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title: 'Anti-slavery bugle. (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, February 18, 1854, Image 2',
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ecdyet deny Hint the Mason proviso, whioh renf-'that
Brine and reestablishes, ns part of a new compact,!
rory provision .f tlmt third article preserves ttint !
principle. If the priiicinle urn tirricrvnl l.v iiiikJ
it must be by tho other. I
1 have now, I think, demonstrated that the .Sen
ator from Illinois wns dearly wroiut in rosticct to
the incorporation of all the territory cut oil from
Tolas into New Mexico: and iust aa dearly
roiig in relation to tho renfhrmnnco of tho priii-i
s-iprc ui me .Missouri compromise by ono of those
sery comnromifO acta which, as ho would have us
say superseded it. Certainly the .Senate, when
it adopted the Mason proviso, withuit n division,
and the House, when it agreed to tho bill of which
11 was a parr, must havo intciuleil to keep alive
and affirm every provision of the third articlo ti
tho annexation resolution. Ono of these prnvrs-
prohibited shivery north nf 30 30'. That
provision preserved tho principlo of tho Missouri!
compromise, i ue proviso, taken in Connexion
with that provision, makea it clenr beyond all out
tion that the compromise acts preserved that prin
ciple, and rejected th consrquouco which Uis now
ought to furco upon then.
1 submit to tlio Scnnto if I have ant eompiotdy
vindicate! this part of tho appeal against the speech
ot tlio .enntor the errors, mistakes, misrepre-
sontainns, ui o all his own
Nouo are found in tlie
I'he tltirrl specification of tho Senator charces
the signers of the appeal with misrepresentation ol
'the original policy ol tho country in repcct to shi
very, i'hn Senator says:
"The argument of this manifesto was predicated
upon the itssiiniption that the policy oft
t.t tho I.epublic whs to prohibit slaiery in nil the
Territories ceded bv the old Stales tn tho I nion
na mane liiitca rotates territory for the purpose
n. i L, . . .'
upju that ttatcuicnt
The Senator tlic.i proceeds lf at lenipt to show
that tho original policy of tho country was one of
iiidifl'oreutisin between shivery and freedom; and
iliac, in pursuance ol it, n geographical lino
tablishcd reai hii'g fi oin the cast to tho w estern limit
of tho original Statos that is to say, to tlio Mis
sissippi river. Sir, if anything is susceptil.io f
aosuiuie uibioiu-ii, ticiuonsiinTion, 1 ininx it ts the
proposition that tho founders of this Kepiihlio nor
er contemplated any extension of slavery. Let us
for a lew momenta retrace the past.
What was the general sentiment of tho country
when the Declination of Independence was pro
mulgated? I invoke Jefferson as a witness. Let
him speak to us from bis grave, in the language of
his incinorah'.o exposition of the rights -of llritish
Amorica, I lid before tho Virginia convention, in
August, 177 I. These are his words;
""The alsilition of domestic slavery is 'ie greatest
object of desire in these colonics, where it wns un
happily introduced in their infant state."
In the spirit it hich animated J.-nVrsnn, tho First
Congress tho old Congress of 17" ! among their
first acts, entered into a
owinn covctinut njrainst
tho slave traffic.
In 177ti, the IVclnrntiou of Independence, draft
ed hy Jetfcrson, nniiouneed no such low and narrow
princiiiles as seem to bo in fashion now. That im
mortal document asserted no right of the strong to
oppress mo wean, hi too majority to cnsiaio tne
Minority. It promulgated the suMimu creel ol Im-
mM rights. It dc Mired that all vcn are created
M.i.t ...l.t..l 1m. t.m Cm.)... MiK.n.tl.nt.-l..t
v... ...... Mvinui i......,.-
aoie rigeis it ni anu iincny.
The first acquisition d territory was made by the
V'nitcd States tlnvp years before the adoption of the
Constitution, dust utter the country hud emerged
from tho war of independence, when its struggles,
perils, and principles, were fresh in remembrance,
and tho spirit of the Ik-volution yet lived and burn
ed in every American heart, wo made our first ac
quisition of territory. That acquisition was deri
ved from I might, perhaps, better sny confirmed
by tho cessions of irginia, New lork, and Con
necticut. It was the territory north-west of the
Congress forthwith proceeded to consider the
subject of its government. Mr. Jefferson, Mr.
unwell, ana Air, Chaso were appointed a commit-
toe to draft an ordinanco making provision for that
object. The ordinance reported wns the work of
Jefferson, and is marked throughout by bis
spirit of comprehensive intelligence, nnd devotion
to liberty. It did not confine its regards to tho ter
ritory actually acquired, but contemplated further
acquisitions by the cessions of other States. It pro
vided for tho organization of temporary and perma
nent State governments in all territory, whether
"ceded or to be ceded," from the 31;st parallel, the
boundary between tho United Stntes and the Span
ish province of Florida on tho south, to the 4-
parallel, tho boundary between this country and
the British possessions on tho north.
Tho Territory wns to le formed iulo Stales; the
settlors wero to receive authority from the General
Government to form tomporary governments. The
temporary government was to continue in force
until the population should increu',0 to C0.0U0 in
habitants; and then the temporary wero to bo con
verted into permanent covernnicnts. lloth the
temporary and the permanent governments weic'j."
to be established nn ni certain principles, expressly
1 . -..I
set, lurin lu mo ordinance, ns their rasis
mon thorn was the ininortant nmyisn t wl.Sel.
now auk the attention ot tho Scnnto,
"After the year lf(X of the Christian era, there
shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude
in any of the said Suites, otherwise than in the
punishment of crimes whereof the parties shall
Jiare been duly convicted to have been personally
lt it bo noted and remenired (lint this proviso
applied not only to the territory which had been
ceded alrendy by Virginht and tho other Stntes, but
to all territory erjed and to bo ceded. There was
not one inch of territory within iho win k, liioiis ol
.ii, ii- i , v . ... . .
the ltepubbo which was not covered by tlio claims
i f ono or another of the Stut.'S. it was then tlio
.'),.... ... ....,it, in..-;-, in ii ,-u. u'.rnim nifiim'H
among them thut the I'nited Statcit, under the
Constitution, were incapable of acquiring territory
miUido of the original States. Tho Jefferson pro
i.r.v.,r..VA Avin.,,i,i .n An . :. ..i.i'i. i.
r . ii. ii . . . .
viso. herofore, extended to all territory which
want then siinniM..J llio I i.i tn,1 Stnto m.l.t ,.u:
-. -ii -
.f i i .i ... .
