
records of these Trustees were private."
4 What could I know' of opinions expressed
ia private,' &c. And so he leaps tit once to
the monstrous conclusion, thut they would
flotuy JDiy acts, merely because lie (lid not
know of tlrent.
JJut it is not enough for Mr. Phillips to ol
' fir m that a fuct does not exist, because he
does not know it, an argument which can
tie drawn only from assumed omniscience,
but be represents the Wind Institution as a
private' institution. Now, he knows ttiut it
is one of the Public Charitable Institutions
of the State, supported and supervised by the
-State, and no more 'private' Institution than
the Insane Asylum nl Worcester or the Su
preme Court. I was a Trustee appointed by
the Slate. If be wauled lo know what wus
done there, was it my duty to go and tell him
or bis to come and ask me. Vet now, and
after his plea of ignorance has leeii taken
way, he re-affirms that I never gave them
one word,' &c.
Tlien be goes on, in bis reckless way :
4All that lha abolitionists, all thut the public
know, was that the only colored child, who,
bout Ibis time, applied for admission to the
Institution, trai refused.' But why did be not
add, what he must have known, that the child
was refused because not ol the age made ne
muui for admission by the standing rules
of the Institution, and would hove been re
futed, if white? And wby did be not say,
Ijrtlitr, which alio h must have known,
that the mother was told thnl when the child
should arrive at the admissible age, it would
bo received ? And further, too, that seven
colored persons have bcon admitted to the
Such is the first untrue answer to my first
disproof, which ho accompanies, also, with a
rctimin ol other untruths.'
2. The State Normal Schools, too, were
Public Institutions, suniiortnd and managed
wholly by the State. As a public olliccr of
the Mate, I was one of the Visiting Commit
tee. My resilience was in Boston, as Mr.
Phillips has indicated that he knew, lining
there, an express came to nie from Bridge-
water, as I lielnre saul, to learn whether two
colored pupils cnuld(lm admitted to the school
the next day. flly prompt ana express ans
wer whs, 1.
See hw Mr. Phillips evades this : I could
not know, and surely was not hound to
know, nil thn conversations Mr. Moim was
holding in private,' 'in his parlor or private
rooms at iwiugcwutcr.' lie never gave us
one wonr in bchult ol colored children.
Here he asks mo if I remember the fuhln
of tho wolf anil lamb, representing himself
under this emblem of innocence. Yes: and
of the wnlf in sheep's clothing, loo.
3. Another disproof was, that 'nine years
ago,' 1 published articles and arguments in
my Common Sihool Journal, vindicating tho
right of colored children to attend school
with the white ones.
His reply in substance, is as before: 'I
never saw or heard of the articles in the
Common Sihool Journal lo which ho refers.'
Therefore, ho never gavo us 'one word.'
4. Being nil officer of the Stale, when iho
question of tho colored children's rights was
rclerrcd to thn City Solicitor of HoMon, I
wrote thai gentleman an opinion in favor of
their legal right lo attend the white schools,
and against their being separated.
Air. 1 lumps replies : Hint was 'a privnte
document, privately communicated to Iho
City Solicitor of Boston' ; culls it a 'whisper
of a legal opinion into the private ear of a
City Solicitor,' Ace. Such oro tho fabricated
premises from which Im draws his inference
that I never gavo them 'one word,' fee. Ho
then goes on to compare my conduct lo that
of Charles I. of Kuglaiid ; and some of the
comparisons are,that he 'broke bis coronation
oath,' 'gave up his people to merciless in
flictions,' 'violated the articles of the Peti
tion of Right,' Sec. Is n't this atrocious ?
5. I averred thot J was consulted with in
regard to the law of 1615, which the Legis
lature believed would secure equal school
rights to the coloied children of the State,
thai I approved it, Sec.
Ilu replies that thut sincere word was not
'one word' : because the Supreme Court
$ubtnmnlh) construed the statute away.
U I saul that, in my Reports, I uniformly
expounded the law as securing the samo
rights to the colored children as to the whites;
that I labored to make (he practice conform
to the theory, and when I lull Iho Secretary
ship, it had nearly done so.
