Newspaper Page Text
THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.
VOL.8
a ) long a wn rouM do so without twing
practically understood, nml tlmt il we reins-
d to exercise, we committed n great wrong
to ourselves ninl to onr neighbor. To t It if it
wns nindo answer, thnt the publication ot
trulli is the grontt st ngency in Ilia world)
tltnt Jems ninl Ilia Annates liml tlto tongue
alone, (lint Luther lint! tin ballot. All this
was very trite ; lint it remained trim nlso.thnt
in nil practical reforms, there Was n pro-
Kressive movement from the rrn of spending. ;
to the cm of doing. It wns very well to re-
sort to the tongue nt first hut when wc hnve ,
goi inline ojiuiimi mi our sine, wo wunicii
illlia nmnni lit! IA ltir.li llmt nliininn lintl .in tm '
into lnv, nml to we go to the ballot-box, I
'Rut the friend nu Hio opposite side snid
No ! you must put thnt ngency nwny,'
They throw us hack upon the toiiguo nlone.
The tongue nlone. would never eniiineipnti)
the slaves nt the Smith. Tho tongue might
wng forever, nml nil tn no ptni.ose: lint the j
nine iiiiisi come nun u mil conic wuen
the opinion of men mud find its wny into
deeds. And now he nuked to he shown w hy
it wns thnt he wns to he denied the use of n
power for that purpose which he found in
his hnnds, nnd which wns rightfully there?
Again, it snid llmt wo hnd come out from
the Whig pnrty, the Dcmni-rntiri party, nnd
the Church, nnd now it is time to come nut
from the Slate. It seemed to him thnt Ihere
wns a wide ilifi'orcnee here. The purlieu
were purely Voluntarily nnd tempornry in
their diameter made liir convenience nhine:
they imply tin power whatsoever give, noiio
lake none. Tint ('lunch, it seemed to diui,
wns of tlmt character j mi org.ini. ttioit tlmt
we need npply not liir nny powers which wo
exercise luuler it, hut simply for the tiiornl
iiillueiice it cm exert. If lie found that llmt
morn I organization wns lalse to its trust, it
wns his duly to separate himself from it. If
lie found thnt the Whig party or the Demo
crntic pnrty did not carry out his principles,
lie should separate from it, nnd seek Noma
other organization, wild which he could net.
Jlut the State was n vety different thing,
Tho State wns nn organization w hich pro
vided u form fiirtho exercise of powers which
wo hnd a right to exercise, nnd in separating
ourselves from the State, wo cripple our
selves; wo cut ofl" our own hands ; wo lunvo
ourselves no faculty hut lint of speech.
The question with him was, H id hu a right j
IU llijr lltinu una nii- in tnu 111:1 Ul lll-JII
whom he knew would iitiue it ?
If, then, there was such n distinction ns he
Imd set lin ill if, hy tolerating, under protest,
n man in certain position, he elcnreildiiiiiseli'
Iioiii nil uuilt iittnclicd tn Hint position
then he was light mid no hlaino nttiiehed to
him. If he tolerated him, muter protest, for
tho express purpose of putting an end to Hie
wrong, ho oheyed his own conscience ;
where wns the wrong ? That was his ques-
lion, now nnd iiIhms,
Tho Constitution did not create the evil,
nut only ogrcuil, lor n curtain tune to tolerate
it; while it put within our hands the very
menus for putting it nwny. Hu meant to
comply with the spoil of that Constitution,
lie was willing, under n protest which no
man could misiindcrsliitid, lo pass hy the et ils
which hclong to tho Constitution, ciitliui !
them ofl" Iioiii himself; nud he did il for tho '
rxpress reason that hu suw his shortest way i
of putting nu end to them hy pursuing litis
Where was I lie wroui;? Vet his .
friends, in ohcdiencu to whnt hu deemed n
of coii.ociiiuce, refused lo use iho j
power in llieir hand.". Jf iho day should :
come when tin) vnto of Nortlieru free-
men might set tho slaves free, nnd his li iemls
still held tho position ihcy now no, !
nud sny; 'No! No! 1 shall ho iitulcistoud lo
imply consent to Slavery' might not every
sSnve nt tho South rise up nud say, 'Our'
blood he on your garments. (Cheers.)
C. C. lJiirleigh, snid, thut with tho lorce of i
logic nud ll e force of mnrnl sentiment which I
his friend Imd miuiilested, he only needed lo j
discover one flaw in his premises, in order to .
stnnil s'nlu hy side with them on the ground j
of 'no Union with slaveholders.' Il seemed
In him that Hie erroneous conclusion to w hieh '
fiieiid came was iillrihulahle to his waul
appreciation of the ililHnclico helweeii
government, an artificial thing, madu hy man, '
society, a natural outgrowth of human i
nature. It seemed In him Hint he (.Mr. W.)
confounded the distinction helweeii the right
lo vote in tho maimer prcfcnhcil hy Hie Con- I
motion, nnd the rL-ht lo express hisoiiiiiiui:s
aiul exert Ins iiillueiice, in a natural way, on
every suhjecl which concerns human wellare.
