Newspaper Page Text
IT I .... -i. I - i. "I - " " ' 1 " ' ' ' -- ..... .iii BW i hi , . - i . ii
ANN riflKSON, fublishisiff AftnU
"SO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS."
ItlAUIUS It. ItOBINSOft, Editor.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., OHIO, JULY 30, 1853.
WHOLE NO 409.
VOL. 8---N0.45.
THE ANTI-SL.AVEUY BtOI.E,
FvBLISHBD BVBRT SaTUBDAT, AT SaLBM, O.
Trrmb. $1.80 per annum if paid in advance
9'2,00 per annum, if payment be delayed be
yonil the year.
ty We occasionally tend numbers to those
who ars not subscribers, but who are believed
to be interested in the dissemination of anti
larery truth, with tlio hopo that they will
ithor subscribe themselves, or use their influ
ence to extond ita circulation among their
friends.
ry Communications Intended for insertion,
e be sddreaaed to Marius H. KonmsoK, Kditor
AU others to Ann Prahson, Publishing Ag't
J. HUDSON, rWNTEtt.
THE BUGLE.
The Glorious 4th.
' Friend Marius t The 4th of July, 1853,
lias pnssed away, and with me would have
passed quietly, had it not been for the sol
einn mockery set forth in the Declaration of
American Independence. Viz.: Tlmt nil
men were horn free and equnl. I believe
thnt in nnture all men and women were
equal, But with what an ill grace wns it
uttered by a large share of the members of
Congress, and conceded In by ihe bnlunce,
when at the same timo thousands of men,
women and children, were held in hopeless
bondage. With one hnud unrolling tho
parchment with the motto inscribed on it,
M We hold these truths to be self evident, that
all men are born tree mid equul," nnd this
done, nppenling to (iod the aeurcbor of all
hearts, and the whole universe of men, to
witness their sincerity, while with the other
blind they were grinding to powder thous
ands of whom they lind with the same breath
Iceland to he free and equal. Was there
ever a more hypocriiiuul declaration made
before God or num. -
It is no doubt proper to have days for rec
reation, and for my part, I wwh thnt moro
time whs spent iu social nnd raiiounl dcvel
npement, and less in the accumulation of
wealth and aggrandizement. Hut let US
" Leave our gills before thonltnr of freedom,
Jirtt be reconciled to our brother, and then
come and offer them."
1 feel like hanging my harp on the willow,
when culled upon to aing or celebrate, while
my brethren are in captivity. How call I ?
Sooner let my tongue clenve to tho roof of
my mouth, and my right bnnd forget her
cunning. I feel doubly and, when I see how
the boys and girls are being bred on the
auhject ot human liberty. Probably not
more than one in fifteen ran tell why they
celebrate, and fire crackers or shoot euniion.
A few are perhnps wise enough to answer
that it wns the fourth of July, tlmt our full
ers gained their independence. Hut do not
know that it wns only Ihe tiny when it was
declared. When the children and youth
are taught by the press nnd orators of the
liny, by the fathers nnd mothers of the na
tion, thnt the only way to independence is
41 to deol justly, love mercy, and walk hum
bly when might shall cease to maku right
when they shall be taught thnt there is no
reul victory to be gained by individuals over
indi v'kIiiuIh, or of nations over nutious, but
by kind offices and friendly intercourse.
Then, and not till then, may individuals or
nations celebrate independence. Our inde
pendence is based on a knowledge or sense
of dependence on our fellow men. When
all men look to each oilier for help, then are
all men strong. All else is perfect weakness.
" When 1 mil weuk, then am I strong."