Mr. Phillips replies: ' this is an evasion.'
And then, in making a pretended quotation
from my Tenth Report, he is guilty of a sup
pression, which, if purposely' made, (and,
after our cxpericuco of what ho is capable of
doing in mutilating quotations, whul charity
can suppose it was not?) is base beyond the
power ol language to describe. Hpeakiugof
WatMchustlls, and not ot tho nation at huge,
as I think tho reader would suppose, from
the way ho has put it, alter describing what
she had dona for tho children of iho aborig
ines, I went on to say, that 'when iho equal,
natural and constitutional rights op the out
cast ciiii.drf.n of Africa wero invaded, sho
armed her courts of judicature with power
to punish the aggressors;' thus showing by
tho words which I have capitalized, my con
demnation of tho wrong-doers and my sym
pathy for the wronged. . Those words he sup
presses, and represents me merely as talking
gibtiensii annul the equal, natural ami con
stitutiimol rights of .yi ica.' And then ho
declares lha passage ho has garbled to bo ' a
total misrepresentation,' ' a gross uiisrcprep
Mr. Phillips cannot truthfully deny tlteso
things. Thut ho studied this Report, when it
tirsl appeared, to rind Ins protonce tor carp
ing ; that he had bis part of it, at least, bo
fore him now; thai he was at Tho Liberator
office up to (he limo his hitter was printed,
and read Hie prcols, or bud a chance to read
them, and then that be sent out this mutila
ted, liilse quotation.
7. 1 said that the statute of 1815 did not
expressly mention colored children, and
therefore, in codilyiug the laws, I added a
commentary to give it the iruo interpretation
iu favor of the colored children.
Mr. Phillips replies: 'Any codification
must have been made after tho Supreme
Court's session, and so after my criticisms.
Of course, therefore, that dots not belong to this
. Nuii, Iho codification bears date Nov. 80lli,
1841). The session of the Supreme Court at
which the decision in Roberts vi iiuB;?n
the colored child who sued for being exclud
ed from n white school, was not held till
March, 1350. Yet, Mr. Phillips says, Any
codification must have been mode after tho
Supreme Court's session.' That is, suppos
ing his readers might not have the means of
detecting the inissuilement, lie tens tliutn I
was right, and Mr. Maun was wrong; for
November, IH 1!, come after Murch, 1850.
8. I said. I always made it a point, when
ever I went to visit schools in any town or
city where separation existed, to visit the
Mr. Phillips replies 'Of course Im did.'
'It was the tornial routine of his office.' Mr.
Sines my last letter, I find that I did not
state the ease in favor of myself ao atronsly at
I should. Dr. Howb, tho Director of the In
atitution, writes me : ' I have acarched the rec
ords, and find the matter was brought before
the Truateea in tonteqxunes of an application
mods through tou for admission of a colored
ehild.' Yet, Mr. Phillipa holds me un as never
doing any thing for colored children I
Phillips must know better. For example ;
had I visited all thn schools in Boston when
ever I visited the colored school, it would
Intra tuken .me, at thn ruto of lour a day,
about a month ot tcliool timo. How was it
possihhi lor mo to do what be sny I did 'of
courser" I lo knows I meant special aunninm.
And if h snvs. I bestowed anecial attention
'of course,' then how can be reaffirm that I
never gave them 'one word,' AVc?