,Wc lf. ,ft,VntvVl'? IU'it'"" ''""J"'''."'-"?
Mr. Speight, of North Carolina, moved that it be
etricken from the ordinance, and the vote stood,
tive proviso, six States New Hampshire, Massa-
cliuaciu illio.lo island, Connecticut, New York,
nud .Pennsylvania; ngaiust tie proviso, three States!
-Virginia, Maryland ami
i irouiti Liironnn. jiein-
r ami u
' . ' "."V "- .....i.
l-itl ::u weic not men retireseniod in toe
ud the vote of North Carolina hei.ir, .li.
not counted: nor was tho vt to of New
Uut the Senate will uhre that tho States stood
six to three. Of the tweuty-tlnou delegates pies-1
cnt, sixteen were for the pro'viso, nnd seven against
il The vote of the :a.V.i was t vo to one, nnd thut
of iho duleates more than two to one for the proviso.
under ilie provisions of the .irtich-s of t 'unfed-1
eratinti whicli then controlled ti e legi-Jntion
Conrea, thi votes of a majority of all tho Slutcs
were necessary to retain the proiir-o in tho tirdin
anoe. It failed, etniseqiiently; p.-e,ivly a pro
viso in a treaty must fail unless it receive tho votes
pf two third of (he n. embers of tho Senate. Sir,
if that doctrine of Uio rights of majorities, of which
shear so much uud sen in actual practice so little,
liadlbcn been recognized if tlin wishes nf a ma
jority of the Stales. i.d i f the majority rf iho dele-
Kiiiti., nun fittoi! ii i: amidst universe! semi
rricni yf the rsjople bfcd 1-ern reflected, the ques-
uv ..i .nwrjr iu iuu country wautd have been set
tled that day forever.
111 .1.. .
toy the l.-uion weald have be hi eovcrvd u ith the ini.
u.i- t-rriiuTj ui-iiinrcii
penetrable regis cr freedom, liut tlitn, aa now,
there was a slave intercut in the c.:trr tlien. as
lonr, tlicre was a Mate puwer. The inorren was
comparatively wuall, and the power comparatively
weak; but Uvj wjra 4icieit, urvier tho tbeu ex
isting Gjrertuuent, U df-teal tlie pren wo, and tvops
fftt"Wie preat question nf j4.iwry ta future diurue
tdon. The facts whi. h I Lave drta!V4, however,
are safficint to tliiiw what vras (he ernmA tvnti-
inrnt, and wht was the vnyniA policy of the
tfonntry lo wj-ert toMsvcrr. It was uuc of liuutiv
ti-wi, lirMrienci.t, wejiri'ssion.
Tlhatkcrt Cfeurredl The subject tj orgnnw-
ing this Territory rsiutiiiH l,efjre Congrc.C
Jeilunuu, iu 17 H, Mt In Frnd I lis grei
fluence was im lunger felt in the cowdcjIs of the
cottairr, but bis prr-iuro nunained. sjhI in 1787 was
laNrprsAcJ int-i th irduwwo for th 'Mrviuint
vt i MJrinuQ nmatisesi t turn nier t'luo- t vo
rh Ssoa'0 u vW.'u, that this territory wh,
moment, tlio whole- territory belonging to tho
I'nited Stnto. I will not troublo tlio Senuto hy !
rending the proviso of the ordinance. It is enough I
It was adopted, too, under remarkabln circuinstun
inns Ices. Tho territory over which it wns established
was claimed by Virginia, in right of her charter,
j nn amendment w as afterward ingrafted upon the
Constitution, which especially denied all such pow
for!;'" " cnuie legisla
,. . --- -
I " tinno flavory. Congress has
I1""' m" 'r "' Constitution to innkc a s
, " ' " "T""'"U".
Ai iho sumo timo tho Constitution confers no
I power on Congress, but, on tho contrary, denies all
power to interfere with tho internal policy of any
Slate, ranciioiien nnd rwtiiblished by its own Coil
liut "litution and its own legislation, in i nspect to the
prsvo"i r s-ms -otiMtfulluU uuu b 1 Uulcni), one
aiitjiuqr, :? absolutely liKlit-poitvbk, ond thai is, fhat it
m ilmt tl.n .l..rr.,,.,, ,.r 17x1 ....iii.lnl :
with' a tirnviHion mwintp tn ilii nriiiimil Slates nl' tlie '
I'nion a right to rcrhiim fugitives from service, was
incorporated into the ordinance, and became a fun- i
riamcntal law over ivorr foot of national Icrritorv. '
hut wna the nolii-v inuientcd l,y this action bv the I
father of the Republic t Wns it tlint of inditfer-
, cousin ociwcoii slavery aim iiceunmi niui oi ib-
tahlishing a geographical line, on one side of which
Ithero should bo liberty, and on tho other side 1
slavery, both equally under the protection and
countenance of the Government? No, sir; the
furthest thing possible from that. It wna the pol-
icy of ex. Incline slavery from all national territory
and m right ol conquest. Alio gallant ucorge
i'.ogers Clarke, one of tho bravest and noblest sons
of that State, had, with a small body of troops,
raised under her authority, invaded and conquered
tho territory. Slavery waa already there, under
tho Trench colonial law, anil also, if tho claim of
irgtnni was well founded, under the laws of that
sir, m 'I r,.(. t.rnvr. ti,,,i ihn Br.t i.i.l i.-ni ion I
of tho original policy of the (lot eminent converted I
Now, sir, n lint guarantees wero given for tlie
maintenance of iIiih policy in time to come f I once,
upon this floor, ndici ted to a fact, which has not
attracted so uiueh attention, in my judgment, ns its
importance deserves. It is this: 'vVhilo the Con-)
grcss was fnimiiig this ordinance almost the last
act of its illustrious labors the convention which
nvfi irrrirnr 1,110 irpn ir.Fi inrv.
