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ItlAItll'S It. Itoni.VSO, Editor.
AO t'.VO.V 11777 SL.irUIOt.DV.HX."
AN rtAUSOX, PiibllKblMC A cu
VOL. 9. NO. 25.
SALEM, COLUMMANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, FKBIUJAltY 4, 1854.
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ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.
THE PEACE QUESTION IN CONGRESS.
The following discussion occurred on a resolution
in the House of Representatives, making appropri
ations for tho Militnry AcnJomy at Wes, Point.
Mr. Smith't speech wits certainly nn unusual ono,
to claim the attention of thoso political gludiutors.
Nevertheless, we aro happy to learn that they gen
erally listened to it with deep and respectful inter
est. Mr. HOUSTON. I now call up the hill which
wore reported from the Committee of tho Wholo on
the state of tho Union, with a rccoinmondation that
they do prss, and which wcro under consideration
when the llouso adjourned hint evening.
The House thou took up "tho hill making appro
priation for the support of tho Military Academy
for the year ending Juno 30, 1855."
Mr. SMITH, of New York. I propose, Mr.
Speaker, to make some remarks on this hill.
Mr. JONES, of Tennessee I think that the
previous question was ended on the bill last even-
"for. SMITH. I think not.
Mr. CLINUMAN. If the previous question was
called, I object to tho gentloinuu'i proceeding to
luake any remarks.
Mr. SMITH. I bclicro in tho progress of the
human race
The SPEAKER. Tho Clerk informs tho Chair
that the previous question was not called last oven-
JOB.
Mr. JONES.
It was my impression that it was
called.
Mr. SMITH
I believe, sir, in the progress of
I delight to dwell upon the idea
the human race,
ot an ever-growing civilization. Hence it is, that I
am afflicted at every demonstration of tho war
pirit. For the spirit of war is the spirit of bar
barism and, notwithstanding tho popular idea to
the contrary, war i the mightiest of all tho bin
drancei to civilization. Hut 1 regard tho spirit of
this bill as the dark and barbarous and baleful
pirit of war ; and thorefore it is thut 1 would use
-mil honorable moan to defeat tho bill.
It is ineffably strange and sad, that in a nation
professing, as this docs, faith in tho l'riuce of
Peace, the war spirit should be so rampant. It Ik
a gross inconsistency, that, in such a nation, there
should be any manifestation of the war spirit.
" My voice is still for war," are tho words as
cribed to a Celebrated Roman. Hut, sir, as ho was
a Pagan, and lived inoro than two thousand years
ago, it is not strange that ho was an advocate of I
war. But that we who have a thousand years' ret
rospect of the horror of war more than he had that
we, who, instead of having but a pagan sense of
right and wrong, have, or at least have tho means
of having, a Christian senso of right and wrong
that we should be the advocates of war is indeed
passing strange!
Who can couccivo tho loss of life by war? There
are various estimates
Mr. ORIt. I rise to a question of order.
Tho SPEAKER. The gentleman will state his
question of order.
Mr. OK R. 1 understand that tho bill on which
the gentleman from New York Mr. Smith) is sub
mitting his remarks, is a bill making an appropri
ation to support the Military Academy. I submit
that the rulo of the House requires that tho gentle
man shall confine himself to the subject-matter
before the llouso. The gentleman hut not been
confining himself to the subject-matter, and I re
quire the Speaker to decide between us.
Mr. SMITH. If tho gentleman denies that the
Military Academy has to do with war then I appcul
to tho Speaker hat would become of the Military
Academy woro war to bo abandoned T
The SPEAKER. The Chair understands that
the gentleman from Now York Mr. ShithJ is op
. posing tho appropriation of money for tho mainte
. uance of tho Military Academy ou the ground that
war is to be condemned.
Mr. SMITH. Cortainly, sir: and, therefore, be
yond all doubt, I am in order.
The SPEAKER. Th
I'lio Chair is of opinion that
the gentleman irom ivcw lorn is in order.
Mr. SMITH. I presumed that the Chair would
1 to decide.
I was saying, sir, when interrupted, that thoro
are various ostiuiutes of the losss of life by war.
Burke's estimate, if I recollect aright, is thirty-five
thousand millions of lives. That is, thirty-five
times as many as the whole population now ou tho
face of the earth. In liible language, " Who slew
, all these?" And when we are contemplating thin
vast slaughter, are we not led to inquire, in other
words of that blessed 'book, " Shall tho sword do-
Tour forever!" And who can compute the loss of
property by war I tt tiy, sir, tho cost ot tho war
system to Europo ulono, in time of peace, including
tho Interest on her war debt, exceeds a thousand
millions of dollars annually.
Sir, our own nation hag actually paid from its
Treasury, nn account of the Army and fortifications,
.upwards ot nvo hundred millions or dollars; and
our nation has actually paid from its Treasury, on
. account of the Nary and its operations, more than
' ball ot that sum. iSut it we would ascertain tho
't whole loss ot proporty to this nation ly war, wc
. must add to these sums the cost of the militia:
, and this cost not from conjecture, hut from the
. computations or those who are capalile or making
the computation is fifteen hundred millions of
.dollars. Add those sums together, and t'10 interest
,upon them, and you have an aggregate equaling a
liar a; share of all the whole present wealth of the
.nation.
Now.etr, a few words in regard to national debts.
As national debU aro, in the main, war debts, there
: ean be pa assignable limit to theirjaccumulution.