I have now closed tho eight specifications
disproving all bis defences, as 1 did tho
original rliaree. Uot this is not all. lie has
thn hardihood to affirm that the 'facts' at't
forth in these disproofs 'only deepen my
guilt.' And he says, further, thnl even if i
had 'opposed tho separate education of col
ored children, in articles published with the
full responsibility of bis my) 11111110,' Ihniigb
ho might not have used the precise phrase
he diil, yet ho 'should still assert exactly the
same iu substance, namely, that he I never
gavo us any substantial or public ossistanoo.'
t ertauily, I never should have charged upon
hirn so wicked a thing, as ho has hero do
dared ho would do : but he must know him
self best. Were not my Common Stltool
Journal and my Reports 'puhlie
Mr. Phillips s first argument is this, that I
said nothing ami did nothing, because fie did
not know it. His second argument is that I
said nothing and did nothing, because I did
not accompany him lo the house tops and
Iho corners of iho streets, to be seen of men,
but wrought in a not less siucern and more
elli ctivo way. And his third argument is,
that when ho besieged the Legislature, I 'was
not there'; and when be denounced the law
be lore school committees, 1 'was not there,'
Rut let me here ask why I havo not ns
good a right to criminate and malign him, be
cause, when I had n causa on my bands as
great and sacred as his ; and performed more
luhnr for it each year than he ever performed
m Ins tile, he di't not help me. 1-et me. lor a
moment, adopt bis language, ami see bow it
sounds. W hen 1 held meetings, under every
conceivable discouragement, iu bcbnlfof all
tho children iu the iHtatc, black and white,
' ihnrgt that Mr. Phillips teas not tlnre.'
When, at Teuciicrs, Institutes, I taught all
day, lectured every evening, pel formed all
diuilgeries, and even went nitn my broom 111
tho morning to sweep tho school-room, to
shamo the peoplo for their slovenliness, '
charge that Mr. Phillips was not there' etc., Sec.
Jiut, no ; this is not according to his phi
losophy. Wherever Mr. Phillips happens to
be there is Jerusalem 6i Iho lemple. II Kos
suth pleads tor Hunuary, or Father Maihuw
liir Temperance, or tho friends of education!
fur their cause, without firut guiug to bcj l.-sti
lienediclian, thru get his malediction. I lis
'outer darkness' is large enough Ibr all w hile
men, except the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery
Before leaving this topic, I wish to cor
rect one error into which 1 know ninny well
meaning poisons have been led by Mr. Phil
lips anil others. They havo been mndo lo
believe that Iho Common Schools of Massa
chusetts were not open to colored children,
0 all, But ever since I had any official con
nection with them, in all tho towns and ci
ties of the Stato, except four, tho colored
children went lo iho Common Schools or
High Schools promiscuously w ith the whites.
And, in tho excepted cases, they had sepa
rate Grammar Schools, to which they hail
free sdintsttiou, just ss tho white children had
lo theirs. In Boston, the teacher of the col
ored School had the sumo salary (1500) witli
the teuciicrs of tho other (jrnmiuur Schools.
Tho hardship consisted in their being treat
ed as n separate class ; iu being obliged logo
by white Schools, oltou to inconvenient dis
tances ; and, iu n very few cases, (1 think iu
tw o towns only,) in their being excluded Irom
tho High Schools. These wero facts lobe
regretted and resisted, but not so hud us
many huvo supposed.
I have examined, so much at length, Mr.
Phillips's manner of argument, his ability to
make tacts or uumnko them, and to mutilate
bis opponent's language, that, on the resi
due of bis letter I shall study brevity.
Unsays Henry Clay, Orville Dewey, Mo
ses Stuart and others, (beside me,) huvo spo
ken ol his'deuunciary, unsparing and undis
crimiuatiug course.' Yes, and so tar they
were right. It was the only round purl of all
their wretched arguments, the only thing
II111I held Iheirlullucies together, l'ro-sluve-ry
men have won more converts and silenced
more opponents by perpetually dinning Ibis
world-known litct into people's euis, thun by
all else they ever said. It wus their grand
resource, when every other argument luilud.
But not only the Cluys and the fetuarls did
Ibis; but such men oa Dr. F.llert C'iia.vmmo,
uud hundreds of others, including many of
the colored peoplo themselves, did the sumo,
as I have heard from their ow n bus.
Speaking of his recent speech, Mr. Phil
lips says, 'if my claim is so ludicrously ex
uggcruted, it will only make me a laughing
stock, and so 110 harm be done.' Nut so.