framed the Constitution wns sitting in I'hiladclpliin.
l... I .1 , 1,1.
oeverni genucmnn were meinocrs oi uoiu iiooics,
,i A ii ii.: .i:nn..flA n,i..i,i .A
preposition in respect to shivery l.iid hceii iliscusscil
in tlie convention, excej.t that which resulted in tho
cstablMiment of the three fiftba chiusc. it is im-1
! possible to snv, with absolute certainty, Hint the
I oii-nri (irnl .in i.l' 1,,.t ,-l.n.o li.l.i I l.n I '.,nl il iilinn
. , ,. , , e..-1
woicii g;ic ine nine sum's a representation tor
three filths of their slaves, bud anything to do with
the unaninious yoto by which the proviso was in-1
grafted uwn tho ordinance: but the coincidence
is remarkable, ami justifies the inference that the
iin.10 Hum i-oiiiiuuiru. jit. iiuciciiis, luu in.i im.
can hardly tail to have been rcgnMeil ns ntlortling
a giinrantee for the pcrpetiintion of tho policyj
which it established
Already seven of tho original thirteen States bad
taken measures for the abolition of slavery within
their limits, and were regarded as free States. Six
only of tho original Slates were regarded ns slave
States. The ordinance provided for the creation
of tivo new freo States, nnd thus secured tho do
cided ascendency of the free States in tho confede
ration. Tho perpetuation of slavery even in any
State, it is quite obvious, wns not then even thought
of. Sir, let mo ask Iho attention of the Scnnto to
the Constitution itself. That charter of our Gov
ernment was not formed upon pro-slavery princi
ples, but upon anti-slavery principles. It nouhero
rfcognir.es the right of property in man. It now
where confers upon the Go eminent which il crea
tes, any power to establish or to continuo slavery,
.ur. .munson innifeii records, in ins renort ol toe
iiclmtc ol tlie Convention, Ins own declaration, that I
it was "wrong to ndinit in the Constitution the idea
that there could be property in men." Kvcry
!.. ,l.n O ... .I....! l.I l. ..-.T ' . . -
iiiuv in me vuiiatiitiiioii -it rcicrs ill nny ii ii v
to slaves speaks of them ns persons, nnd excludes
the idea of property. In some of the States, it it
true, slaves were regarded ns property.
The language of Mr. Justice McLean on this
point is vuiy striking. He says;
" J lint cannot ttnest them of the leading and
controlling quality ot persons by which they are
designated in thcVonstittition. 'The character of
property is given them by the local Inw. This law
is respected, and all rights under it are protected
by the Fcdernl authorities. If tit tho Constitution
acts upon slaves ns persons, and not as property."
Well, sir, not only was the idea of property in
men excluded from tho Constitution j not only wns
there no power granted to Congress to authorize or
enable any muu to hold another as rironertv. lint
The history of that amendment is worth addi
tion. 1 he State w hich the Senators from Virginia
so ably represent on this floor was ono of those
which immediately uftcr the adoption of tho Con
stitution proposed amendments t f it. Due of the
amendments whieh sho proporcd was this :
"No freeman ought to ho taken, imprisoned or
deprived of his freehold liliertics, or franchise, or
outlawed, or exiled, or in any manner deprived of
his life, liberty, or property, but by tho law of the
Ind Congress adopt thnt amendment t No, sir
it adopted iti.d proposed to tho States a very differ
ent nnicrdmcnt. It was this:
shall be deprived of life,
liberty, or proporly, without due process of law,
Now sir, in my judgment, this prohibition was
: r i i.i . , . i . ii
ceiioin, nnu denies absolutely lo loni'icss the pow-
. r r ... .i ...i i:..i . ...v..
1.P nl' Ipiri-il.ttiiMr f. v 1 1, a nttl.il.liul .w,.,fr ...........
" v. "."..in-
1 01 """ cry. 1 Ins amendment ol itself, right-
ly interpreted nnd applied, would bo sufficient to
prevent the introduction of slaves into any territory
acquired by tho I'nited States. At nil events,
taken in connect.on w ith the ordinance, and with
tho ovigiunl provision of the Conrtilutiuu, it shows
conclusively tl.c ntreuce tfull intention upon tlie
part of the founders of tho Government to nflord
any countenance or protection to slavery outside of
Stale limits. I'cpuruirc from the true interpreta
tion of the Constitution has created the necessity
for positive prohibition.
My general view npun this subject is simply this.
Slavery is tho subjection of cue man totho absolute
i Slavery is ion
!,ij,,0(,'i f n
i siIVvc, necr.rdi
another man by force. Muster nnd
rding to the principles r.f the Hcchira.
tion of Independence, nnd by the law of nature.
tiro alike nu n, endowed by their Creator with equal
rif lit. Sir. Mr. Pirkney was ritht. when, in the
.'.sioitim ouui-vtii i-'eietaies, lie excillimeu. PV
,,,, ,te.Iull ,,rineirlo. of justice, no man in the
. . . 1 ... I ....' . . V
Mn...l.... J 1 1 ..r IV. I. l. ... .1 ' - 1 ...
an n right to hold Ins slnvo for a snielc hour."
Slavery then exiaUnowlioro by the law of 1. attire.
exists at nil, it must be through the
Upon this state of things the Constitution acta.