; For so long as war is deemed to be necessary, so
long will these be wars ; and so long as there shall
be wars, it will be thought dishonorable and unjust
to repudiate war debts, even though tho burden of
them may press more and more crushingly from age
, to age.
' Such U the commanding influence of war, and
such the- world-wide sentiment which it has been
' able to create in favor of iuolf, that no debts ure
adeemed more tacred and more obligatory than war
debts. And yet, so far from a war debt being
acred and obligatory, these is the more urgont ami
imperative duty to repudiate it. No doctrine should
be more indignantly scouted than the doctrine that
i ona generation may lay claim to the earnings, and
.Mortgage the won 1th of coming generations. No
thing is plainer than that in those flutes of Europe
where the war debt is so great, that the very life-
blood of the people must be squeezed out to pay
the annual interest on iti nothing, I say, is plainer
than that in thoso States repudiation must take
place bcf.ro the poopla can rise.
The remark is very common at this timo that
Europe needs a revolution. She does need a revo
lution, but she needs repudiation more. However,
there never will be a wholesome revolution in Eu
rope, until it is followed by repudiation; nnd the
fact that a revolution is not thus followed, will
stamp it with spuriousnoss. To say that the people
of England and Holland, where tho war dobt Is so1
f;reat as to amount, on an average, to two oi thrco !
iiindred dollars to each person
Mr. ORR, (interrupting.) I riso to a question!
of order. I desiro to know whether the point,
which tho gentleman is now making aVjut tho debt1
of England and Holland, is in order?
Several Mf.vuers. Certainly 1" " Cortainly 1" I
Mr. SMITH. I am insisting, that where war is'
carried on there will be war debts; and that where1
there aro war debts, thero will bo tho temptation J
(and a temptation which should be yielded to) to
repudiate them.
The SPEAKER. Tho bill before tho House is to
meet tho expenses of tho West Point Military !
Academy. '1 ho gentleman from Now York is dis
posed to strangle, if I may use the expression, tho'
ior mat purpose, llio Dill brings up the
wholo character of tho thing, as connected with
war matters. Tho Chair thinks tho gentleman's
remarks nro in order.
Mr. SMITH, (resuming.) To say that the peo
ple of England and Holland, where" the war debt
is so great as to amount, on an average, to two or
three hundred dollars to ennh iniliviilnnl. nrn mnr.
ully bound to continuo to dig from the earth, and to
produce by othor forms of toil, the means of paying
the interest upon Hint debt, is absurd. They are
morally bound to refuso to pay both interest and
principal. They are morally bound to break loose
from this load, and to detenmno to drag it no longer.
For until they do so, they cannot excrciso the rights
of manhood, nor enjoy tho blessings, nor fulliltho
high purposes of human existence. Is it said that
tho Govornment, for whoso wars they nre now pay
ing, would have been overthrown, but for these
wars? I answer, that tho Government which in
volved its subjects in those wars was their greatest
curse.
I do not deny that there might bo a rare case In
which a generation would bo morally bound to as
sumo the debt created by its predecessor ; but, even
in such a case, that generation must be tho solo
judge of its obligation to assume tho debt. Were
tho cholera rnging over tho length and breadth of
our Ittlld, and SWCCpinc off millions l.f our nnonle
and were a foreign natiou to minister to our relief
ny lending us money, if wo could not ourselves re
pay tho loan, our successors should ; and such a
loan they would repay,
I would incidentally remark, that the nations of
the earth can never, so long ns thev continue the
practice of war, have honest or frtiguf Governments,
I say so, for the reason that the means noccssnry to
carry on wars, or to pay war debts, cannot be ob
tained by direct taxation. Tho people will not
consent to their being obtained by any others sys
tem than that of indirect taxation; and such a
system is utterly incompatible with either a frugal
1 asVed who could comprehend the vaMncts of
tire loss of life and property In war7--or lifo that
is so precious of property, that is so iiidisponsable
to the enjoyment and usefulness nf llfi.T T ml, I
the inquiry, who can estimate the unspeakably
greater loss which Is chargeable on w nr, in the dam
age that it doos to morals and roli c-ion T All I nr-ml
say on this point is, that the powor of war to de
moralize mo world, ana to corrupt tho purest re
ligion in tho world, is abundantly manifest in the
fact, thut the moral and religious sense of even
good men is not shocked by war. Tho strongest
argument which wo can bring against war is the
fact of its power to conform tho morals and religion
i uo nurin tu war.
It is not, hovecr. the low and nerrnrlml stntn nf
tho moral nnd religious sense, bo that state pro
duced by war or aught else, which can nlono ao
count for tho continuance of. wnr. It is also that
the world, nnd even the best nart of tin. wnrM. lint
sunk down so deep in the delusion that war is a
necessity. Whether it is or is not true that
a better stato of tho moral and religious sense
would have entirely saved us from this delusion, it
is nevertheless true, that this delusion goes for to
account for the continuance of the eurso of war.
it wo need a Iresh buptisnt of wisdom and good
ucss, nevertheless wc do not need to be born again
to bo conviuccd that it is a dclui-iou that war is a
noccssity, and to bo aroused to efforts for
an end to war. Were wo to annlv to the u hieet of
war no more than our present stock of good sense
and good feeling no more than our mental and
moral fuculties. ns they now aro it is prubablo
that war would not long withstand such applica
tion. 1 1
The doctrine that war is a necessity, is the gross
est of nil libels on man. Tho ccnfidcuco which, in
privato lifo, wc manifest in each other, proves that
it is such a libel. Wo walk the stroets unarmed.