IiM.J.'prablo harm is douo to every good
cause, and especially to all reforms, when
their advocates and champions bring con
tempt upon themselves by their infinite con
ceit, and awaken disgust towards their object
by universal abuse. Ljpeciully in a new
cause, the decornusness of the advocate at
tracts, before his argument convinces.
Conceit, ru bullions and whut tho law culls
'malice against all mankind,' throw the
minds of men into a rcpclhint state. Such
unheard of arrogance, therefore, as signuhzed
Mr. Phillips's lute speech, dixs vast hurni,
not onlv to the cuua. but to all co-workers.
I never beard of but two cases which equal
led bis lute buusliugs. When I was a 1 ma
tee of the Worcester Lunatic Hospital, 1 was
asked lor the news by a paliont who was by
pcrbolically niouomaniuo in the orgnu of
self-estuotn. I told him of a storm that bad
raged along the Atlautio coast, strewing it
with wrecks and dead men. 'Ah, yes' said
he, 'that was the night 1 whistled so ." The ol ti
er case was that of an old king, who snid, 'Is
not this great Babylon that I have built, by
the might of my power and for the honor of
mv majesty ?'
Next : Mr. Phillisi, having npcused me of
jesuuisin, utleiupled lo prove the charge Ay
Jesuitism, and now seeks to fasten that Jes-
unisui 011 me. 1 iiavo no heart to inflict any
severer punishment upon him for this tbnii
lo quote the whole case from my lust letter:
lie fabricates both premises and nnelu
aions. l or example: In mv lust li-nr, I
made a remark, on which Mr. Phillips, In
his last, made a comment. 1 colluto both
(or tho reader's perusal :
Mr. Mann's Remark. Mr.Phillips' Comment.
I had suposed 'This is virtually
that os an oath makas the Jesuits' rule, ihtit
Cud a party to the promises are binding,
transaction, it is bind- not as the parlies lin
ing in thut seuso in dersluud ibein, hut as
which He knows tho lbs promisor secretly
party took it.' intended. That is, 'a
man may swear one
thing, mid mean an
other, and (iud j'isti
. fies him I'
"Now, in my remark, where i there any
vestign or glimmer of 1111 idea about promi
ses not being binding 'as thn parties uiidi-r.
stood them'; or about stent intentions'
governing; or about a man's 'swearing 0110
thing and meaning another'; or about '(iod's
justilying' men li.r lying and peijury?
here, I demand, is them any wink or odor
01 sueli l.n-e ideas? And yet, do not llnse
ideas eompoan tho whole substance of Mr.
Phillips's comment ? A Jesuit pluinly en
ough, but which U he?"
Rut ho can't get a ' defuiito answer' from
nio iu return to 11 constitutional point. Let
him cean his malign attacks 1111011 my char
actor and conduct, and he shall bo welcome
lo Iho best answer I am able lo uivn. I nm
as deeply interested in that question ns he,
and willing lo discuss il with him; for if I
am wrong, I desiro to be convinced, us a
sick, man would desire to bo healed.
Ho says that his ' being n sinner does not
prove mo a saint.' Would that it did; for
then would not my calling and ileclinn be
sure? Not that 1 would have him a sinner
for that purpose; hut if ho is resolved lo he
one, why should I not tako advaiilago of it,
just as ho takes advantage of our 'covenant
wiiti jjnutn and agreement with Hnll,' i0
transact his business under it, whether pub
lic or privato ?
Mr. Phillips occupies Iho next two ct,l.
umns in discussing tho old question w hether
a Free Soilercuu innocently vote, or hold of
fices, Slutu or national. But ho has uot nd
varrcvd a new idea 011 the subject,- Ilu merit.
ly reiterates the old ones, that if Mr. Hale,
ns President, or Mr. Sumner, as Senator,
should nominate or confirm judge or mar
shal, they would be personally responsible
for tho acts which Ihosu offices should do.
This is amazingly loose. If Iho President
appoints a judge, bo is a judge until he iu-
signs, dies, or is siicccsslully impeached.