11 "l,,lFr,' nil men as persons. It confers no
. " -:
cxpresrly denies to
i ,. .,..!. .. .1 . I.. ..
porsonni rmniiniis oi its iiiiinliitnnta. The Stat
under the Constitution, are absolutely free from
all interference by Congress in that respect, except,
perhaps, in tl o case of war or insurrection t nud
may legislate as they please within tho limitations
of their own constitution. They may allow slavery
if they please, just as they may license other
wrongs, liut State laws, by which slavery is al
lowed nnd regulated, rnu oi-crato only within the
limits of the State, and tun have uo extra-territorial
Sir, I pouW quote the opinions of son I hern judges
otl infin'uum. in siiniiortuf the ilur-triuo llo.l .lv..rr
I - ..... i . .. . . . '. . . -J
i is ngainri minimi rigni, absolutely d.')liileiit lor
existence or coiitinunucc upt n Suite legislation. I
might quote the scornful rejection by linndolph ot
nil iu-1 in an tne iicncral tioternmeiit to the institu
tion of shivery within the Stntes. I might quote
the decision of the celebrated Chancellor Wythe of
Virginia oicrruled nftcrwards, 1 know, sir, iu the
court of apiioals that slavery wns so rgainst jus
tice, that the preti'mptuin of freedom must Le al
lowed iu favor iif every end any alleged slave suing
for liberty, atid that tho onus of proving the con
trary reabul iijxin tlie master.
I think, ir, I havo now shown that the ordinance
of 17H7, nnd the C'onsiituUon of tho United States,
are aJ.-olok.lv in hiu-uiuiiy ot.n with (he other;
and thitf if lh ordiuiujoe had never Leon adopted,
iuiJ the Ciiusu;ution imclf prosily interpreted,
and sdininii-Xered. uould have exduded slavery in
all newly-neninncd territtrry. lint. ir, whatever
n&iioii may 4ie nvrtaiiid ui rwHpeet l the ii
i ,i, ii...-,....,.,,Mn .r ;.u ......... .... .1
... .....nu ... t; , .... uio, v out. it! vu 'jn L I .
was the original policy of the country to delude
shivery from all national territory,
That policy wns never departed from until the
vj.nr 17CIO hr.n Cnnffross accented tlie cession, nf
of whntia now Tennessee from South Carolina.
Nor dit tho no-eptance of that cession indicate any
purpose of establishing a geographical line between
slavery and freedom ? V hy, air, on tho contrary,
the State of North Carolina, aware that in tho nb-
senco of any stipulation to the contrary, slavery
wouiu tiv (uumo...... . ......... .........j, ...
suanco of tho established policy of the Government,
introduced into her deed of cession an extra pro-
vision, that the anti-slavery article of the ordinance
of 17?" should not be applied to it. It may be
said that Congress should have refused to accept
tho cession. I agree in that opinion. Hut slavery
existed in the district ns part of tho State
f Xnrili Carolina, and it was probably thoucht
unreasonable to deny tho wish of the Stnto for
The same motives decided the action of Georgia
in making her cession or the territory between
her western limits and tho Mississippi, aud the
fwiir.n of Congress accenting It.
of both theso cessions, as well as tho adoption and
rc-cimctment by Congress of tho slave laws of
Mnrvlniul for tho Iistnct of Co iimliia. were do.
parturcs from original policy ; but they indicated
They wcro tho result of tho gradually increasing
indifference to tho claims of freedom, after the
adoption of tho Constitution. Luther Martin had
complained in 17H, that "when our liberties
at stake we warmly felt for tho common rights of
man. The danger being thought to bo paat which
threatened ourselves, wo nro daily crowing more
1111 iiiiriiimu t,f i.-nii,iyiir uii, ki uuiiiloiimii iiiiu.i"
and more insciiaihle to those rights." It was
grow nig losriisiijiiiij' w men icu tu loose ucpnnurcs
Uv l ni;. A r,n.rnv,l. :.. luivt t
:...-!.. !l!l!i. 1. I .
inna wns ncouired from t rance. Ihd we then
hasten to establish a geographical line f No, sir.
In Louisiana, ns in tho territories ncnuircd from
ticorgiu and North Cnrolinn, congress refrained,"0"
IV..111 n.,tvii.,r ll.n iir,!i,. f 17M7 . I'..i,n.i rlirl
. . :Jr L :.i. .... .;.."L -1
1101 inicricro n 11 11 enisling slavery ; ougress con-
tented itself w ith enactments prohibiting, nbso-
lutoly, the introduction of slaves from beyond the
limits of tho I lilted States; mid nlso prohibiting
their introduction from any or the States, except by
com ji'ic owners, iifiuitiiv remo ing 10 Louisiana
lor settlement, li lien Louisiana was admitted
into the I nion, in 1M2, no restriction was imposed
01. iler in res.ect tu -onerjr. jit tins time mere
wero blavcs all along up the west bank of tlio
as fur as St. Louis, and pcrhnps even
v(,,. . , , .... ,
1818 Missouri applied for admission into the
total overthrow of the original policy of the coun
try. They saw that no Stnto had taken measures
for the abolition of slavery sinco tho adoption of
the Constitution. They saw that tho feeble at
tempt to restrict tho introduction of slaves into
the territories acquired from Georgia and from
France hnd utterly failed. They insisted, there-
fore, that in tho formation of a constitution, the
,,eoo.c .,, ie ,,r r.r.sea eta o suouui ci.n.otly in
li",i io. , . '
nig slavery, nnd prohibiting the further introduc-
. ,, ., .. ,,,, ,,, mo exist-
nn. i. :i I .i .
tn not slaves, llv tins ton. il,n ;(nrn. i,.i
ticeonie Mroiig, nnd tho shue power wns pretty
firmly cstnblishad. Tho demand of sho freo States
wns vehemently conte-ted. A bill preparatory to
,1 .l.. . i ..I.I . J
mo ituiinssion oi .tiissouri, eoutaintng the
posed restriction, was pissed by the Houso and
sent to the Sennte. In that body tho bill wns
amended by striking out tho restriction ; tho House
refused, to concur in tho amendment; tho Senate
insisted on it, olid tho bill failed. At the next
sesatoti ot Congress the controversy was renewed,
In the meantime Maine hnd been severed f;
, niuoniiiuillHl, 1IIIU I1IIU
applied for admission into the t'nion. A bill pro-
.VlflKSncllllNA.ta t.n.l n.lf.i.tnil n.,,,.i;i...:.,H I
'viding for her admission passed the House, and
I wns sent to tho Senate. This bill wns amoiidcd in
I tho Senate by tacking to it n bill for tho admission
of Missouri, nnd by the addition of n section pro-
minting slavery in nil tho territory acquired by
Louisiana north of 30" 30. Tho House refused to
concur in Ibe.-c amendments, and tho Sennte asked
lor a committee t r conference, to winch the House
agreed. Huring the progress of these civuts, the
House, after passing the Maine bill, had also passed
a bill for the admission of Missouri, embodying tho
restriction upon slnvcry in the Stato. Tho Sennte
amended the bill by striking out the restriction,
nnd by inserting tho section prohibiting slnvcrv
north of 30 3J 1 b J
This section came from tho South through Mr.