We go to bed without fear, and with unlocked doors ;
and wo thus prove that wo regard our follow men
us our friends, and not our iocs ns disposed to
protect, and not to harm us. It is true thut thero
is here and thero ono w ho would rob us ; and at
very far wider intervals, one who would kill us.
But wo are at rost, in tho consciousness that where
there is ono who would assail us, there are a hun
dred who would defond us. Indeed, society would
not bo held togother were it not true that tho gene
rality of men are swayed by lovo nnd ennfidenco
and generosity existing either in their own hearts,
or in the hearts of others, or in tho hearts of both.
The mon who aro swayed by distrust and hatred
Constitute tho excentiouul cases.
Have I, then, an evil minded neighbor? I need !
not fight with him. I may, under God, roly upon j
tho mass of my neighbors to protect me against
him. So, too, if there is hero and there a malici
ous Auiorican, and here and there a malicious
Englishman, who would be guilty of involving their
countries in a war with each other, nevertheless the
mass of Americans and Englishmen prefer inter
national amity to international quarrels, and ought
to bo relied ou to presorvo the peace; and they
would preserve it if so relied on. It is in this
point of view, therefore, that the nation which is
determined to keep out of war will never find itself
involved in war: and that nothing is huzardod br
adopting the peuco policy. I add that, as it is not
in human nature, under its ordinary influences und
in its ordinary circumstances, to full upon nn un
armed and unresisting man, so the nation which
puts its trust, not in weapons of war, but in tho
fraternal atl'ections of the human heart, and in the
God who planted those affections there, will find
this trust an effectual shield from the horrors of
war. Such a shield did the good men who founded
the State of Pennsylvania find this trust. During
the seventy years of this trust thero was no blood
shed in thut province. Thoso good mon subdued
even the savago heart, simply by trusting that heart,
Those good mon, by refusing to carry deadly wea
pons themselves, chained even savages out of the
currying of them. And were America now to dis
arm herself, even to the extent of abandoning tho
policy and praotice of war, and were she to cast
herself for 'protection on the world's heart, she
would find that heart worthy of being so trusted.
Not only would the othor nations of the earth be
ashamod to take advantage of her disarmament,
but they would love thoir confiding sister too well
to do so.
I have clearly admitted that there are persons
who would wrong us who would even plunder and
kill us. I now admit that we are bound to provide
against them. If, on tho other hand, I protest
I
against stamping the masses with the desperate
character of theso rnro individuals, on tho other I
admit that we arc to guard against these rare indi
viduals. Rut to argue that, btvause of the exist
ence of those rare individuals, iu Franco or England,
nr any other nation, tho nation itself is disposed ti
make war upon us, is to make the exceptions to tin
rule, instead of the rule itself, the basis of tho ai
gument.
Whilst I fully boliavo that thoro is no need of
making preparations lor war, because I fully be
lieve that thero is no need of war, I nevertheless
admit that thero is need of government, of prisons,
and police, and an armed force. Whilst 1 fully he
Hove that a nation whose Government is just, mall
its dealings with its own subjects and with foreign,
ers, and which so far confides in. and honors hu
man nature, ns to trust that nations are capable of
mo reciprocations oi justico, and ot even the recip
rocations of lovo also ; 1 say, whilst I fully bcliove
that such A nation needs to make no provision
against war, I still admit that it is bound in com
mon w ith every other nation, to- havo ever in read
iness, both on sea nnd hind, a considerable armed
force, to be wielded as occasions maw rnouirn.
against tho hvstu humani gtneru tho enemies of
uiu mininn race tho pirates, that both on land and
sea "lurk nrivilv for the innocent nrev ."
Rut what shall be tho character, the intelloctual
and morul character of the men who are to comnose
this armed force? That is, by far, the most im-
ponant question in tins discussion ; nnd, perhaps, 1
nil tho range of earthly interests, there is not a
moro important nuestion. The answer which I !
shnll givo to this question is a very novel one; so
nl tl..l ..!...! . . 1 !.
v,,-,,,,mv rturui noi irrpsisuuiy iiuprcsscu wiin its
truth and value, I should not venture to give it.
Tho coercion, or punishment, of its own cltiicns
by Government, is confessedly to bo regarded ns
being in all it stoges, a most solemn and rospousi
blo work. Laws to that cud are cunctcil w ith con
sidorntcness and solemnity. Wise and good men
only are lit to ennet them. Judges and jurors re
considerate and solemn in applying those laws:
and none but upright and intelligent men nro tho't
tit to be judges nnd jurors. All this is indispen
sable to maintain tho moral inlluenco of the luws.
Hut if huso men should then be thought fit to bo in
trusted with tho execution of the decree or verdicts
of tho court-room, that moral influence would be
broken and lost. The turnkey and hangman should
not fall below the judgo and lawmaker in dignity or
excellence of diameter. It was once thought, that
tho vilest man in the community was the most ap
propriate m.iu for hangman. Rut sounder thinking
requires that tha hangman, if thero must bo a
hangman, should bo ono of tho noblest and holiest
of men.