When will the holidays be spent iu look
ing after the wants of the widow and fulh
erlesa, nnd those that liuvo no helper, and
tho cause of them thnt are not known, bo
searched out. We have sung Hozuunu's
enough to our glorious union and independ
ence. There have heeu enough men and
lioya mangled and lorn to fragments by the
discharge of cannon, anvils, &c. Enough
buildings destroyed and futility's beggared,
liy the burning of crackers, and Ihe useless
display of fireworks. Enough horses nnd
carriages destroyed by fright, to any nothing
of those run over and dashed to pieces by
being thrown out. Enough drunkenness
And crime in the tdinpa of fighting and
murder. There waa in this vicinity, within
a few miles, on the 4th, two barns, one
house and out buildings burned, five men
ladly nmimmed, or otherwise injured, some
of which will die of their wounds, by the
discharge of guns and crackers. I have
understood that two Indian students at
Twiuihurgh, under the siqiervision of Sam
uel Hissed, on the said 4lh day of July, A. D.,
1853, got drunk, fought with knives, and
that one is supposed will die. The other
waa sent to Jail. Suppose you they were
We don't exactly agree with our friend,
though he has Paul to back him. Self re
liance end a thorough individuality, must
accompany combination for mutual aid.
(Editor.
celebrating the independence of the red
men, as wore they beginning to taste the
sweets that aro to be found in the land of the
free, nnd the home of the brave. When
will the fathers nnd mothers look these things
in the face, and " tench the young idea how
ro shoot" in the right direction ?
OLIVER O. BROWN.
ORANGE, July 10th, 1853.
ORANGE, July 10th, 1853. Horace Mann-The Oath of Office.
' Warren, Joe Dnvies Co., 111., )
July 10th, 1853. J
Dear Marius: I am glud that Horace
Mann at lost has defined his views of the
Constitution, so thnt any one who reads can
understand. And although he has but re
peated Ihe old sayings of (Joodell, Bpooner,
and others, which hnve all been answered
ever so many times, by Garrison, Phillips,
nnd others, yet it brings the subject before
the public fresh for discussion.
I believe that Mr. Mann in attempting to
justify free soilers and other nnti-slnvery
men iu taking office, who believe that the
Constitution, in some parts is pro-slavery, or
requires somebody at some time, to do pro
shivery or wicked nets, follows in the wake
of Bailey, Giddings and others, who have
written befoie him, by coufinuing the sup
poit of the Constitution, to the particular
public acts of their office, during the term
of holding thnt particular office. As to the
time, I think they are right; but in the other
part, 1 think they are wrong. . You hnve
observed lliat the outh consists of two parts.
Ono is the "onlli of office," which hinds the
person to ierforni the duties of his office,
according to luw, und the best of his abili
ties. The other is the onth to "support tho
Constitution of the United Suites." The
first secures the support of the Constitution
hi nil his official acts, the other something
more or besides, else it is an unmeaning
ceremony. The Constitution provided that
the President, "liefore" entering "on the ex
ecution of his office," "shall take the follow
ing onth or affirmation":
"1 do solo mn I) swear (or affirm,) that 1
will luithlully execute the nthce ol 1 resi
dent of these United States."
Thnt secures the performance of nil his
official duiics, according to lliu Constitution,
which is the supreme law of the land, and
expresses the duties of the President, but
the onth does not stop here, but says, " and
will te the best of my ability, preserve, pro
tect, nnd defend the Constitution or the
United Suites." Now the Constitution is
made up of many pnrt, and a promise to
preserve, protect, and defend tho Constitu
tion, is a promise to preserve, protect, and
defend nil the parts thut form it ; thu pro
slavery parts as much as the anti-slavery,
and to oppose a thing is not the same ns to
" preserve, protect, and defend" it. And if
he u preserve protect and dulund" it, "to the
best of his ability," he will huve no ability
left to oppose it with.
Article Gih says that "The Senators and
Representatives before mentioned, and the
members of the several Slate Legislatures,
nnd all executive and judicial officers, both
of the United Slates and of the severnl
Suites shall be bound by nn onth or nlliruiu-
tion, to support the Constitution. Therefore
every Stnte Constitution (I believe,) has a
provision, securing an oath to support the
Constitution of the United States, besides nn
oath of office. The Constitution of Ohio
reads thus. Art. 7ih, Sec. 1st.