Ju his mind, iheio was n luoaderiiud clearer
distinction lictueen these two Hiings thnn
lielwepu IIIIIH lllilors M-lnch lii. Ii-li-ml liml
I...I.I i, .lij,;,.,.. li.. u it i . i ... I
r " -.) 1.. I.I. ii hi.
the outset that man had u natural right lo
vofc, using Hint word in its technical sense ;
using il in its hrotidcr sense, he mluiitied that '
every I nan hud a right lo vote ; uud in that
sense, no mure tlK-ctive vote is ever cnsl, in
its bearing upon the politics uud religion of i
nation, that which wns cast upon that '
platform, Iioiii lips denouncing the Consiilu-
lion which gives lolernnce to Shivery, ile-1
nonncing the govci nmeiil which makes itself
the engine of oppression lo ihrco millions of
vur fellow countrymen. Indeed, he did not I
see the perlect ennsistency of the precedinir
speuker, for at one time he told him that his
right to vote nt tho hallot box was not de
rived from the Constitution, that it belonged
to him ns n man, us a memlier of Hie social
organization belongs to him us one capable
ui iiiiiiciicuiK nun oi iieuig miluenceil ; nml
then he told him thnt he (Mr. il.) was guilty
of a dereliction of duly because he did not
go to the pulls nud vote muter n Constitution
wnicn, wiiiim it iiiiernleil some evil, gives
Iiitil a power which he miuht use for removal
of that evil. Ilo believed liml he (Mr. W.)
stated the exact iniili in regard tn t ie
source of the power which he conceived hu
Imd to use the ballot-box, or which hu can
have, while the Constitution is recognized us
the bond of our political organization.
The government was based upon a far dif
ferent ground Iioiii Hint upon which the fur
ncr speaker would place il. No mull can bo
a party to any government unless he con
Dents lo tho conditions which the government
iirescnut. It he lives under nu absolute
monarchy, he cnnnol gel any ollicial station,
or nny iHiliiicnl power at ull, unless he w ill
conform lo tho condition piescriU d by iho
will ol the absolute monarch. If hu lives in
our uinny-heuded desjmlisin, which wo cnll
Democracy (leaving out the on), ho is bound
lo conform to the conditions which lliu niu
joriiy ofthe opl prescribe, in the form
which they have chosen ; and ho gels no po
litical power, rightfully, legally uud consiilu.
Iionnlly, iu nny oilier wuy.
They hnd to deal with His thing just ns it
was. The Constitution say you shall not
xercis any io sets which belong to this
:
'
I
;
i
!
ject ( hut it might he Hint he ngreed with
Thomas I'.aile, tlmt it is perfectly consistent
for mi Ami Slavery mini to go into the lius
course. inew of shivo-cnlchiiig, in n certain case, for
the sake of securing nml using political pnw
pcccaihllo erngaiust Shivery. As he had not come lo
the coiiviclion thai hecould tolerate anil pro
tver tect the sliiveholilnr so liir, even liir the sake
of ollice, he could not consent to he repre
should sented iu tho Presidency, or tho Senate
Chniiiher, or the House of Representatives,
hy men who occupied Hint position.
Ho did not say that Mr. Hale dots regard
the matter in Hint light; hut could any man
sny he did noli Could nny mail say he wns
confident that Mr. Hale, or (jiilding-i, or
Sumner, or Chnse, or nny Free Soil man in
Congress, would not, upon clear satisfaction
given to n jury of twelve men, here in old
Massachusetts, that n person claimed ns n
fugitive actually did run nwny from the slave
his holder, who held him nf cording to the slat
of lite honk of n Southern State did iiuv iimii
know thai either of these distinguished geu
und tleiuen would refuse to give up that mini, hy
State notion or hy Home sort of nciion, to the
pursuing claimant? Ho thought there was
no one ihere who could say il. These men,
il was well known, w ere strenuous forsecur-
Did nut Mr. Sumner, in thnt grent nnd
eloquent speech of his, know thnt his renders
would understand him, when ho did not i la
thi uy the obligation of the Slate to givo up the
innnwny slave, ns admitting thnt such n right
does exist ? All these men Imd nduiiiied,
that if the proof ho iniiile clear lo the minds
of a iurv of twelve men. Hint if u fuuitivo
government unless yon conform to Its con-'
(luions. lint llm friend hail mud not in ,
these words, lint, resolved into its elements, ;
this wns whnt lie snid ' I hnvn a right to
frnvern yon w hether you nra willing or Hot.