Now what I havo hero said in behalf of a digni
fied und solemn execution of its laws against its
lawless subjects, can as well be said in behalf of
such nn execution of the laws of Government
against foreign offenders. It 'is admitted that the
greatest wisdom and solemnity are needed in de
termining on the wnr. Hut horo cunie tho fatal
inconsistency in employing thoso to execute the
uccmniuon oi wur, who aro, lor the most part,
profligate and base. Nny, it is hold even by the
friends of licucc even bv rrood mon that such
profligate and base persons are tho most lit to carry
ou tho war. They bcliove with Nap ile.jn, that
"the worse the man tho bettor the soldier ;'' orjd
with Wellington, that "tho men who have nice
scruples about religion havo uo businosr to bo sol
diers." A sad mistake, however, is this on the
part of theso good men I referred to. They shiuld
insist that, if there must bo wnr, virtuous and
intelligent men only aro fit to carry it on. Peace
men uro wont to complain that war is too much
honored.
But if thoro must bo war, it should be far more
honored than it is. A police, composed as 1 would
havo it, could not fail to accomplish well its good
work. Surely, they who man tho vessel that is to
go firth ng linst tho pirates of tho sea, nndjthey
who take up arms to vindicate defied justico on the
hind, should bo men of virtue, and uot vice ; intel
ligent nnd not ignorant. Tho wicked and tho vilo
will justify their wickedness, if the wicked and vile
nro sent forth to punish them. Hut thoy may bo
awed or shamed out of their wickedness, if the
array against them is that of wisdom nnd purity.
Having such a conception of tho character proper
for th oso who should compose tho nrinod olice of
a nation, it is uot strange that I, too, should be iu
favor of military and naval schools in our own
country ; nor that I would have tho highest literary
and scientific and moral instruction imparted iu
them ; nor that I would have the number ot pupils in
them several times as great us in our present mili
tary and naval schools. Hut the military and naval
sellouts that I would have, would not be an append
age of the war system, and they would not train
their pupils for war.
Our armed uin should bo regarded as tho con
servators of tho public peuco. They should ho
among the most honored of men. They should bo
characterized as Christians ami ventlemen nn,l nil
tho better if they nro characterized as scholars also.
Alas, in w hat coutrast with this character is that of
the vast majority of thoso who compose the armies
of tho world 1 To that vast majority Governments
give out grog, ns swill is given out to hogs. From
the backs of that vast majority statesmen are re
luctant to hold back the lash.
Wo aro told that the policeman of London is a
gentleman. He should be one, But is not tho
ofiico of preserving the peace and safety nnd order
of a nation, and of the world, ns dignified and im-
poi-tunt as that ot preserving the peace and safety
und order of n city I Inexpressibly more so. Em
phatically, then, should tho men who compose the
national police, bo gontlemen.
Hut it will bo said, that men of the elevated
character with which I would fill up our armed
lorccs would not 10 content witn the present wages
of the sa'lor nnd tho soldior. No; nor should they
he. Their wages should be several times as great.
But ono such man as I propose would be worth
fifty of the present kind 01 armed men in pre
serving the world's peace. Nay, the prosont kind
are eoiitiuually hazarding the world's peace.
The Navy and Army, as now constituted, are
looked upon as a simple brute force ; nnd, as such,
they may serve to strike terror. Hut composed us
I would havo our armed forces composed, there
would be an ample amount of brute force in them :
but thero would be in them the fur more important
clement of moral furco. I say moro important ele
ment ; for disturbers of tho peaco and transgress
ors of the law would bo far more awe-struck and
cintrollcd In the preeonco of tho moral than the
bruto force, Indeed, the brute force itself would
then be viewed very differently from what it now
is. Now it kindles the wrath, and oftentimes the
contempt, of those against whom it is arrayed.
But theu, commended and saotified by the moral in
fluence with which it would stand assooiated, it
would be respected nnd submitted to by a large
share of thoso who would otherwise resist it.
That men of conscience nro respected nnd feared
by their enemies, and that their conscientiousness
makes thoir heart none the lese courageous, and
their arms none the lass strong, was well illustra
ted in Cromwell's armies.
I said there is no need of preparing for war, and
assigned as my reason that theto is no need of war.
I now add, that such preparation, instead of pre
venting war, as is generally held, provokes to war.
Does France see England making such prepara
tion ? then is Franco provoked to make counter
preparation. And what is not less, but much more,
each nation having made such preparation, is
tempted to use it. Doe not England, apprehend
ing an invasion from France, liue her coast with
cannon ? then it is but natural that she should
long to try their efficiency on Fronoh ships. "To
whnt purposes is nil this waste?" will be the re-
;
I
1 answer, that when wo aro wcanctt trom the bar
in barUm of w ar, and it attendant extravagancies
and follies, it will not cost more than one tenth ns
prnachful inquiry which the will put to herself,
whilo sho sutlers this vastly expensive preparation
io bo hllo. If the maxim wero ever true, "To pre
pare fur war is to proient war," it must have been
n those remote periods when such preparation cost
itlle time nnd money. It certainly is not true
v ben much timo and scores of millions are expend
d in such preparations.
nut to aome to the bill bclore us. 1 would that:
it might bo defeated ; und that the bill for building
vossols-of-wur might bo defeated J and that tho
President's recommendations for increasing the!
Army and Navy might find no favor. For the pur
pose of a iiationul ai uied police, the Navy and Ar-;
iny are already sufiieiently large. Whnt i lacking
in them is au eletatiutiof intellectual and moral!
character.