. "Every person who shall he chosen or
appointed to any office of trust or profit,
miller the authority of this Suite, shall before
lliu entering on the execution, lake nil outl
or uHirinaliou, to support the Constitution of
the United Slates, nnd Ihe Constitution of
this Stnte, nnd ulso uu oath of ollice."
Now I believe thut our keeping up a clenr
distinction between the oath of ollice, and
the oath to support the Constitution, and the
free soilers confounding the two, is tho prin
cipal cuuse of arriving at different conclu
sions. They confine their support of the
Constitution, to their official acts. We in
elude our whole influence.
Mr. Mann gives curious reason for the
practice of the government being pro-slavu
ry for more than sixty years. Hear him t nfter
Attempting to prove thut the framera of the
Constitution intended to tnake strong nnli
slavery Constitution, and did in fuct, make
one wholly anti-slavery; but in order to
please "two or three states, the ten or eleven
stales consented to ambiguous lungunge,"
and the government commenced their pre
slavery practice, and have continued it ever
since, uuder this complete anti-sluvery cons
titution. Hut I will quote bis own words.
" This then waa the dilemma to lie met.
The fact of practical slavery was to be rec
onciled with the universal right to freedom.
To accomplish this, the expedient was hit
upon, of adopting phraseology for the
constitution, under which the slave-holder
might claim to continue iu the possession of
his slaves for a time, and until the eriod
should arrive at which, as waa then expected,
alnvery would cease out of the land." That
is all that the slave-holder ever asked of tho
general government, that he " might claim
to continue In the possession of his alaves,
until the period should arrive, at
which, as wns then expected, alnvery would
cense out of the land."
Or in other words, a long as the slave
States thomselvce choose to continue it.
I ink nt this view of the subject. That ton
or eleven northern state's should actual)
Illlllt, mill inu i t iii..;a v. ..... ...... ,
states, In the extreme South ; and after they
had mnde a Constitution with " language so-;
plain," to use Mr. Mann's own words, that it
" docs not mean slavery any more thnn it
menus the inquisition, or Thuggery," should
commence the government, and cotitinue it
until the present time, iu such wny as to sus
tain and continue this system of flagrant in
justice and extreme cruelty towards one
sixth port of the inhnbilonls, (men, women
nnd children,) of our land, and all this, ac
cording to Mr. Mann, in violation of the
plain Inngunge and spirit of the Constitution
they themselves hod mnde ; for he enys, its
" intrinsic meaning nnd force, no more em
braced slavery, than they (it) did the British
press gang, or the French Letters de Catch
et." I said nt the commencement, that Mr.
Mann hnd defined bis views of the Consti-J
lotion, so thnt all who rend might understand.
Well he hns, when examining the Constitu
tion itself; but when he undertakes to nc
count for the practice of the government
conflicting with the Constitution, ho appears
to lie confused. 1 will repent some things
he said of the Constitution itself when ex
amined upon its own merits.
" Now shall we look at the language of
a luw in order to ascertain its meaning?
If so, tlien this clause iu the Constitution
(meaning the fugitive clause), so far from in
cludihg slaves by force of its terms, ex
pressly excludes them." Again i It shows
why the States adverse to slavery, assented
to provisions whose immediate practical con-1
miction, would recognize the fact ol slavery
without acknowledging its right, but whose
intrinsic meaning and force, no more em
braced slavery than they did the British
Press Gang," fitc. Again: "All are remit
ted to the plain Inngunge of the Constitution,
which as before shown, does not mean aln
very any moro than it menus the inquisition
or Thuggery."