I hnve n right to do nil I rnn to he your
President, although yo.i utterly repiidinte my ,
sentiment.' Ilo could not ndniit nny sneh
principle. No one could rightfully do this '
his consent. There wss no such :
thing ns frueiloni nmnnir n nennle where the !
minority lind the right to sny who should he
the ruler, without liny regnrd to the consent
or the dissent of the minority. Wiien
came together, therefore, in this oovernineii
tnl organization which is the artificial thing j
""" ii society i inn enrun upon cerium '
plainly expressed conditions; nnd one. of
these wns, thnt every party tn thnt govern- I
tiieut ahull swenr In support, directly or indi-!
rectty, n Constitution which reipnres the giv- !
log up of runaway slaves to llieir mnsteis I
o Constitution which requires the recognition '
the right of the slnvu Slates to n repre- i
srnlatioti Imsed on slave-property nud so
through the whole rnnije of the pro-sluv- i
ery compromises of the Constitution.
It seemed to linn, nfler nil, Hint there wns j
some little douht ns to w hether thev could.
hy remiiiniug tn the government, cfliict more
good Ihun hy witlnlrawiiig from it nnd litter
ing their testimony iigainsl it. I'ntil, there
fine, his friend had established his theory
of government, not merely ns n henuliful
iiicnl, which ought to he put in practice, hut
one that is recognized in this country, it
seemed lo him that his conclusion stood
solely upon this basis in order to do n
great right, do n little wrong; or, nt least,
promise to do it, without meaning to keep
the promise.
His friend had snid in the . couise of his
argument, thnt there wns no danger of be
ing misunderstood on this matter. Their
posiiiou was clenr nud wcll-ilulincd enough,
lie (Air. It.) would venture to say llmt if he
( Mr. W.) were to go through (lie ranks of the
Free Soil pnrlv, mid nsk its memhers, limn
hy nan, lo define tho position of John I'.
Hale, or Salmon I'. Chase or Chnrlcs Sum
ner, on Hie. character of the (institution, he
would he satisfied Hint the case wns not quite
so ch ar ns he had supposed. Ho would ven
ture tn sny Hint ho (.Mr. W.) would not get
less than half lis many distinct answers thnn
lie would nihhess individuals.
We wanted something specific on this
point, hut his friend had dealt only in geu
eralilies. John I'. Hale is decidedly Ami
Slavery in his feelings; Charles Sunnier
nliogeihernii the side of Freedom and against
Slavery. He supposed iinhody doiihted it ;
hut that did not loiich the question at issue,
I In rememhered Hint some years ngn, the
l.ihetty I'arly nominated ns n cniidiilale for
ollice 11 man who hnd made more saciiliee to
the cnuso of freedom than Mr. Ilalu mid Mr.
Sunnier together; nnd yet that man lohl him,
in conversation, Hint hu would not only prou
n-e to give hack n runaway slave to his mas
ter, if he could iherehy get political power,
inn ne woiiiii Rerp lite promise, lor the sake
of securing n place where he could exercise
political power. Iow,he ilnl not know what
John I. Hale's sentiments were on this suh
lug Hie right ot trial liy jury, lor alleged
runaway slaves, lint why should lliey nslc
fiir n jury trial to settle the question of own
ership, if their decision was not to ho exe
cuted? was the sheerrst mockery to call
Iho jury together in such a case. Tho con
troversy of iheso gentlemen was not so much
with the net of reluming the lugitive, ns with
tho mode of duing it.
was lega'lly held us ll slave, under the pro vis-
inns of the Constitution, nnd escaped without
his master's consent, then the slave must he
given up. Lei their friend keep this distinc
tion clearly in his mind, between a general
opposition to shivery, nud n specific determi
nation to do no tingle net w hatever which is
seen to hnve n bearing towards slavery.
His fiiend hnd said that he deems it ex
ceedingly important lo use this power, and
' not hu withheld Iioiii its exercise by nny nice
scruples ul conscience, or ony mere punc
tilios of duly, because, in no other way can
we embody Iho anti-slnvery opinion of Hie
country into will and ucl. Here he dissented.
Hu believed thnt slavery would hu abolished
in Ibis country long before the Constitution
was nnti-sUvery ; llmt whereas, '.he pro-slavery
character of the Constitution wns not
the cniisti but iho effect of slavery, so the
triumph of anti-slavery will not hu the e licet
but the ciiitsu of a revolution in the Constitu
tion ideo. Tho power ol the nuti-shivery
niiiintiou was such ns to make the downfall
of slavery morally certain, unless some other
i prop cuuld he put under it other than Hint
i which the Constitution gives it. John C.