Hut it is asked what .hall we do with the surp'us
money in tho Treasury ? I nnswer mo it in pay
ing our debts. Among othor debts, pay oil, as
rapidly ns possible, the debt w o incurred in our su-1
pcrhitively menu mid wicked war with Mexico.
l)o not Icate it to posterity to be obliged to p.iy or
rcpudinto that debt. Rut it may also bo asked,
what shall we do with the future surplus moneys in
the Treasury? 1 answer have none. Have none,
either by adopting frco trade, or by doing what is
the next best thing raising the tariff to the level
of full protection. In the mixture of frco trade nnd
protection 1 find no ideasuro,
tint what shnll we
then do for moans to carry on the Government?-
much ns it now does to defray tho cost of ndminis-
II.. 11 I ..... . I. .1 l
tering tho Government ; und that tenth tho people
u.:il I.- ...:n: ... , .1.. . if
"in uv miimg iu uo uireciiy mxeu ior.
But I must close. Do not pass any of theso wnr
bills. Do not so cruel, so foolish, so nicked a thing.
Cruel it will bo to the poor, who will havo to pay
these fresh millions of taxes; fur remember, sir,
that the toiling poornrc tho only creators of wealth.
Such as ourselves arc but the conduits of wealth.
Foolish it w ill be because tho more yon expend in
this wise, tho moro w ill it bo felt necessary to ex
pend; and because the more you seek to protect
tho country in this wise tho less she will bo pro
tected. icked it will be, because wnr, in all its
phases, is one of tho most horrid crimes against
God and man.
I havo mide my appeals sir, in the name of rea
son and religion both of which condemn wur.
Let not iny appeals, which aro made to our higher
nature to all thut is pure, and holy, and sublime
within us bo overborn by tho appeals which are
made in the name of a vulgar patriotism, nnd which
aro all addressed to our lower nature to our pas
sion, pride, and prejudice our lovo of eonqucst,
and power, and plunder.
There is just now an opportunity for Congress
to do a better thing than to indulge nnd foment
the spirit of war. Our Government, as I am in
formed, is negotiating a commercial treaty with
England. From what I hear of its provisions, I
rejoice in it. 1 hopo it may bo consummated, and
go into full oflcct. It will well disposo of tho
fishery difficulties. It will open up reciprocal freo
trade in natural productions with the British North
American provinces : and so lead tho wrv for re
ciprocal free trado with those provinces in all pro
ductions in the works of men's hands as well ns
in the fruit of God's earth : and so lead the wav.
I tuny add, for such unrestricted trade with othor
countries. 1 regret that our Government has hith
erto been so slow to wclcomo the generous over
tures ot our northern neighbor. 1 trust that no
soctioual or unworthy jealousies will avail to hold
us back any longor trout embracing theso overtu
re. I mil informed that our Government is negotia
ting a commercial treaty with Frnnco also. Now,
how happy if Congress would uso their great in
fluence to get inserted in both these treaties an ar
bitration clause, a clause submitting international
disagreements to n peaceful, disinterested, wise nr
bi.rnmcut. How happy if Congress would pass a
resolution to this effect 1 Such a elnuse would
render war between America and England, and
America and France, morally impossible And
such a elauso would prepare the way for the es
tablishment of an international court that great
desideratum of tho world. Would that my count
ry might participate most promptly nnd largely in
the glory of such nn achievement. Wo hnvo the
village court, and tho county court, and tho dis
trict court, and tho Stato court, and tho national
court; and were it proposed to tibolish ono of
those courts, and to let tho differences hetwem men
take their own courso, and run into violence nnd
bloodshed, such proposition would bo regarded ns
a proposition to return to Imrlmrinn. Jlut, sir, 1
I trust that the day is near at bund when it will be
thought to bo barbarous nut to have mi inter na
tional court.
Sir, I havo done. Rapidly, very rnpidly, has the
world advanced in civilization the lust forty vours.
aiki too great roason why it has is, that during
that period it has liccn comparatiicly so exempt
lrom ll,e uuri!0 u'" lt tho world continue to
udvance thus rapidly in civilization ; and let our
nation continuo to udvuiico with it. Our nation
during theso forty years bus generally gonu for
ward in the cause of peace. Occasionally it has
takou. a wido and sad step backwards, as iu tho
enso with tho war with Mexico. God grant that
it may never again take a Men backward. God
Rf'1"' ''"it iu reapect to tho dcur and sacred cuuso
of peace this nation may adopt tho motto on one
side of tho standard of the immortal Hampden,
"nulla txttiyia rctrortun." uo steps backward
nnd then it may have guod ground to hope that it
will rcalizo tho blessing of tho motto on the other
sido of that patriot's standard, "God with us."
Puss theso war bills, sir, and carry out tho Pres
ident's war recommendations, and you will con
tribute to continue that deep and lung stream of
siu and sorrow which war hn poured dowu
through every age of the world. But defeat theto
bill, and frown upon these recommendations, and
there will be joy on earth nnd joy in heaven.
TO PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF OHIO.
Shall Slavery be Permitted in Nebraska!
WASHINGTON, Jan. 19, 1854.
Fkllow-Citihensi
A Senators and Representatives in tho Congress
of the United Stales, it is our duty to warn our
constituencies whenever iimniiiout dangor menaces
the Freedom of our Institutions or the Pormuuoncy
of our Uniou.
Such danger, as we firmly boliove, now impends,
and we earnestly solicit your prompt attention
to it.