And yet he says, " To accomplish this, the
expedient was hit upon of adopting a phra
seology for the Constitution, under which Ihe
slave holder might claim to continue in the
possession ol his slaves," &c. Again:
" were content to accept nn nmbiguous phra
seology." At ono time the language, " so
far from including Blaves, by force of its
luws, expressly excludes them." And again :
"plain language" "does not mean slavery
nny more than it means the inquisition." &c.
And yet, ho says in the same article, they
adopted "a phraseology under which the
slaveholder might claim to continue in the
possession of his slaves," &c. Again ho
calls it "uu ambiguous phrnscology." Again,
" provisions whose iminediuto practical con
struction would recognize I lie fact of slavery,"
" nliiin nnd vol " ninljioiiotis." "exnresslv
, , 4 -0 , ,
excludes slnves," and nt the same lime to
enable " the slaveholder to cotitinue in pos
session of his slaves," " not mean shivery
any more thnn the British Press Gang," or
the "Inquisition." And yet " recognize tho
fuct of slavery." Hut I hnve said enough of
Mr. Matin's argument for the present.
Anti-shivery bus been gaining considerable
in this neighborhood, since we came here
three years ago. My ehoet is full, nnd I
must close.
SILAS PEPOON.
Pi r. ate i no Herod Friends. A Mr.
McMichuet, Whig editorof the North Amor
icon was the mouth piece at ono of tho wel
comes of President Pierce, ut Philadelphia,
llo suid :
" I do not, on this occasion, by any means,
propose to speak for your Democratic friends,
(addressing the President,) they spoko vcrv
audibly to-day, nnd also last Fall. Much
merriment.! Hut I see many Whigs about
me. A voice" Only a few that are left."
Laughter. By no means, my friend there
are many thousands of them still ; but in
their behalf 1 desire to any to you that we
welcome not nlone the President of the Uni
ted Stales, but Franklin Pierce. Loud ap
plause. So long as the President of the
United Suites acts upon the principles he
has 'already declared, anil stands by them at
all hazards and at ull risks, so lone will the
people of the United States stand by their
President, whether be be a Whig or a Uom
ocrnt. Enthusiastic applause.
Ominous. Railroad excursion trains for
the4lh were advertised in hand-bills posted
up in Litchfield and headed with the sug
geative motto "Liberty or Death f"
From the Columbian.
Union of Parties.
Considerable interest hns been mnifested
of Inte, in some pnrts of our Stnto, in conse
quence of some editorials published in both
Whig nnd Independent Democratic journals,
on the subject of a political union. Thnt
there are mnny persons who hnve heretofore
acted with the Whig pnrty, hoping ngninat
hope that that party would redeem itself
from the dominion of slavery, nnd net a nobln
and efficient pnrt for freedom, we are all
nwnre; and it is natural thnt these persons
now, when they see thnt pnrty irretrievably
routed, should give lip these hopes, nnd look
around them fur some other political bark in
which to sail. These wo would invito to go
along with us. Our nails nro spread, the w ind
is favorable, and we hnve nn unerring com
pass In our principles, which will surely
guido us into the desired haven.
But while this claps of lilieral Whigs ouirA
to act with us, there is a large class of Whigs
ill this Stnte, whose principles are ns dissim
ilnr to ours ns light is to darkness. They do
not know tho ABC of liumnn freedom.
The right of habeas corpus, of trial ny jury,
of the accused to meet witnesses face to
fiice, of free speech nnd n free press, are,
Willi thnm, mere leathers to no iitown on
with a breath, when they stand iu Ihe wny
of the triumph of their nrty, of peace nnd
harmony, nnd especially of pecuniary pros
perity. The almighty dollar is their god.