Thomas, Iho Senator from Illinois, who had uni
formly voted with the shtvo States against nil re
striction. It v as adopted on tho 17iii February.
1!10, os an amendment to the Maine and Missouri
hill, hy .14 nves, ngauist 10 noca.
Mr. Ill Mi:!!. I think that the
without n divir-ion in Iho Senate.
f provision passed
Mr. ClIASli. The Senator is mistaken. Four.
teen Senators, fn in tho slave States, nnd twenty
from the free States voted for that amendment.
Light from the former, nnd two from the latter
voted against it. No vo;c jy ayes and noes was
i taken when 1 ,n .mm n,.,.. .(,....., nu n.T.,rl
., ". . . . ... . " "".:
I upon the seiauite Missouri In 11. n few Hnvs Into
.,, ,. ,,, j, i i
I . ' "v " "'8 "-eertutueu o,
the former vote
This was tho condition of matters when the com
mittee of conference, for which the Scuato had
aked, nuvlo their report. Tho members of the
committee fn. m the Senate were, of course, favor
able to the Senate amendments. In the House, the
Speaker, Hf.nrv Ci.av, was iiUo in favor of them
niui t.e had tho appointment of tho committee Of
course no took care, ns he 1ms suico informed the
country, to constitute the commlttoo in such man
ner and of such persons ns would bo most likely to
secure their adoption. Tho result was w hat might
havo been expected. It recommended that tho
Scnnto should recede from its amendments to tho
Maine bill, nnd that tho House should concur in
the amendment to tho Missouri bill. Enough
members from tho freo States were found to turn
tho scale against the proposed restriction of slavery
in tho Stale; and tho amendment of tho Scnnto
striking it out was concurred in bv ninetv ven.
ogaitist .eigl.ty-scvcn nays. From' this moment
successful opposition to the introduction of Mis-
noun nun snivcry was impossib o. Rot I. nir rn.
mnincd to detormino the character of the residtioof
mo iouibiann acquisition ; nnd the amendment pro
hibiting slavery north of 30 30v was concurred iu
by ono hundred mid thirty-four yens against forty-
two nays.. Of the yeas, thirty-eight wero froui
slave aud r.tnetv-six from free Mate., nf it, nn,-.
.1.:- r. . . , . ... ' ......... j.,
inn i i-Fe-ieii were lioui siavo-ntnlea nnd lie. Ii..,n,
free. Among thoso who voted with the majority
was Mr. Lownpes, of South Carolina, whoso vote,
estimated by tho worth and honor of tho man, oub
weighs many opposite.
Now, for the first time, wns a geographical lino
established betwecu slavery and freedom in this
Let us pause, nnd ascertain upon what principle
this compromise w as adopted, and to what territory
it applied. Tho controversy was between tho two
great sections of the In ion. The subject was
vast extent ot almost unoccupied country, embrac
ing the whole territory west of the .Mississippi. It
was territory in w hich slave law existed nt the time
ot acquisition. The compromise section contained
no provision allowing sluvory south of .'Hi0 30
could never have received tho sanction of Congress
if it had. J ho continuanco of shivery thorn was
left to the determination of circumstances. There
wns nn implied uiiderstantfingthat Congress should
not intcrfcro with tho operation of these circum
stances and that was all. Tho prohibition north
of 'M S0V was absolute and perpotual. The act in
The voto wns as follows t
AYLS Messrs. Morrill nnd Parrot, New Hamp
shire; Mulleu nnd Otis, uf Massachusetts; Daua
and Lanuinn, of Connecticut; liurrill and Huutor,
of Uhode Island ; l'uluicr and Ticheuor, of Vermont;
King and Sunford, of Now York; Dickorsou and
WiUon, of New Jersey; Lowrio and Itoberts, of
Pennsylvania; Tuigglus and Trimble, of Ohio!
Horsey and Van Dyke, of Delaware ; Lloyd and
1'inki.ey, of Maryland; Stokes, of North Carolina
Johnson and I-ogun, of Kentucky; Eaton and
Williams, of Tennessee; Drown and Johnson,
of I-ouihiaua; Leake, of Mississippi ; King and
Walker, of Alabama; Edwards aud Thouioa,
NOES Messrs. Noblo and Taylor, of Indiana
Rarlmur and Pleasants, of Virginia; Macon, of
North Carolina; Oaillard and Smith, of South Car
oline ; Klliot and W alker, pf Oeorgia and M'ib
linrus, nf Mississippi,
majority or southern Senators voted Tor It )a nia
already jority of southern Representatives yotod for it. It
was approved by all the southern members of the
italCnbinet, and received the sanction of a southern
I'resident. The compact was embodied in a singjo
bill containing reciprocal provisions. Tho adnus-
without restriction by the act itself. Kvcry other
part of the compact, on the part of the froo States,
I has been fulfilled to the fetter. No part of tho
were(C"lnPW on '' paft of the slave States has been
j fulfilled at nil, except In the admission of lowa.nnd
!'e organiiation of Minesota; and now the slave
, '"fates propose to break up the contract without
thul'ne consent, nnu ngainsi me win oi uio iree oinies,
negister, pumisnca in Jinitiinore, .viarcu i,
tnvpr. gm i,e 'rerer' prohilntert in them.