At tho last session of Congress, a bill for the
organization of tho Territory of Nebrnska passed
the llouso of Representatives with an overwhelm
ing majority. That bill was based on tha princi-
flo ot excluding Slavory trom the now lerritury.
t was not taken up for consideration in the Senate,
and consequently failed to become a law.
At tho present sossiou, a now Nebraska bill
has been reported by tho Senate Committoe on
Territories, which, should it unhappily receive
the sanction of Congress, will open all the un
organized territory of the Union to the ingress
of Slavory.
We arraign this bill as a gross violation of a
saored pledgo ; as a criminal betrayal of preoiou
right; as part and parcel of an attrocious plot to
exclude from a vast unoccupied region, immigrants
from the Old World, and freo laborer! from our
own StaLes, and oonvert it Into a dreary region of
despotism, Intiuoilod by masters fciid slaves.
Taka your maps, fellow-citizens, we
rour mans, fellow-oitizens. we entreat
,you, and we what country it is which this bill,
'
'
I
I
I
1
!
!
i
gratuitously and recklessly, proposes to open to
Slnvcry.
From the south-western cornor of Missouri pur
suo the parallel of 'A'V 30 niin. north lutitude west
wnrillv across the Arkansas, across tho north fork
of Canadian, to the north-eastern angle of Texas;
then follow the northern boundnry of Texas to tho
western limit of New Mexico; then proccod along
that western lino toils northern termination; then
ngnin turn westwiirdly, and follow tho northern
lino of New Mexico io tho cre?t of the Rocky
Mountain; then asoend northwardly along the
crest of that inouutnin range to tho line wmon
sepnrates tho United Si.ttes from tho British Pos
sessions in North America, on the d'Jth pnrnllel
of north latitude ; then pursue rour courso enst
wardly along that line to the White Earth river,
which falls into the Missouri from the north ; des
cend that river to iti confluence with tho Missouri;
descend tho Missouri, along the western boundary
of Minnesota, of Iowa, of Missouri, to the point
where it ceases to be a boundnry line, and enters
tho Stato to which it gives its name; thon continue
your southward course along the western limit of
that Stato to the point from w hich you set out.
You have now mado the circuit of tho proposed
Territory of Nebraska. You have traversed the
vast distauce of mora than throe thousand miles.
You have traced tho outline of an area of four
hundred and eighty-five thousand square miles ;
moro than twelve times as great as that of Ohio.
This immense region, occupying the very heart
of the North American continent, and larger, by
lliiity-thri'o thousand square miles, than all the
existing free States, excluding Culilorma this
immense region, well watered and fertilo, through
which the Middle and Northren Routes from the
Atlantic to tho Pacific must pass this immense
region, cmbrneiiig all tho unorganized territory of
the nation, except tho comparatively insigniticant
district of Indian territory north of the lied River
and between Arkansas and Texas, and now for
moro than thirty years regarded by tho common
consent of the Americnn People ns consecrated to
rrccdoin, by statute and by compact this immense
region, the Bill now before tho Senate, without
reason and without excuse, but in flagrant disre
gard of sound policy and sacred faith, proposes to
open to Slavery.
We beg your attention, fellow-citizens, to a fow
historical tacts.
The oritiimil ttltt'i vvlieti of tho United States.
clearly indicated by tho Jefferson Proviso of 1784.
and by the Ordiuance of 1787, was kox kxtxnsios
or Slaver.
In IrtiM, Louisiana wns acnuircd by purchase
from Frame. At that time there wero some twen
ty-five or thirty thousand slaves in this Territory,
most of them within what is now the Stato ol ;
Louisiana; a few, only, farther north, on the west ,
bank ot the Mississippi. Congress, instead of,
providing lor tho abolition of Slavery in this new
territory, permitted its continuance. In the
Stato of IxiuiHiana wa orgauized, and admitted
into tho Union with Slavory.
In 181S, six vears later, the inhabitants of the
Territory of Missouri applied to Congress for
authority to form a Stuto Constitution, and fur
admission into the Union. lucre wore, at that
time, in tho wholo territory acquired from France,
outside of the Stato of Louisiana, not thrco thous
and slaves.
' There Was no anoloirT In the "circumstances of
tho country, fur the continuance of Slnvcry.
The original national policy was against it, and,
not less, tho plain language of tho treaty under
which the Territory had been acquired from
r raucc
It was nronosil. therefore to incnrnnrnln in
tho bill authorising the formation of a State Goy-I
ernmont, a provision requiring that the ContiJ
tution of the new Stote should contain au articlo
providing for tho abolition of existing Slavory, and
prohibiting tho further introduction of slaves.
This provision was vohctnently ana perliua-
cuiusiy opposed ; out nuuiiy prevailed in mo i louse
, - i . .. ., A , . .,
of Representatives by a decided voto. In the
Sennto it was rejected, and, in consequence of the
disagreement between the two Houses, the bill
was lost.
At tho next session of Congress tho controversy
was renewed with increased violence. It wns ter
minated, at length, by a compromise Missouri
was allowed to uomo into the I nion with Slavery,
but a section was inserted in tho act authorizing
her admission, excluding Slavery, forever, from
all the Territory acquired from France, not in
cluded iu the new Stuto, lying north of 30 deg.
30 niin.