1'or llus they would sacrihco nil thntllie old
Whigs ever Inld dear; open the gntes of
our territories, tlmt the dark surges of sluvery
may sweep over them ; yield up freedom of
speech, nnd let padlocks be put Upon their
lips, the key turned and thrown evvny, and
"finality" stamped upon the bnck ; turn them
selves into blood-hound", nnd hay upon the
trnck of fugitive slaves; perpetuato slavery
and the slave trade in tho District of Colum
bia; separate bunhatid and wile, brother and
sister, and tear the infant from its mother's
arms, nnd only grieve thnt the tears she sheds
nre not precious pearls, with which to till a
long, lank purse, that ever cries horseleech
like, " give, give, give." With such Whigs
we can hnvo no union we want 116 union ;
the further oloof they keep from us the better.
Their very breath is poisonous. .There are
lots of such Whigs iu the Stato. They were
the leaders In gelling up the Whig Suite
Convention Inst February. They controlled
its action. Did thnt Convention brentho a
word in favor of freedom in the territories,
of freedom of tho press, the right of trial by
jury, Against shivery and the District ol
Columbia, or of sympathy lor struggling
humanity nny where ? Iliey have their or
gans throughout Ihe Stute, and a most admi
rably fitted one here nt the sent of govern
ment. What can lie more cold blooded nnd
heartless than its late elaborate defense of
ihe fugitve slave law ? Now, the idea that
there enn be n union of tho Independent
Democrats and such Whigs, in lormitig a
State ticket, is simply ridiculous. What
would be gamed by it? J he Hyena is not
morn greedy of spoils, nor possessed of less
huiniiuity. Lot them herd together; they
ure caged now, and can do little harm.
Thcso whins have no idea of succeeding in
electing their Stute ticket. After all their
hliiK'.er nliont maintaining the integrity ol
me wing party, they are merely waiting n
decent opportunity to abandon it. They will
go over lo the administration as soon us it can
lio clone. Willi grouts oil, "decently nnd m
order." If the Wnshiuglon Union is nny
index of what this odiniiuHtialion is to lie,
they will find a congenial home, and that
very soon. The old hunkers of uvery nnme
will be able to sleep together in quiet re
pose. As we have nlready remarked, there nro
thousands of liberal, prngrCNvive Whigs in
this Slate, who ought to act with us, and
with whom we ought to act. To bring
about such nction, whut ought to ho dune?
Shnlljapur organization hn chnnged, or our
principles be modified ? This seems to us to
ho entirely unnecessary. Why chnngo our
oignnizution ? We are not sticklers for
forms, or party names; yet we would not
abandon them unnecessarily to result to new
ones. It is no small work uud expense to get
up a new iiiiichinary,uiid nut it motion for u
grent Nutiounl, State ami County political
organizations ; and even if it were best to
chunge ours nt nny time, it is too late to do
it now to effect any good nt an election so
near us the coming ono in this State. Shull
we modify our principles? If wrong, we
ceitainly should do it; hut first they should
be shown to be wrong. We should not niter
or abandon one of them fur tho simple
purpose of obtaining votes. The grent
principle which forms tho foundation of the
superstructure ol our party is, " the ko,ual
KIUIITI or AIL MEM BKCUKDD BT IMPAI1TIAL
laws." On this grent Democratic idea, rests
our national and State platform, Abandon
if in the least degree, uud our whole pnrty
will totter and full. Tide sacred principle,
aim iiiis nniy, is to work out man's regener
ation. This must loose the fetters and lift
up the oppressed every where. Imbued with
it, we are in sympathy with tho humane, the
utnevoient, and the struggling nuti iota of all
lands. Shull we abandon, or modify it ?
never, never, in lorming our INiitional and
State platforms, the endeavor was mnde to
carry out, in detail, this principle to its prac
tical results. In this effort, in tome minor
particulars, we may have erred. If so, we
should rectify the error. Let the friends of
this great principle who hnve heretofore not
acted with us, join us in moving forward the
principle ilstlf, and we can assure them thnt
these errors, when shown to exist, shall be
rectified.' Surely ihey must he in fuvor of
the idea itself, and of its fiiithful application.