t t'ltcre is no hardship in this. The Territories be
Mississippi iut)g to tl0 l uitcd States, and the (government may
rightfully prescribe the terms on which it will dit
In L,,,,, uf t,0 ,,ul)ii0 inllj,. This great point
which it win contained wae submitted by the Pros
ident to big Cabinet, for their opinion upon the
constitutionality 01 that prohibition. t-ALnotst,
C'R vwrnRn, and w IRT were members of that Cnbi-
net. Each, in It written opinion, affirmed its con-
stitutionnlity, and the act received the sanction of
the I'resident. 1 hus we soe that tlie parties to tne
arrangement were tho two sections, of the country
tho tree States on one side, the slave States on
the other. The subject of it waa, the whole terri
tory west of the Misaissippi, outside of the State of
Iuisiana ! and the practical operation of it was,
the division of this territory between the institution
of slavery and the institution of freedom.
The arrangement wns proposed by the slave
States. It was carried by their yotes. A large
sinn oi Missouri witn slavery, ana tneunaerstana
wg "al ainvery anouiu not ue pronimteu uy von
'grt'" aouth of 3G 30 wore tho considerations of
the porpctunl prohibition north of that line.
ion norm oi inai line. Anu
the consideration of the ad
mission, anu tne unuoratanrnng. i ne slave states
received a largo share of the consideration coming
1 -.rrUH.. r, ....
,(tn n ilnclpmn nl tlinnHad iim trial,.!, tf an tint int.
"r v, n...v.., n....vb.v...
rd at all. must be inevitably extended so &s to over.
inrow uio existing proinumou oi slavery in an tue
lt mo read to tho Senato some parogrwphe from
le-U. WHICH SHOWS Clearly Wtiai WOS ItlOn tne UHI"
lvnrf.t iitiderntnndinu in rest.pet ta tliia Arranfre.
'- o 1 o
"The territory north of "6 3tV is 'forf.rtr' for
hidden to be peopled with slaves except in
,10 Stato of Missouri. The right then to inhibit
(,rcry in auu 01 tho Territories is clearly ana com-
I pietulv acknowledged, and it is conditioned as to
jiom0 uf them, that even when they become Mult,
agreed to in the Senate, 33 votes to 11; and in the
ilouso of Keprcsontntivca by 134 to 42. or really
139 to 37. And wo trust that it is determined
'furner' in respect to tho countries now subject to
the legislation of tho General Government."
I ask Senators particularly to mark this:
" it (nit the commomite it mvvortcd only by Iht
l.n- f iL- t . r..i.f f... ...'..J.
V,cnacud Hi but Iht cirenmttunca of the can yive to
rritrr o tne iiiiv, rij'ruiuoic vii tne uuinvMiH hhki,
ii... ,, no. A i. ronr nnmUo that ot a iHUint:
nrotition of the Constitution; and ve tlo not hazard
anijthiwj by laying that the Coiutilution exitti in its
observance, lloth parties havo sacrificed much to
conciliation. We irwA to tee the compact keiM in
good fuith, and we trust that a kind l'rovi
dence will open the way to relievo us of an evil
which every good cititen deprecates as the supremo
curso ol the country."
That, sir, was tho langungo of a Mitrvlandcr,
in 120. He expressed the universal understand
ing of the country. Hero then is a compact coin-
pletc, porfevt, irrcpcnlablo, ao
said to be irrepenlable, which is em
bodied in a legislative act. It had the
two sections of the country for its parties, a
great Territory for its subject, and a permanent
adjustment of a dangerous controversy for its ob
ject. It was forced upon the free States. It has
licen literally luluiled by the tree states. It is
binding, indeed, only upon honor and conscience;
but, in such a matter, the obligations of honor and
conscience must be regarded as even more sacred
than those of constitutional provisions.
Mr. l'resideut, if there was any principle which
prevailod iu this arrangement it was that of per
mitting the continuanco of slavery in the localities
where it actually existed at the timo of the acqui
sition of the Territory, and prohibiting it in the
parts of Territory in which uo slaves wore actually
held. This was a wide departure from tho orig
inal policy which contemplated the exclusion of
slavery from territories in which it actually ex
isted at the timo of acquisition. Hut tho idea thnt
slavery could ever bo introduced into freo terri
tory, under tho sanction of Congress, bad not, as
yet, entered into any man's head.
Mr. President, I shall hasten to a conclusion.
In 1848 wo acquired a vast territory from Mexico.
The free States dcninnded that this territory, free
when acquired, should remain freo undor the
Government of tho United States. The Senator
from Illinois tolls us that he proposed the exten
sion of tho Missouri compromise line through this
territory, and lie complains that it wns rejected
by tho yotes of tho free Stntes. So it was. And
why? Ltocause tho Missouri compromise nppliod
to territory in which slavery wns already allowed.
Tho Missouri prohibition exempted a portion of
this territory, and the larger portion, from the
evil. It carried out in respect to that the original
policy of the country. But the extension of thnt
line through the territory acquired from Mexico,
w ith the understanding which tho Senator from
Illinois and his friends attached to it, would
introduce slavery into a vast region in which
shivery, at the timo of acquisition, was not allow
ed, 'i'o agree to it would have boon to rovcrse
totally the original policy of tho country nnd to
disregard tlio principle upon which, the .Missouri
coniiiroiuiso was basod.