Wc quote tho prohibitory section i (1)
" Sro. 8. lie it further emu led. That in all that
Territory ceded ! 1'inure to the l"hited States, u
drr the name vf Lnuiaiaua, which lies north of
thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes of north luti
tude, not included withiu too limits of tho State
contemplated by this act, Slavery and involin
taky SLiiviTl'DK. otherwise than as tho punishment
of crimes, shall he and is uekluit FOREVER
PROHIBITED."
Tho questiou of tho constitutionality of this !
imbibition wu submitted by President Monroo to!
lis Cabinet. John Ouincv Adams was then Seen-
tary of Stato; John C. Calhoun wns Secretnry of
Yur; VV Uliam 11. rrawlora was ru'crolury ot the;
Treasury; nnd William Wirt was Attorney Gene-!""''
ral. Each of these eminent men, threo of
being from Slavo States, gave u written opinion,:
affirming its constitutionality, nnd thereupon the
act received tho Knnction of 'the President, himself,
also, from a Slave State.
Nothing is more certain in history than the fact
that Missouri could not have been admitted as a
Slave Stato, bad not certain mcmbors trom the
Froo States been reconciled to the measure by the
incorporation of this prohibition into tho act of;
admission. Nothing is more certain than thut this
prohibition has been regarded and accepted by the
wnuiu euumrj hb a moduli luiiiniici nriu mm n o
,. . i , . i-.i 'c .
extension ol Slavery into auy part of the territory
acquired from Frame, lying north of 3G de3. 30
min., nnd not iucludcd in the new Stato of Mis-
soui i. Tho same act lut it be ever remembered
which authorized the formation of a Constituti ,.n
for that Stato, without a clause forbidding Slavery,
.,. .,i.,. i i...,..i :.. .,,i i .V.i i .'.
regarded aud acted upon as inviolable American
Law. In conformity with it, Iowa was admitted
as a Ftoe Stato, and Minncsuta has boeu organized
as a F'ree Territory.
It is a strango and ominous fact, well calculated
to awaken tha worst apprehensions und tho most
(oarful forebodings of future calamities, that it is
now deliberately proposed to repe:.l this prohibi
tion, by implication or directly the latter, certain
ly, tho manlier way and thus to subvert this
compact, and allow Slavery in all tho yet unorgan
ized territory.
Wo cannot, in this address, review tho various
pretences undor which it is nttomptcd to cloak this
monstrous wrong; but wo must not altogether
omit to notice one.
It is said that the Territory of Nebraska sus
tains the same relations to Slavery as did the
Territory acquired from Mexico prior to I860,
and that the pro-slavery clause of the Bill are
necessary to carry into effect tho Compromises of
that year.
No assertion could be more grouudlesi.
Throe acquisitions of Territory have been made
by Treaty. The first was front Frauca. Out of
this Territory have been creatod the three slave
01 ArrMMsli a, l?v-3; V s. itsnrtc tt tart,
recall, tiio ttiiiiio rrui limn r oi nit lerrnorv in
Freedom and Free Institutions forever. For more
than thirty yours during mora thou hulf the pc-
riod of our "National Existence under our present
ii.... i.. i ii..
unaiiiuiiuii una i-uiui.ii.k uua umi on it iri mil , v
" " i.....v . j . .. uu
liartI(! therefore propose to cancel the
themon'imcl.
If this be not Punic faith, what is it? Not
I without the deepest dishonor nnd crime can the
Frco Stutes ncquiesco in this demand,
--e confess our tutul inability properly to delin
ttt0 til0 vmrni'tor or describe the consequences of
this measure. Latiuuugo fails to express the sent-
.
! !' ) P""l"v 71rdl'1- IucemeuU to the
immigration of free laborers will bo almost dee
i "-".ved. . I he enhanced cost of construction and
j tin diminished expectation nt profitable returns
States of Louisiana, Arknnsns, and Missouri, an4
the single free Stnto of Iowa. The controversy,
which arose in relation to the then unorrAnUsd
portion of this Territory, was closed in IfcliU, by
tho Missouri act, containing the Slavery prohiu-.
lion, as has been already stated. This controversy
related only to territory acquired from France.-,
the act, by which it was terminated, was ConBuM
by its own express terms, to the aauie Territory
ami had no relation to any other. -The
second acquisition wns from Spain. Flor.
idn, the Territory thus acquired, was yielded to'
Slavery williuut u struggle, and almost without
m ii nn nr.
Tho third wns from Mexico. The controversy
which nroso from this acquisition is fresh in the
remcmbrnnce of the American People. Out ot ii
sprung the acts of Congress, commonly known a
the Compromise measure of 1 fiSO, by one etf
which California was admitted as a fiso State
while two others, nrguiiixing the territories o
New Mexico and Utah, exposed all the rrsiduf
of tho recently acquired Territory to the invasion
of Slavery,
These acts were never suppr.fod to nlrogtt .o
touch the existing exclusion of Slavery fnm what
i now called Nebraska. They applied to th
Territory acquired from Mexico, and to that onlyi
They were iiitcmUd as a settlement of the cohlro-
versy growing out of that acquisition, and of that
controversy only. They must staud or fill by
their own uterus.
The statesmen, whose powerful support carried
!he Utah and New Mexico acts, never dreamed
that their provisions would oer be applied to
Nebraska. Even at the lust session of Congress,,
Mr. Atchison, of Missouri, in a speech iu favor of
taking up the former .Nebraska Bill, on the morn,
ingot the 4(h of March, 1H53, said I "It is evident
that the Missouri Compromise cannot be repealed.