Calhoun, though hu claimed, us the constitu
tional powers of slavery, some things which
the North does not concede, he clearly line
saw Ihe surrender nud downhill of slavery,
under Ihe force of that moral ngitnlion which
hns shaken lite four corners of the land by
the power of speech.
Now, llmt was his (Mr. H.'s) fuilh. He
fully agreed with John C. Calhoun, that the
Constitution, pro-slavery a it is, cnnnol save
slavery from destruction; thnt the power
which is bearing ngninst slavery is mightier,
I
His friend Imd said tlmt It was eery man'
ilnty to vote, because Iherehy he could do
something for the overthrow of slavery, nntl
suid, siipinse. we get the public seit'nimnt on
onr side, there is still the lnw ngninst lis.
lint whnt whs thejnw ngumst the ptihlic npin
without ion ofthe linul ? When ih tllllilin .enlimmll
cheers ;) Ihun they would ree Hint ills vain
liir judge or legislator to nttempt in keep n
slave in his chains against the fiat of that pub
of lie sentiment which says, 'Stand flint in the
liherty which tJod designs to give you,' (Ap
on pliiimc.)
His Irieml had ninde n supposition, llmt the
not only tlinn nny thing in the Constitution,
tint militier tlitto anything which John C.
Ciillinnn cnnld lint into it,
liml come in U di iiv..lu ,..! ..r...il
the side of freedom, when they hnd men
everywhere who stood up to the line,' No
'iwiilioo Willi OIIIT17I , U IMIIUII TTIIII
l I.. I I .1 .. . .1 .
nl M ll..:.... ..,:.i.
mnvriMiiucrs, men tney wuniit see mm inn
Constitution, if they nttemptcd lo wreath it
rouim mo iiiiuis oi mo slave was weniter
than a rope of snnd, nud the Fugitive Slnve
I.nw more powerless thnn the rust which
crumbled to lino powder last year; (Loud
rnn Us ol Hie disunion nhnlilinmstt should in-
crease until they were in the majority, nnd
then naked how they would answer liir il, if
the lime having come when their voles would
give liberty lo the slave, they refrained fioui
exercising their right, nnd lelt the slave in
the hands of those who would iiiuko his bur
dens henvier than heliire f If the time ever
enme thai fire Wns kindled among tho ice
bergs of Greenland and consumed them,
without destroying every thing within its
reach; if the lime ever comes when Hie
heaving gases shall hurst from the volcano's
throat, nud pour no red lido upon Hie towns
nud cities below whnt then ? Why I hen llie
laws of uiiluro would he reversed. (Laugh
ter nud applause. And so, if Hie lime ever
Came, that n vote cast into Hie ballot-box
would hu the turning weight between liberty
nud slavery, then the laws of mind would
have been reversed, mid the laws of mural
nciion heeouiu altogether different from w hat
they now nre.
Jlut suppose they had n majority of the
people on their side, mid yet the pro-slavery
Consliiiiiion mid the pro-slavery laws re
mainedwhat then ? This majority would
he made up of precisely those elements
which are Hie mustelleclive the young m m,
just entering upon the duties nnd responsi
bilities of maiiliooil the women, from the
gii I nt tho district school up lo the matron,
watching by ltl future rulers of the laud.
Tho politicians, ns Ihcy well know, who
were busy Willi Iho machinery of publics,
with its chicanery, nud quibbles uud quirks
would ho the last persons to come into the
nnti slavery ranks. Well, there wns n mini
who refused lo he u slave, uud walked off
into lliu lice S'atu lying nearest to him.
How were they gning lo gel him hack ? It
look rather more than llm ordinary force of
(ho city of Huston, ho believed, In lake poor
Thomas Sims out of tho city ns a slave ; nud
yet, how very small a number of the citizens
stood upon thorough nnti-sl ivory ground !
Had thoru been one full-grown man mil of
twenty iu Hie city of IJ istiiu, nt that time,
they couhl no more hnve taken Thomas
Sims hack lo Georgia than 1 1 icy could have
moved Wuchuscl under Dismal Swamp.
Nay, not so much ; for Iho latter is Migsihle,
though not probable; but Ihe firmer is nei
ther probable nor possible. (Cheers.)
Ilo had, however, been proceeding upon a
proposition utterly impossible ever to ho re
alized. Men were not converted to Ihe true
filth nt once. As the nnti slavery lailh was
held up lo the highest point of elevation, il
would draw nil men unto it. Sumo would
conio the whole way, some half way, some
quarter of the way G.-rrit Suiilh, John P.