It is truo that when the controversy in rospect to
this Territory came lo a conclusion, the provisions
of the nets by which territorial governments wero
organized, were in some respects worso than that
I Pri!tlVn 01 hile those bills pro-
! u !c ..ve tlueuo" ""J M "?
erritorics unaffected bv their provisions to
judicial decision, they did, nevertheless, virtually
uueiuu tuu question lor nil ino lun uory coverea oy
thorn, so far ns legislation could decide it, against
freedom, California, indeed, was admitted as a
free State ; and by her admission the scheme of
extending a line ot slave Mates to tho Pacifio was
for the time defeated. Tho principle upon which
northern friends of the territorial compromise
acts vindicated their support of them was this
Slavery 1b prohibited in these Territories by Mex
ican law that law is not ropealod by any provision
of the acts. Indeed, said many of 'them, slavery
cannot exist in any Territory, except iu virtue of
a positivo act of Congress no such act allows
slavery there there is no danger, thorefore, that
any slaves will he taken into the Territory. South
ern supporters of tho measure sustained them upon
quite opposite grounds. I'nder the provisions of
tno federal constitution, tncy said, tlie slaveholder
can hold his slaves in any Teritory iu spite of any
prohibition of a Territorial Legislature, or ")ven of
.... . . i 'in.. i v i r i i i.i-
ii i w.. ui vvi.jiiGflBi .iiv ..ic.ienu law loruiuuuig
slavery was ubrogatcd at the moment of acquisition
by the operation ot the Constitution. Congress
has not undertaken to imposo any prohibition.
e can, tnereioro, take our slaves there, if we
The committee tell us that this question was
left in doubt by tlie territorial bills.
What, then, was the principle, if any, upon
which this controversy was adjusted? Clearly
this: That when free torritory is acquired, that
part of it which is ready to coma in as a free State
shall be admitted into the Union, and that part
which is not ready shall be organized into terri
torial governments, and its condition in respect to
slavery or freedom shall be loft in doubt during
the w hole period of its territorial existence.
It is quite obvious, Mr. President, how very
prejudicial such a doubt must be to the settlement
and improvement of the torritory. liut 1 must not
pause upon this.
The truth is, that the compromise acta of 1850
were not iutonded to introduce any principle of
territorial orgniuiuuon applicable io any otner
Torritory excopt that covered by them. The pro
fessed oljuct of the friends of the compromise acts
was to compose the whole slavery agitation. There
were various matters uf complaint. The non-sur
render of fugitives from service was one. The ex
istence of slavery and the slave trade here in this
District and elsewhere, under the exclusive juris
diction of Congress, was another. The appro.
hended introduction or prohibition of slavery in
the Territories furnished other grounds of contro
versy, The slave Stntes complained of tho free
States, and the free States complained of the slave
States. It was supposed by some that this whole
agitation might be stayed, and finally put at rest
by skilfully adjustod legislation. So, sir, we had
the omnibus bill and its appendages, the fugitive
slave bill, and the District slave trade suppression
Kill 'r 1A.UA i.. v- i. ... . 1 .'.
Mill. AV ln.0 HIU A' Wtlll-HT piPUSS mO lrOO
States California was to be admitted, and tho
slave depots hero in tho District were tn be broken
up. To please the slave States, a stringent fugi
tive slave act was to be passed, and slavery was
in lima m vuuneu w gei, imu mv nnw lurniones
The support of the Senators and lteprcscntntivcs
from Texas was to be gained by a liberal adjust
ment of boundary, ana by tho assumption of a
large portion ot their state debt. 1 he general
result contemplated was a complete and final ad
justment of all questions relating to slavery. The
acts passed. A number ol the tricnus oi tno acts
signed a compact, pledging themselves to support
no man for any office who would in any way renew
the agitation. The country was required to ac
quiesce in tho settlement as nn nbsoluto finality.
No man concerned in carrying those measures
through Congress, and least of nil the distinguished
man whose efforts mainly contributed to their suc
cess, ever imagined thnt in the torritorinl acts
which formed a part of the series, they were plant
ing tne gorms ol a new agitation, indeed, l nave
proved that one of those nets contains an express
stipulation which precludes tho revival of the agi
tation in tho form in which it is now thrust upon
the country, without manifest disregard of the pro
visions of those acts themselves.
I have thus proved beyond controversy that tho
averment of the bill which my amendment pro
poses fo strike out, is untrue. Senators, will you
unite in a statement which you know to be contra
dicted by tho history of the country f Will you
incorporate into a public stututo an affirmation
which is contradicted by every event which attend
ed or followed the adoption of the compromise
nets? Will you here, acting undor the high res
ponsibility as Senators of the States, assort as fact,
by a solemn yoto, that which the Personal recollec
tion of every Senator who was nore during the
discussion uf those compromise acts disproves?
I will not believe it until I see It. If you wish to
break up tho time honored compact embodied in
the Missouri compromise, trnnsfered Into the joint
resolution for the annexation of Tcvns, preserved
and affirmed by theso compromise nets themselves,
do it oponly do it boldly. Itepcnl tho Missouri
prohibition, llepeiil it by a direct veto. Do not
repeal it by indirection. Do not "declare" it "in-
nnnra I tA alAftmia ti tnaa A.lnd 1 . w tm nitinislnliva
om iiiiiiv 1ov.hmi-v rvsi ; s nvMVV lj ansa iiiiiliiii
of the legislation of 1850."
Mr. President, thrco great eras have marked the
history of this country, in respect to Slavery. The
first may bo characterized as the era of E.vrftAX
cuisr nr.T. It commenced with the earliest stmg.
glo for national independence. The spirit which
inspired it nnimntcd the hearts nnd prompted the
efforts of Washington, of Jefferson, of Patrick
Henry, Wytho, of Adams, of Jay, of Hamilton, of
Morris ; in short, of all tho great men of our early
history. All these hoped all these labored for
all these believed in the final dolit cranes of the
country from the curse of Slavery. That spirit
burned in the Declaration of Independence, and
inspired the provisions of the Constitution nnd of
the Ordinance of 17b". Under its influence, when
in full vigor. State after Stato provided for the
emancipation of the slaves within their limits,
prior to the adoption of tho Constitution. Under
its feebler influences a Inter period, and during
the administration of Mr. Jefferson, tho importa
tion of slaves was prohibited into Missippi and
Louisiana, in the faint hope that those Territories
might finally become free Stnlos. Gradually that
spirit ceased to influence our public councils, nnd
lost its eontrol over the American policy. Another
Kra succeeded, but by such imperceptible grada
tions that the lines which separate tho two cannot
be traced with absolute precision. The facts of
theso two Eras meot and minglo as the currents of
confluent streams mix so imperceptibly that the
observer cannot fix tho spot whero the meeting
This second F.ra wns tho Kra of Conservatism.