So fur ns that question is concerned, we might aa
well ngreo to the adiuissiuu of this Territory now,
as noxt year, or live or ten years heni n," The
words could not have fallen from this watchful
guardian of Slavery, had ho supposed that this)
Territory wns embraced by the pro-slavery pro
visions of the Compromise Act. This pretension
had not then been set up. It is a palpable after
thought.
Tho Compromise Acts tlitnv elves refute this
pretension. In tho third article of tho second sec
tion nf tho Joint Resolution fur annexing Texas to
the United States, it is expressly declared that
"in such State or States as shall be formed out of
said Territory north of said Missouri Compromise
line. Slavery or involuntary servitude, except for
crimo, shall bo prohibited ;" (2) mid in the Act
for organizing New Mexico and sottling the bound
ary of Texas, a proviso was incorporated, on the
of Mr, 'a,orli 0f Virginia, which distiuc
y ,,rferTea this prohibition, and flouts the bar,
m,.cJ pretension that nil tho territory nf the Unites!
siatn. whether ...mi, , nr.u ,,r .,. Mi..ntirt
Compromise liue .is to be open to Shivery. It ia
as follows :
" Provided, That nothing herein contained shall
be construed to impair or qualify anything con
tained in the third article of tho second section of
the Joint Resolution for annexing Texas to the
United States, approved March 1, 184f, either ae
regards the number of Slate that may bereaftor
he former! out of tire Stato of ' Texas, "or" Whet" -wise."
(.1)
Hero is proof, beyond controversy, that the prin
ciple' of the Missouri Act prohibiting Slavery
north of 30 deg. 30 niin., fur from being abrogated
by tho UoniproiniBO Acts, is expressly amrmed'
and that the proposed repeal of this prohibition.
instead of being an affirmation of the Compromise
Aot"' a repeal of a very prominent provision of
ta" important acts of tho scries. It is sob
ouinly declared in tha very Compromise Act "that
nothing herein contained shall bo construed to
""I""1 r 'lu""V. ."'" F"'""-"""" oiavery
Mn.l i ,.r 'III .l.ii .' II i,tn .owl un. ... .1.. ..C
north of 30 deg. 30 min,, und yet, in the face of
this declaration, that sacred prohibition is said to
be overthrown. Cun presumption further go?
To all who, iu any way, lean upon these Corn
promise, we commend this exposition.
Tho pretence, therefore, that the Teritnry, ent
ered by the positivo prohibition of 1H20, sustains
a similar relation to Slavery with that acquired
from Mexico, covered by no prohibition except
that of disputed Constitutional or Mexican Law,
nnd that the CoinprouiUos of 18o0 require the
incorporation :f tiio pro-slavery clauses of the
Utah and New Mexico Bill in the Nebraska Act,
arc mere inventions, designed to cover np from
public reprehension meditated bad fuitlt. Were
lie living now, no one would be more forward, morel
eloquent, or more indignant, in his denunciation
of thut bad faith than Henry Clay, tho furmost
champion of both Compromises.
In 1S2D. the Slave States said to the Free States,
"Admit Missouri with Slavery, nnd refrain from
positive exclusion south of 30 deg. 30 min.. and
wo will join von in perpetual prohibition north of
that line." The Free States consented. In 18J4,
Mnve States rny to the Freo H
" ' admitted, no prohibition of SI
Stj "(? "n; has been attem
tho Slavo States rny to the Freo Slates, Mima
ory south of
pled; we have
received tne lull consideration oi our agreement;
,ents of indignation and abhorrence which it in.
I spires ; and no vision Iojs penetrating and com
prcliensivo than that of the All-seeing, can reach
us ei it issues.
To sumo of its moro immediate and inevitable
i . i - t
i coiiseiUcnccs, however, we must attempt to direct
1 . ' 1
tttl0"" ;" , tJ
v lmt A ,U ,,e lh" rfff;ct of "". W
" unhappily oecome a law, upou the proposed J a
I "i"" Bmlroad ? e have nlready said that two
"'' ,, principal routes, the Central and tho North
em tniverfo this lerritury. If flavcry be allowed
lllCrC, UIU BvO " l.,r"' !, ' .. W.IUU v. WWIP
ill present almost insuperable obstucle to build
ing the road at all ; whiie even if made, ilia diffi.
cully and exponso of keeping it np, in a country
from which the energetic aud intelligent masses
will be virtually excluded, will greatly impair its
usefulness and value.
From tho rich lunds of this large Territory, also,
patriotic statesmen have anticipated that a free,
industrious and enlightened population will extract
abundant treasures of iudividual and public wealth.
Thore, it has been expected, freedum-loving emi
grauts from Europo, and energetic and intelligent
laborers of our own lend will find homes of com
fort and field of ui'Cful enterprise. If this bill
shall become a law, ull such expectation will turn
to grevious disappointment. '1 he blight of Slave
ry will cover tho land. Tho Homestead Law,
should Congress enact one will be worthless there.
Freemen, unless pressed by a bard and cruol ne
cessity, will not, and should not, work beside
slaves. Labor cannot Ih respected where any
class of Uborer is held in abjoct boudage. It U
tho deplorable nocesily of Slavery, that to xnaka
and keep a siugle slavo thero most be slave law j
(1) Act of AURfe b IM- 0. tk ttutt f4 U-S
fl) Onrcloii.l Olota. IMt-tO, f lMti A frV, lH-t,
v. . tmw U".j ". . . , .. .1