Hale, Charles Sumner lending them on.
Iu conclusion, Mr. ISurlcigh said he wished
to sny a few words iu reierence to a point
which had been commented upuu by some of
Ihe preceding speakers, the position of men
in Congress who claimed to hu truly uud de
cidedly nnti slavery. Olio of two things, il
seeiud lo him, must be true: either the Con
stitution did tolerate slavery, did givti the
guarantees to Ihe sluve system which il was
claimed that it did, or timt Congress is no
Congress at all. If it were trim Hint lliu
Constitution was thoroughly auti-slavery, if
il were true that slavelioldiug was n violation
of the law of the land in plain English was
crime then every slaveholder, under a iusl
administration of that law, would bo liable
to hu sent lo the Penitentiary, rather than to
Congress. He would not venture to say iu
which placu he thought ho would meet the
more ruspectnhh) company ul present (laugh
ter nnd cheers;) hut his political position and
influence might difler somewhat with ihe
diflureiice of his circumstances. If this the
ory is the correct one, the so-culled Congress
wns no morn n Congress than any assembly
of bar-room loafers, nodding over glasses of
whiskey or brandy; nnd every man who
went there heenme a puny ton monstrous lis
When Gerril Smith cues tin to Conirress, he
goes to become a member of a body which,
on his own theory, has no existence ; nud re
cognizes ns memhers ol Hint body a clique ol
irresponsible men, who have no right lo leg
islatn fortheir country, mid hy whose nets the
country is no more hound than Hie Statu of
Pennsylvania would be hound by a vote that
should he passed by thnt meeting.
His I'rieiid tins snid liml wo miulil tolerate
some things which we did not rucouuizo as
right i that n representative in Congress
might tolerate the presence of those Hiere
who were Hie representatives of slaves, with
the express understanding that us soon ns he
could ho would thrust them out. Let him
say Hint lo the olltcer appointed lo udtuiuis
Ihe oath, nud see if he would hnve nn oppor
tunity to Hike iho onth I He would have no
right lo udinimster it, under such eirciun
Blancrs. II his Irieml could do ibis, und
loiernio ine legislation or a body of men
claiining to bo ihe Congress of ilia United
Dim, nun connive lo recognize that as
binding on us, then he was carrying tolera
tion to an extent where ' forbearance coused
lo ne a virtue,' il it has not become some
thing of a very ibfTurent character. No mini
hnd a right to tolerate a class of lllHll nu leg
islator who hnd not the least shadow of nu.
Ihority lo occupy legislative positions.' It
was a toleration dual to ihe very principles
VI I'UIIIIUUI IIUCIIUIU.
Ile came, then, to this conclusion i (TJov
eminent was artificial, nml our right to takd
any part in it results from a compact and
that compact based upon conditions, if con
ditions were prescribed. . As mailer of
tuct, llie conditions prescribed by this gov
ernment were a certain measure ofsdherence
wun, anu aw.io tm slave system. Therefore,
as he, end those who believed with him
could not accept those favors which govern
ment proposed to grnnt on these conditions,
they adopted llie motto, ' No Union with
slaveholders,' turned from the hnllol-hox, anil
gave their votes there in the ears nf the peo-
I de, nnd shroud through Ilia land in the pub
icnliona of the press.
Stephen S. Foster, Snmuel B. Ulnckwell,
and W. L. Garrison continued the niscussion.
Wendell Phillips, Lucy Slone, Parker rills-
bury, John C. dure, and other were among
the speakers at tha subsequent sessions,
dditinnal resolutions were also adopter).
ljc QVnti-SIaucru Bugle.
SALEM, OHIO, JUNE 11, 1863.
Exbcutivb Committi meets July 2.
What the Church is Doing.
Tho reipectnbility and piety of the'eountry
hM recently had Its annual convocations in this
country. We hnve watched them carefully tn
tcs what they were doing for humanity. They
hove givon their annual contributions to the
llihlc, the tract, and tho missionary Societies.
But In doing this thpy have ignored tho
c'i of the slave. They have Ihithcd tha
mint and annis and cummin," but havs omit
ted the weightier matters of justice end hu
manity. Ono of their most marked acts, one
tlmt will make somo figure in history, If Inlamy
shall hereafter be worthy of record, was their
insolent repulse of ono half of the race. In the
pure and peaceful cfTort to redeem tho world
from intemperance. It will lis marked and rs
rrmcmbcrod, too, that they oid it in a style wor
thy tho supportcri of a system of woman whip
ping and of tho wholesale system of southern
prostitution, and In language befitting tha fre
quenters nf the brothel or tho slavo pen.