If not they hud bettor tarry n while longer at
Jericho. Let not the liberal, Anti Slavery
Whigs be alarmed because wo cull it a Dem
ocratic idea. Every true Whig is a Democrat.
We have teen a good deul of those who rank
themselves Whigs nnd Domocrnts in this
State, and we have no heitutiou in saying,
there is more rent Demorrney running in the I
blood of a litilo finger of ninny n liberal I
Whig, especially of tho Western Reserve,
thnn in the whole body of many n Demnciat
so called, who is everlastingly prating of his
Democracy.
It is important thnt our friends should tint
be influenced too much by locnl considera
tions iu their political action. They should
carefully survey tin) whole Slate, nuil remem
ber thnt every political net of thoirs in nny
ilnce or county, more or loss nllects nil parts
of tho Stnto. We are comparatively a new
pnrty; we nre n growing party ; there is life
in us and every movement we make is
watched with grent interest. Our numbers
nre constantly nnd rapidly increasing but
let it be remembered tlmt our increase is ny
no means by the addition of those solely who
hnve heretnlbre been inemlwrs of nny one
pnrty. In some parts of the State the liberal
minded are !' iboso who have formerly been
Whigs; in oilier pnrts they aro those who
hnve been Democrats. Shall we change our
organization nnd modify our principles in
one pnrt of the Stale in order to suit Ihe one
kind, nnd in another pnrt of the Stnte to suit
the other I If mi, w hat kind of nil organiza
tion nnd of principles shall we have? In
the Northwest pnrt of the Stato, especially,
ninny, very many Democrats nre uniting
with us. The Williams County Democrat,
the only paper in tho county, litis come over
into our ranks. In doing this, it merely
obeys tho impulse of ihe Democracy in that
region. I hey ask no change ot organization,
nnd no modification of principles. Why
cannot our friends of the Forest City, the
Medina Whig, nnd other liberal Whigs of
the Reserve, nnd other pnrts of tho State, do
the same ? Let hy-gones bo by-gones, riso
above prejudices; confidence begets confi
dence. Lot them join m our county meet
ings, and be ono with us. Let the parable
of the eleventh hour prevail, and wo shall soon
act iu harmony.
J he most careless oliecrvcr or the signs
of the times, cannot but sen thnt our princi
ples nnd our party nre making rapid strides
townrds victory. Let ns not bo iu hnste to
outrun, ns n party, the tide of our principles.
We nre doing well. Shall we not leave well
enough nlone ? Should a lomb-stono ever
be erected to our parly, wo do not wish to
hnve inscribed upon it," I wns well ; 1 wnnted
to bo better t I took medicine, and bore I
nm."
a
The Old School Presbyterian Church and
"Uncle Tom's Cabin."
Tho Preshteritin of Philadelphia, ihe or
gan of the Old School Presbyterian Church,
it happens hns felt called upon to condemn
Ihnt valuable nnti-slnvery publication "Undo
Tom's Cabin." One of the prominent mem
bers nnd ministers of thut church, Rev. Wil
liam aS. McAlln, formerly of Kentucky, bill
now of Philadelphia, nnd well known
throughout the country as an able, cotitro
versa list, took exceptions to the criminations
of the paper nnd wrote n valuable and tin
onsweritblo defence of " Uncle Tom," uud
sent it for publication. The written reply
thut he received is as (billows: True Democrat.
"Bev. Wm. McAlla!
Rev. and Dear Sir: Wo nre just now so
miioh crowded with the proceedings and
duhnles in the General Assembly, nnd with
the official documenu, that it would be im-
Iirncticublu fur us to insert nu article the
eugth of yours, nnd so much matter has
accumulated on our hands, thnt our columns
will bo more thnn full for a long time lo
come. J hero is nothing uisrespectlul to our
paper or 4o ourselves, personally, iu your
nrliclo, though thero are questions involved
in it which we would not Jiko to discuss in
the Presbyterian, at nny rnto nl present; nnd
iu some of your views we would not concur.