If tho Senate confirms a marshal, they have
afterwards no more power over him than
they have over tho governor of Canada
Should they nominate or confirm 11 uiun
whom they know, or have reasonable ground
to suspect would execute the Fugitive Slovo
Law, then I admit they would ho guiltv;
but who believes lliat any Free Soiler would
ever do so ? The Cramers oC the Constitu
tion are just as responsible for all the iniqui
ties commuted under it, as any upright
President would he tor honestly oppoiuting
a jtidgo who afterwards should rob jurats
of their prerogatives. A judge is not ap
pointed, nor are appropriations made lo pay
him, thai he may do unconstitutional, but
only constitutional acts. 1 voted Ibr Mr.
Hah), therefore, among other things, that we
might have good appointments. Had ho
needed but one vote lo be elected, Mr. Phil
lips would not havo given that one vote ; but
011 u mere casuistical whim, as it seems to
me, no better than those metaphysical or
mathematical puzzles, which, though Ihey
can lie proved true in one way, can bo prov
ed liilse iu a hundred ways, he would suf
fer tho reign of slavery lo continue forever.
And so he construes my vote, given to get
rid of the atrocities of the Fugitive Slave
Law, as un act of damning immorality.
Nay, be adds,' F.very volur in tho lust dec
tiuu wus responsible lor the election of Pres
ident Pierce, and for all the ordinanj consti
tutional acts lio inny do.' Thai is, lor op
poiiitiug pro-sluvciy governors and pro-slavery
judges lur the now territories! Ho might
just as well suy that Iho Mexican govern
incut is responsible fur shivery and polyga
my in Utah, allur they did all they could lo
111 event its conquest. Yet iu this very letter,
Mr. Phillips affirms that 'government is a
uucessary evil.' Well, can we have 11 gov
ernment without any governors ? But if he
will not vole for any one olliccr whatever,
and consigns to perdition cvory body who
does, where is bis 'necessary' government to
come from? Hour, then, the conclusion of
the whole matter. 1. We must havo a gov
ernment; it is a 'necessary evil,' an ordin
ance of (od, and u fatality of the race
And, 2. Our duty to the slave makes it a
damnable siu to vote fur any officer iu this
What, then, will Mr. Phillips do! Hn will
let others shake the tree of Death, while hu
Slicks up ami eats its fruit! Ilu says he has
nard of a firm composed of a Christian and
a Jow, the Christian keeping shop on Sat
urday, and tho Jew on Sunday. Didn't the
old 'lie tt fabula narratur' come into his
mind when he told tiiis story ? Didn't hu
see that only one point wus wanting lo muku
the anology to bis own case complete ?
Suppose a silent partner, whoso superfine
conscience would uot allow him lo keep shop
Saturday or Sunday ; but who goes to tho
monoy-druwer every Monday morning, ami
quietly ubstracts bis full share of thu profits.
So of bis Connecticut story about tho
Christian family, who kept one uurcgenera'e
son to sell the morally contraband articles
which they manufactured. Surely, thut wus
reasons bin compared with Mr. Phillip's prac
tice. Thrt whole family nit lined suppoil
from thn iinsatietilipil state of hut one mem
ber m il. But here, only n fev dozens of
alHilitionists thrive and grow fit on the soul
itestrnyiug wickedness of moro than three
miili-nis of tmrontv rttd voter... Not one
saci iliced liir many, but lens of thousands
In this connection, Mr. Phillips writes out
si length what be considrrs the meaning ol
my vote nr Air. Hale, last autumn. I hold
the view of thn Connecticut di-rtcnn In In
much more oithodox, who, in 1141, endorsed
Hie following on bis ballot ; 'Oh, Lord! I
bold il lo he iho duty of tho citizen In vote
under Iho eovcrumcut that nrolects him.
But I am in a great strait and agony of
iimm as In the camhdatn I rhmihl support.
Sanctify, Oh Lord, for Iho good of the coun
try, the ballot I now cast, which, on the
whole, I givn for (,'fueral Taylor.'