Same of tho ecclesiastical organizations, pro
per, havs also open in session, and rinvo been
most appropriately employed, rapccLlly tho
rivul hunkers of tho Proshytcrian church. The
Old School in Philadelphia, and the New
School in Buffalo. This latter body psaicd
resolutions in favor of colonization recom
mending its agents to the benevolence of its
church, expressing its sinccro regret that France
and llrazil, Kngland, Prussia and Belgium, are
before, us, In recognizing tho independence of
Liberia.
On the Important subject of dancing, they
bear tho following teuiinony :
lteaolvcd, Thnt the fashionable amusement
of promiscuous dancing is so entirely unscrip
turnl and eminently and exclusively that of the
world which licth In wickedness," and so
wholly inconsittort with the spirit of Christ,
and with that propriety of Christian deportment
and that purity of heart which his followers
are bound to maintain, as to render it not only
unprnper ana injurious for professing Christians
ier to partake In It. or qualify their children
for it by toaching them the art ; but also to call
fir the faithful and judicious exerciso of dici-
plino on the part of church sessions, wl.cn sny
of the members of their churches have been
guilty. "
On tho subjects of colonization and dnncing
there seems to have been the utmost harmony.
Hut on tho question of a man's marrying his
own niece, there was some diversity. ' Dr. Cox
cportcd that God had not forbidden tho rela
tion, but finally, after some discussion, and a
pretty decided expression of the popular press
in regard to this incestious relation, they ex
pressed their condemnation .of it. The great
agitating question, also, did they not escape.
'Ihe discusiion was conducted with much
warmth was once gagged down, but finally
w ith threats of disunion from both North and
South, it was revived, and resulted in the fol
lowing report l
I. That this body shall reaffirm the doctrino
ol the second resolution adopted by tha Gen
eral Assembly, convened in Detroit in 18 jO;
and
it; mat wun an express oisavowal of any
Intention to be impertinently inquisitorial, and
for the solo purpose of arriving at tho truth, so
to correct misapprehension and allay all
causeless irritation, committee be appointed
of ono from each of the synods of Kentucky,
Tennessee, Missouri, and Virginia, who shall
be requested to report to the next Conor al As,
sembly on tho following points I
1. The number of slaveholders in connec
tion with tho churches, and the number of
slaves held by them ;
2. Tho extent to which slaves are held from
an unavoidable necessity imposed by the laws
of the states, the obligations of guardianship
and the demands of humanity.
8. Whethor tho southern churches regard the
sscredness of tho marriage relation as it exists
smong the slaves ; whethor baptism is only ad
ministered to tho children of the slaves pro'et
sing Christianity j and in general, to what ex
tent and in what manner provision is mads for
the religious well-being of the enslaved.
III. That this assombly do earnestly exhort
and beseech all those in our church who are
happily relieved from any personal connection
with tho Institution of slavery, to exorcise due
patience and forbearance toward their brethren
less fortunate than themselves, remembering
the ombarratmont nf their peculiar position,and
to oucriih for . them that fraternal Confidence
and lovo to which, as Christian brethren, they
are entitled, and which they are the more in
need in consequence of the peculiar trial by
which they are surrounded.
The following is the resolution adopted at
Detroit, which is refcred to in the above re
port i
" Resolved, That tha holding of our Isllow
men in tha condition of slaver, except in those
eases where it is unavoidable by the laws of
the state, the obligations of guardianship or the
demands of humanity, ia an offsnoe in the
proper import of that term as used in the Book
of Dlcipline, chap. 1, sec. t, and should be re
gsrried and treated in tha same manner a other
offences."
It gives, aa oar readers will see, all the li
cence that any Presbyterian can ask for slave
holding and church-fellowship.
We ought to stste that the Assembly also
resolved Mist ehuroh members must not trsvel
osj Sunday except tn snd from church, or on
some errsnd of necessity. In the Tribune
which hss just come to hand, we find the fol
lowing comment upon this action of the As
sembly I
" Here la no general foray on all Slavehold
ers ss transgressors nor on Slsveholding as ne
cessarily sinful. The inquiries proposed looked,
not to the extinction of Slsveholding in the
Church, but rsther to the correction of alleged
abuses and ths conformation of Its details to
Ihe acknowledged and undeniablo principles of
Christisn morality and Christian duty. Tho
Report is apologetic and Slothing with regnrd
to Christian 8lavchnlding, which is not, like
Christian Sabbath-brenking and Christian Dan
cing, denounced without qualification or cir
cumlocution as and evil, but rather Indicated a
tending to evil and proffering temptation to
abuse. Surely, a Church which provides against
the very anomalous case of a man's marrying
his nioce has a right to inquire whether its
members sell each other Into tho merciless
clutches nf Lewdness, and break their marriugo
unions as if they were ths causual association
of cattle. And as till i Inquiry into Southern
Presbyterian worship must nccesssrily be en
trusted to ihoso most interested in whitening
the outside nf tho scpulchcr, there could bo no
rations! doubt thnt tho IUpnrt would be as ap
pologctic and varnishing as truth could possibly
allow.