K'jspectluMy oud truly yours,
EDITORS PRESBYTERIAN.
PHILADELPHIA, June 3d, 1853.
Being thus refused the columns of the
Presbyterian. Mr. McAllu sought the privilege)
of having his nrticle inserted in the Phila
delphia Hun which wns generously grunted.
Wo give some few extracts from the nr
liclo, that our readers may form somo judg
ment as to its spirit nnd relevancy.
"After myriads of her book hud been sold
without my rending a page, a learned luwyer
gave me such a judgment ol it, ns modified
my opinion lo such a degree, that I almost
wished that I had time to read it. At lust
the wife of n physician lent a copy to my
wile, nnd I wus induced to reud it to her. J
observed several expressions used by her
characters, which had brought upon her from
tho Presbyterian the charge of profanity.
These expressions I sometimes omitted or
altered, although 1 know that they presented
loo faithful n picture of real life. Yet in the
little story of Family Portraits, the Presby
terian's fiivorite, Mrs. Sigourncy bus leu
times more profanity, iu quantity und quality,
than Ihe whole of Undo Tom's Cabin; its
my wife hns just now shown mo.
This faithfulness of representation of negro
rrolunity 1 hnve uhjood right to know, liecause
wns horn and brought up in a slnvo State,
and spent the first yeurs of my married and
ministerial life there. Having been in every
slave State in the Union, I huve dispassion
ately observed Iho lights und the shadows of
this institution, in iho various chambers of ils
own dwelling. I have become ncqunintcd
with planters nnd their plantation-laws ; their
chapels nnd quarters, their chaplains and
overseers. I have known their tliive nlso,
and hnve tnlked to them nnd preached to
them. If you wisli to know Ihe alternations
of pleasure nnd pain produced by these ob
servations, you can gut n tolerable good
account of them in Uncle Tom's Cuhin.
It is not wonderful thut such different and
opposite opinions are formed of thut book
and ils writer, when there is such an irrecon
cilable difference between the rules of judg
ment ution which these opinions are bused.
If I understand the clique, thoy condemn the
book upon two grounds. One is, thut it gives
fuUo view of facts; another, ihnt k giveeaif
unfavorable view of characters. '
Willi them there are two requisites to tho
justification of the writer. One is, thnt alio
should tell Ihe truth ; another thnt she should
spenk favorably, as they do. of the cavaliers.
These nro the two requisites which Ahnli
demunded of Micniuh, the prophet. One
wn thut he should tell Ihe truth; another
tlmt ho should spenk favorably, as the
false prnphots did, of the king nnd his fa
vorito protect. The prophet told the truth,
hut would not flutter the guilty. So she telli.
tho truth, though it fulls heavily upon tho
guilty.
According to this ruhi .Toscphim is ten
times ns had as the author of l.nelo Tom. hn.
cause he says ten limes harder tliiurs of bi .
country. Yet our clique will recummmut
Josephtis ns a historian. Traitors flatter Ilia
corruptions' of their country, while true pat
riots make head iignmst tbeui. Who bavo
the best claims to itpottolicity ? those who
become musters by pleasing men, or thorn
who become martyrs by reproving them ?
Although ihe God of Daniel has protected
nnd elevated our authoress, yet I saw a man
the other day, who ilnred not spenk of Iter
book, for fenr of being sncrifieed, and another
w ho, for the same reason, declared it tocomo
from tho devil, although he hnd to coufaM
that he hnd never rem I it. This is like ttm
Papist who is obliged to curse the Bible
without ever seeing it.