Belitru pHNinj( to another topic, wish to
vindicate a statement I made, that lor sixty
four J e irs, no Pirsidctit had ever been culled
upnii to do any constitutional act for the re
turn of Cugiiiv.! slaves. Mr. Phillips thinks
thU incorrect, and refers to SIuiiimcIi'm rase.
I had not (iirgot'eli Shadrneh's case, nor the
application of Dr. Collins of (orgia, in
which Mr. Fil.'moro played so scrvilu 11 pin t.
Bui in neither ol' these cases w as there any
exigency thai demanded iiiti-rlerence ; and
John P. Hale would havo burnt nil' his ri(;l.t
hand helbro ho Would hovy doun either of
Ihosu deeds. This is a matter of opinion,
perhaps, and Mr. Phillips has a perfect right
to his. I refer lo it only to t,tatu my tin
of the ques;ion, hecnue I do not mean to
leave u sinyto erroneous rtaleuienl behind
Bui ho nilil-., 'If Mazini sent Kossuth a
letter through tho Austrian mail,' is hn res
ponsible liir .Mf.r.-dud Ihjiian's crimes j
Certainly ho is, on Mr. Phillip' philosophy.
On Mazzini's and mine, not. Tho w hole
thing is in a nutshell. If 11 government is
so wicked thai wn must objure nil connec
tion Willi it, and can do nothing iuatho re
unites! way to uphold it, then na can con
fidently rcrc'uc nolhiin; from il. On the
other bund, if I hom tlv believe that I may
participate iu the righteous duties even of n
government partially had, then I may vote
muter it, or lake oliire under it. But if I
bi lievo that any recognition of it makes inn
II partner in its guilt, then 1 must sepnrure
myself from it by 11 chasm widu as that be
tween heaven and hell.
Bui Mr. Phillips says he has n 'right' lo
his ' property.' I admit this, in its fullest
sense. But the question lit' re is not oiie ol
ri'g'ds, but of duties. What rlMs will his
duties permit him lo enjoy ? Not 'o"h',"t!inf
comes from 'n covenant with death and 1111
agreement with hell.' Not one, that comes
from what Mr. Phillips ciiIIh, in this very hit
ler, 'a magnificent conspiracy ngnitisl jiintire.'
Not one, that comes lioin voluntary paying
tho captain of a gang of horse-thieves,' ns
he says again. But he exonerates himself
li 0111 guilt, in pitying laves for the support
of our government, because ho muM pay
tnvesor 'starve'! Starve, then, ami save your
But, secondly, he argues that Im may ns
well sit down and writo his chrj-k on the
haul;, nud give it to tho tux collector, ns to
rcltise, a nd havo his property distrained,
especially ns that might incur soma half per
cunt, sdditionnl for costs. The Quaker mid
Non couliirn.i-ts did not think so. Not n
volition if theiii went into the public treas
ury. But Mr. Phillips compromises to :un
the half per rent., uud in thu samo moment
exclaims, 'Compromise is the Ainm iciri
But again, Mr. Phillips pays under duress!
low duress? Because, 'Suppose I refuse,
government lakes my house, sells it, anil
lakes the money.' And so this sanctifies his
paying money to carry back Thomas Sims.
Well, if half per cent, nudilioiud liir costs
constitutes duress, and thus takes off tho
guilt from Mr. Phillips's soul, wby cannot I
get absolution at tho same shrine? This
uthciwise glorious sun of American Repub
licanism, rising for tho healing of iho na
tions, with but uiio final spot on its resplend
ent disk, shall I strike it down and leave iho
world in darkness? llieso children of thn
State, . llieso matrons, these schools, and
churches, and glorious charities ntnl philan
thropies, nil organized and ut work, shall
I consign them 10 tho murderer, the ravisher,
thu incendiary and tho Vandal, or else vote?
and is not this as plausible a case of du
ress, to any but a soul ull damned into sel
fishness and egotism, as tho saving of his
house, uud half per cent. Ibr costs?