We cannot believe, then, that the Southern
Presbyterians will bo so msludroit as to plead
guilty to this tcndcl arraignment by seceding
from the Assembly. They can do a great deal
better, hy acceding to the proposed iniquirics snd
so conducting them that they will amount to no
thing, or provo that the worst abuses of Slavery
receive no countenance from and reflect no dis
credit upon the New School Presbyterians nf the
South. And this, wo presume, will be the
course, on reflection, adopted.
Important Announcement.
The announcement of Mr. Pillshury will
make thousands of freedom-loving hearts in the
West, " leap for joy," in response lo his own.
Reports (rnm every quarter moko it sure that,
never in the West, at least, were there as many
listening cars, or as many hearts waiting for
the truth, ss now. To meet this exigency, the
Ex. Committee of tho Western Anti-slavery
Society contemplate, vigorous efforts during the
Fall. And their encouragement Is great, in
consequence of tho interest taken hy our co
laborors in this work. The noble hearted
friend who has so liberal y pledged the ihtuiand
dollari for this wnrk, must make up his mind
to tuko a part of his roward in ths payment of
that "other fivi hundrtd," for any sort of fensi
blo plan," or anything liko reasonable ' mea
sures for rrcatinii anti-slavery sentiment in
Ohio, Indisns, Illinois and Michigan, cannot
fail to succrd. This proposition, in connection
with the noblo contribution wo announced lust
week, cannot fail to stimulate every abolitionist
among ut, to new labors and new liberality in
the work. Come on Friends, let us make short
work of this matter. What a shame that at
this age scores of yoars should accomplish so lit
tle against so manifest a wrong. With us it is
left to say whethor it shall so continue. The
two friends to whom we have alluded, are evi
dently hastening tho cor.sumation. This is not
less the way of economy of money and of la
bor, than of humanity. Of course wc, for ve
ry shame, if not for love, will work snd pray
with new zeal, and lot us hope, with new wis
dom and success.
Mr. Pillsbury's letter csmo to hand last woek,
but too luto fir insertion in our lust.
Tui CONSITVTION AND Till DaLLOT-BOX.
We have just laid down Horace Mann's article
in the Liberator, on tho "Constitution and the
Ballot-box." We have read it carefully. It is
loo long for us to print. It Is based on the
supposition that there is slavery and wrong in
the Constitution. It is simply this, amplified
through five columns, vix : Tho object and
purpose of the act determines its quality." No
en may be Congressman, judge or marshal for
the sake of supporting slavery, or returning a
fugitive ; but he may be either, for the suke of
abolishing slavery and delivering the fugitive.
This is the only argument thut eon be used.
Not a popular one in theory, especially when
distinctly and definitely presented, but one of
very general practice. Mr. Mann's wholo ar
gument depends upon the answers given the
questions, which havo long puzzled tho world,
and will probably long continue to divido it,
whether is a thing right because it is good in
its results, or is it good because it is right
Mr. Mann promises in another article, his
views on the Constitution,
Jvstici mot Inpovbuishino. The Tribune
report a conversation between the Editor and
C. M. Clay, in which tho latter say that when
he emancipted his slave, he did it with tho ex
pectation ol great pocuniary loss to result thore-
from. But in thi ha ha been happily disap
pointed. . Ho find that tho emancipation of
hi slaves ba worked unexpectedly to hi po
cuniary advantage, by improving the product
of hi farm under free labor and rendering it a
profit, and not as hitherto losa to him.
Tub N. Yr Womsn's Stats Tbmfbrakob So
oiety was held lost week. It was numerously
attended. Mr. Stanton, Mr. Vaughn, Mr.
Bloomer, Mi Anthony, Mi Stone and Miss
Brown. were among the apeakers. The Society
has heretofore excluded men from membership,
and a spirited discussiorj occurred upon rescind
ing this ruiel It wu finally laid OB the table
till the next annual meeting.
Mr. and Mrs. Griffing in Warrensville.
WARRENSVILLE, June 4th, 1853.