But she tells us also thnt the natural fruits
of ibis institution carry the innocent lo the
grave, by tho scourge, by deadly weapons,
nnd by the still more cruel infliction of com
pulsory licentiousness, nnd of a brokeu heart
by ihe separation of husband and wife, parent
nnd child. I havo never rend tho key to the
Cabin. I hnve too snd a key in my own
mind nnd memory. Such enses a all these
hnve come to my knowledge. It is improb
able that her key contains one of them. lit
soma of the most guilty cases the perpetra
tors hnve been men of high worldly standing,
nnd in others they were religious, professors,
of official standing, in different denomina
tions. If these things are true, whnt can
excuse us in denying their truth ? God hates
the sin of condemning the righteous and
justifying the wicked.
Omnibus Outraof.. "A Merchant," who
is spending the summer in tho country,write
lo the Daily Register: Va. Freeman.
" We hnve iu our employ n worthy nnd
respectable colored girl. On last Thursday,
sho concluded to go In the city to consult
with her physician, she having been sick for
several days. I being nhseut from home,
my wife, though unaccustomed to driving,
took her to Hostonville in Ihe enrriage, to
the omnibus office' Upon arriving there,
my wife informed a gentlemnn.who appeared
to officiate for Ihe omnibus, that the girl
wished to go to the city, llo promptly in
formed her Ihnt colored girls could not go,
ns it was strictly prohibited by the proprietor,
Oliver Stephens. Expostulations with hiui
upon ihe injustice were of no avail. She,
however, concluded to leave her, trusting
that their senso of propriety would induce
them to let this poor sick girl ride to the city.
But no; iu a short time she was compelled
lo return home on foot, through the heat,
sick ns sho was. Tho omnibus drove oil
without a single passenger. They, however,
agreed to take her if my wife would go '
along."
Mrs. Harriet Beeciier Stowe in Paris
Worse and Worse. The refusnl ot
Queen Victoria lo odmit the authoress ot
" Uncle Turn's Cabin," nnd the idol of Ihe
Stafford house, into ihe royal presence, ap
pears to have been followed up by Louia
Napoleon in Iho true imperial stylo. A cer
tain Mr. F., iu Paris, thought proper, upon
bis own responsibility, to lionize Mrs. Stowe
at his own residence; but oh! the drendful
insecurity of thu ono man power! While
lur. r . was in lliu net ol taking our abolition
beroino "out n riding," the police mode a
descent iikii Mr. F. nnd all the Frenchmen
in his house, nnd sans eeremonie hurried them
off lo jail. This ought to suggest to the
jihilnnlhropin lady the propriety nnd exped
iency of speedily quilting Europe in disgust,
Alio 1'urJk Herald.
If tho above be true, thnt Louis Napoleon
has thus maltreated nu Aiuericnn lady, it can
reflect no credit upon any one engaged iu
Ihe business, if Napoleon iind any reputa
tion to Iono with Americans he might here
hnve n chance to be thoroughly disgraced.
The Americans who gloat over it stand iu
thu same category. Ohio Statesman.
California. Men tike especial pains to
befool themselves, hoping for ctpecial ploasure
for their paint. Of tho multitudo who have
gone to California, hut a very small portion harp,
succeeded. A writer in the Tribune, who has
spent some twelve weoks in the country, says :
"It lion been a matter of great surprise to
mo thnt somo ono hs noi, before this, glvon a
true account of the condition of tho people and
the atute of things in California.. I bavo been
in this Stnto twelvo wocks, iud during thtt
timo havo scon moro misery, moro tict, mora
immorality, moro Itashtl h yet anil rUhtriuy
diuioiiiliiteti, moro utitr u r.lchedmdt and im
potent rc;irete than havo ever witnessed before
in my wholo life : snd it is astonhhing it is
amazint that some philanthropist has not ta
ken upon himself the task ,ere this, of exposing;
to the world Die state of aifair here, and tho
almost universal Into of the great majority ef
California emigrants. All who leave horn for
this supposed land of gold, do so with high
hopes and brilliant expectations but did they
know tho almost oertuin destiny which await
them here, thoy wsuld sooner dig potatoes for
fifty cents day than undeitako this exj edb.
tion." '