But what id Mr. Phillips's remedy for n
government under which it is so wicked to
vote? Rhfuso lo join in it,' and then oth
ers, seeing our sacrifice, " light will spread."
1. ' It-fuse to join it.' And yet, it is with
in hounds to say, that if nil iho points 111
which a man run join in 0 government
wero counted out and set down, Mr. Phillips
joins in thousands where he rcnu-cs to join
III one. Against post-ollices, rnpy-righis,
patent laws, ciHtoui-housos, light-houses,
roads, schools, churches, colleges, courts,
against the rciigious society 10 which hu
may belong, and the t tuck company in which
ho uniy im eel, I, has n Per Contra of two
items only, refusing; lo voto and to be voted
for. Ho petitions school committees, city
government, Stale government, I nited Status
gonrnmrni, while he pronounces Iho verv
net of bidding office, and being tho subjects
11C petition, to bo n sin. From the day whc.11
his body was hi ought into tho world by a
licensed niidnilc, till the last anxious prayer
iu said over him by a priest eanonically and
legally ordained; and ho is laid in muling
any col I'm thut lias paid eustomhouse dutits,
carried on a licurso hired of a lady politic,
and deposited in incorporated .Mount Auburn,
during all this period fro 11 birth 10 mar
riage, nud from inaniugo lo death, he lives,
moves and bus his U'ing, under tho law,
iituler n government, uuy complicity with
which is death and hell. From his genesis
to bi vxodus, he si is down ut thu common
b inquet of life, eats more unclean things
than were prohibited ,y the Mosaic code,
drinks 1 f rvery CiYcphii cup that govern
ment mingles, and wl I'm lie consigns hi
tiiblc-cniiipanious 10 perdition for their In-diligence,-expects
to go to, heaven himself
on 'Total Almiinenre.' In this hell' of
government, be washes and conks by the
cmnmoii fi.c.-.mly insisting all the lima
thai he will stand back far enough behind
tboo who stir il up and keep it going, to
esc ipo being personally singed.
ii. If Mr. I'irillips abjures the government
in two way, while ho mingles with it ami
uphold it in len thousand others, seeing his
'sacritlre,' such 'sacrfirts' as walking by
day nnd sleeping I y night, under the pro.
lection of the government, being educated
nt its public school-, and at Ilu van I College,
inheriting patrimonii', having order instead
of violence in ,is lo-iihhothnod, nnd mar
riagn instead of cnu'-nhiuago in bis house,
others seeing these itumctisti 'sacrifices,' '
' I IOMT Wll.l. STRE tn.' This kind of light
has been spreading for twenty years, and
with what result? In other words, bow
many nr.n-votrrs has Mr. Phillips 011 bis list?
How many can ho ever expect to hnve,
while bn exhibits the ridiculous and perverse
speclnchi of maintaining that men who ar
legal voters shall not vote ; but that women
wlio are not legal voters shall be made so?
Mr. Phillips's ide i of escaping responsi
bility, merely because he abstains from sufl
rajro, u bile h" does every thing else, is like
thai of J dm Caphail iu iho ' Rrscuo Tlials.'
' (ue.i'i(t:i by Counsel. in theso cases of
private- flogging, do you inquire into the
ciivuinslahccs, n si u what tho fault has
been, or if Ibeie Ins been nny ?'
'.?ii.tirrr by Cap!uirl.'VUa' liolio of my
bu-incss; I dons I nm requested. The
master is responsible.
I get all tho good I enn out of the govern,
menl, says Mr. Phillips. When Hie lox.
galbeier conies, ' I do us I am requested.'
Tho government is ' responsible.'