Dsa FaiRND Mabivs: You will readily see
thst I am not much sccustomed to writing, but
my sympsthics hsve just been roused ep by
our friends the Griffings. Not only for the
oppressed slsve of the South, but suo for these
who srs chained down by political and sectarian
dogmas at the North. We had a joyful time
among us for a few days psst. Laat week, 1
fell in with Charles and Josephine Griding, at
Baiubridge. They were rcconnoitering the old
battle ground, picking up the bruised and
wounded, who had skulked under the ruin and
smoke of that old pulpit, which you will recol
lect, O. O. Brown burnt last summer, and:
which tho pro-slavery priests were so esger to
charge upon Mr. Pillsbury and his snti slsrrry
sssocistc. However that smoke ha all blown
away. And now Brown and tha church, (I
don't know whether it ia proper to call it s
church, as In numbers they don't vsry much
from a corporals guard ; but be they more or
less,) they are now at Usue in a court nf chan
cery, in regard to ths title. I secured the
promise of the Griflings to visit us in Wsrrens
villo. They came. We hsd a good sited
School house, tilled with starved, emaciated
souls, starved not for bread and mckt, but for
the word of truth. Thpy were refreshed, snd
besought our friends tn come again, which they
did after the Itavciiui Convention, staying with
us during tho Holy Sabbath, preaching deliver
ance to the captive.
Friend Grilling presented the pro-slavery
character of tha constitution, and of tho
church, and showed the relation of the
political parlies to Uivcry, in auch a man
ner at to ennvinco every man and woman
not drunk with sectarian religion and party
politics. Sister Grilling's address in the fore
noon on Sunday, ought to have convinced
nation, and it seemed to mo it would, could
sho havo got ils car. It was just what every
city, town or neighborhood ought to hear. '
Wo gathered thirteen subscribers to tho Bugle,
and we confidently believe we havo not yet got
half wo shall get.
Our friends afterwards visited tho centre of
the town, where there are three mietii g hous
es. Tho Disciples' house was obtained for
their ue. I presume they might have got ei
ther of tho others, for they aro sadly decaying
tor want of use, and very much racked for
want of r umbers. The house was soon tilled
with another hungry audience True they had
been fed, but as usual, it was on psalms and
hymns, doctrines and ordinunecs, until they
had almost forgotten their aulfcring neighbor.
And then all sorts uf politics had been taught
snd practiced, till the love principle had become
ulmost extinct.
Charles snd Joscphino took up the relation
of master and slave, uud tho relation and influ
ence of the church on slavery, which soon lead
oir into an interesting discussion of tho mholo
matter, both moral and political. These
meetings wcro held with intense interest, till
cloven or twelve o'clock, and then it seemed as
if the peoplo did not want to leuve. Our
friends I think have a hnppy way nf entertain
ing an audience, and of explaining tho whole
matter.
Now Friend Robinson, we aro in a destitute
condition all through this region, fed as we
havo been on tho huska of spiritual songs, or
dinsnces, creeds snd politics, which hsve served
to oblitcrato humanity from tho hearts of the
people. They have humanity there, and il
might bo developed. Wo wish our friend the
Griffings, could spend tome weeks or months
in this region. We ought to hold our anni
versary iu Cleveland. Its growing wculth and
population, and influence, tho facilities for get
ting there by steamboats and railroads, indicate
il as an important centre of influence. We
might do it if the country around waa thor
oughly aroused, and thus our whole region
would render nioio efficient aid to the slave.
Your sincerely,
H. POST.
New England Correspondence.
BOSTON, May, 27th, 1853.
Dear Mabji's : Wo closed the New EngUnd
Convention at ten o'clock lost evening. It waa
a gathering that fully sustsined the well earned
reputation of former years. A most violent
rain and an admittance Fee, might have been
supposed to operate to make our last meeting
mall in numbers. But far enough from this
was tho fact. The spacious house wo filled,
and not whisper was heard in opposition to
the most radical of our doctrine.
But my main object in writing at thi mo
ment is, to announce to you, that in consulting
upon future operations, the West was not for
gotten. And I think you will rejoioe to learn
that on of our wealthy men pledged a sum not
lest than on tliotaand dollart, and another flve
hundrcd, should tho plana and measure sua
cecd well, to be dovolcd wholly to the Western,
field. Tho interest I take in your labors and
successes is mch, a that you may be assured
my heart leaped for joy, when I waa author
ized to make tho announcement to the meeting.
The proposition wss received, by tho crowded
audience with demonstration of joy. And
from conversation with several members of the
American Executive Committee, I find it will
meet their views, to snake strong demonstra
tion tha coming autumn, in your direction, I
I know how cheerfully your Board will co-op.
erate in auch a movement. You will, I doubt
not, be addreaaed officially by the Executive
Committee, without delay, end so I will say ne
more on the aubjeot.
Tbe sign of the Times are moat eneouaging.
Let us take heart and labor on. Not long will
the victory be delayed.
Your and yeur Readers,
PARKER PILLSBURY.