Tin: truth ii clear. On my theory, on
the Free Suiters' theory, the path of duty
is plain, li' came govt rnmiiit is a 'neces
sity,' wn t.iko part iu those departments of il
which itiKilve no violation of Iho 'Higher
Law.' But Mr. Phillips's theory, whilo it
professes the greatest abstract holiness, ne
cessitates the greatest practical gui!i. 1 (
not now mean guilt of motive, but wrong in
action, a distinction I shall dwell upon be
low. He soars above t!m earth; ho will nol
cnnlnininate hunt-elf with any ol it impuri
ties; he will hrenlheonly the pure clhcr of lbs
empyrean; he holds himself fir nlolt by
that 'golden, evi-rhislitig chain ' which Ilu.
rrrr-says was h i down h Imnven by the
Sire ol gods and men. But, alas! while
suspended lit this perilous height, if be re
linquishes his buhl lo clutch even nt one of
the good things which government bestows,
in brieler lime- than while my pen makes
this .lash, .Mr. Phillips is in tho bottom
But if I inn wrong in slicing, that dope
not make Mr. Maim right iu voting, says be.
It is ununing that Mr. PhilU.is does not set.
th it white he judges and condemns me on his
tlfoni, he di It nils Himself on laiiic. He ar
niigns n 1 -j un the 'siill'ia-e qocstiuu.' I re
ply : linvi rnuiciit is 11 uci cssiiy, nud our
government, on the whole, a great good.
uniej'ii him, on his 'death and hell' defini
tion of it. lie replies: (government is a
' necessary evil.' Why should not 1 enjoy
lis advantages as well as you ?
Mr. I'hillips thinks hu bus detectrd me in
an incoiisislchry, because I once spoke of
iho ilccif ious . the fiiipreme Court ns the
law of Iho land ' until set aside,' and nt an
other time, said that the Court hud given
'an noihoi native decision,' whilo I now hold
thai tho Concies.-ional oath does not bind
mo to an implicit obedience to Iho decision
of that tribunal. O.i Iho whole, perhaps.
Mr. Phillips makes about iho proper number
of distinctions; but thu tumble is, he makes
them where I hero is tin dillereiice, but fail
to make them where there is. Both my po
sitions tire entirely satisfied by lha obvious
diHtinciinn Dial, os mem cinzens, wo are
subordinate, (except in cases of conscience)
to the Supreme, Conn; hut -as meiidicrs
composing Ihe Congress of lh ('nited States,
wo urn ro ordinate w ith that body, and in a
largo class of cases may even act the decis
ions of that Court usidu us wu did in one
instance last w inter.
Mr. Phillips knows of 110 opinion of Gen.
Jackson which would cover Iho ground I
look in my last letter, on this subject of Co
ordinate utiihuiiiy. In tho sentence next
preceding the quoiaiioii J inadu from his
Veto Mcssiigi! nl itl'&i, is such an opinion.
But Mr. Wcbricr's opinion, which hu rulers
to, dues uot touch ihe rasu of a coordinate
branch of ihe government.
Bui I must leave many points untouched,
in order to say n few words, at the close, on
that 'round uud lop' of bis absurdities ami
sophisms, hid deleiice of himself for peli
tioiiiug the coming Convention to make wo
men voters, and tinvc mors, Senators' and
other office-holders, too, for his prayer in
cludes this. Ilia propositions, ti.ken conse
cutively, uro in fitihsiuncc ibet-o:
1. ' Tho voter, being in no mo Stntes under
nil express, uud 111 all, under un Implied oath
to thn (aiiistiluii 111, is legal'y bound lo help
cnteh fugitive slaves, il' required to do so by
a Marshal.' Sit his Utter of Murth HI.
'J. ' (.'uiitlciucii of Ihe Convention, 1 pray
you to make women legal voters, and legul
ciinuuiaies tor (mice, so ns 10 nring mem
under 1111 cxprc or Implied oath to help
.Marshals cutch fugitive slaves, whenever ao
required lo do ; this being a measure of vi
lal unpoiiuiicu to the wellare and progress of
the Siute, uud one of ihe most important of
civil reforms. And as iu duly bound will
ever pray. Signed, ' Wendell Phillips,' and
others, ."site ,1fr. Phillips's Petition' in th
LiUnttor of March 4, If e, with requests that
the ltitions, when fitted, may all be sent to
II. 'When women obtain this right to vol
ml to hold uft'ua, 1 ahull immediately argue