Its great maxim was to prcscrro tho existing con
dition. Men raid, let things remain as they are ;
let Slavery stay where it is ; exclude it where it is
not; refrain from disturbing the public quiet by
agitation ; adjust all differences that arise, not by
the application of principles, but by compromises.
It was during this period that the Senator tells
us that Slnvcry was maintained in Illinois, both
while a Territory nnd after it became a Stato, in
dospito of the provisions of tho Ordinance. It it
true, sir, that the slaves held in tho Illinois country,
under tho French law, were not regarded as abso
lutely emancipated by the provisions of the Ordi
nance. Hut full effect wna given tn the Ordinance
in excluding the introduction of slaves, nnd thus
tho Territory was preserved from eventually bo
coming a slnvo State. Tho few slaveholders in the
Tcrritorj of Indiana, which then included Illinois,
succeeded in obtaining such nn ascendency in its
affairs, thnt repeated applications wero mado, not
merely by conventions of delegates, but by the
Territorial Logisluturo itself, for n suspension of
tho clause in tlie Ordinanco prohibiting Slavery.
These applications wero reported upon by Jolin
Randolph, of Virginia in tlio House, nnd by Mr.
Franklin in the Scnnto. lioth tho reports wore
against suspension. The grounds stated by Itnn
dolph are specially worthy of being considered
uow. They nro thus stated iu tho report t
"Thnt the committee deem it highly dangerous
nnd Inexpedient to impair a provision wisely calcu
lated to proiroto the happiness nnd prosperity of
tho Northwestern country, and to givo strength
ana security to thnt extensive frontier. In the
salutary operation of this sagacious and benevolent
ruBiruuu, ii is nuueveu inai me lnnnimnnts oi In
diana will, at no very distant tiny, find amplo re
muneration fur a temporary privation of labor nnd
Sir, those reports, mado in 1903 nnd 1607, and
the action of Congress upon them, in conformity
with their recommendation, saved Illinois, and
perhaps Indiana, from becoming slave States.
When the peoplo of Illinois formed their Stato
Constitution, they incorporated into it a section pro
viding uint noiiiier Diuvcry nor involuntary servi
tude shall be hereafter introduced into this State.
Tho C'oiistittition mado provision for the continued
service of the fow persons who were originally hold
as slaves, and then bound to service under the
Territorial laws, nnd for the freedom of their chil
dren, and thus secured the final extinctiou of Sla
very. The Senator thinks that this result is not
attributable to the Ordinance. 1 differ from him.
but for tho Ordinance, I have no doubt Slavery
would have been introduced into Indiana, Illinois,
nnd Ohio, It is something to the credit of the Era
of Conservatism, uniting its influences with thoso
of the expiring Era of Enfranchisement, that it
maintained the Ordinanco of 1787 in the North
The Era of Conservatism passed, also, by imper
ceptible gradations, into the Era of Slavery Pro-t-AUANDisH.
Undor the influences of this new-
spirit, we oponod the whole Torritory acauired
from Mexico, except California, to the ingress of
Slavery. Every foot of it was covered by a Mexi
can prohibition ; - and yet, by tho legislation of
-"', no uuimi:iii.u w expose ii to mo introduction
of slaves. Some I believe have actually beon carri
ed into Utah and into New Mexico. Thev may be
fewr, perhaps, but a fow are enough to effect nia-
loriiiuy me probable character ot their future Gov
ernments. Sir, I bolieve we are on the verge of another Era.
The introduction of this question here, and its
discussion, will greatly hasten its odvont. That
Era will be the Era of Reaction. We, who iusist
upon the denationalization of Slavery, and upon
the absolute divorce of the Genoral Government
from all connexion with it, will stand with the
men who favored the Compromise acts, and who
yet wish to adhere to tbom, in tho letter and in
their spirit against the ropeal of the Missouri pro
hibition. You may pass it here. You may send
it to the othor houso. It may become law. But
iu effect will be to satisfy all thinking men that no
compromises with Slavery will endure, except so
long as they serve the interesU of Slavery ; aud
that there is no safe and honorable ground to stand
upon, except that of restricting Slavery within
State limits, and excluding it absolutely from the
whold sphere of Federal jurisdiction. The old
questions between political parties are at rest. No
great question to thoroughly possesses tpe public
mind as this of Slavery. This discussion will
hasten the inevitable reorganiintion of pnrties up
on the new issues which ourcircumstanccs suggest
It w ill light up a fire in the country which may per
haps, consume those who kindle it.
i cannot believe that the people of Ibis country
have so far lost sight of theniaxins nnd principles
of the Herniation, or are so insensible to the obli
gations which those maxims nnd principles impose,
as to acquiesce in tho violation of this compact.
Sir, tho Senator from Illinois tells ns that he pro
poses a final settlement of all territorial question
iu reapect to Shivery, by tho application of the
principle of popular sovereignty. Whnt kind of
popular sovereignty is thnt which allows one por
tion of the peoplo to enslave another portion? I
that the doctrine of eoual rights? Is that exact
justice? . Is that tho teaching of enlightened, lib
oral progressive Democracy ? No, sir; no I Thera
can lie no real Democracy w hich does not fully
maintain the rights of man, ns mnn. Living, prac
tical, earnest Democracy imperatively requires us,
while carefully abstaining from unconstiliitionad.
interference w ith the internal regulations of any
Stale upon tho subject of Slavery, or any other
subject, to insist upon the practical application nf
its great principles in all the leglslaton of Con
gress. I repeat, sir, that he who maintains theso prin
ciples will stand shoulder to shouidsr witn in
men wno, aincnng irom us upon ouior questions,
will vet unito with us iu opposition to (ho violation'
of plighted faith contemplated by this bill. Thrrsr
aro men, nnd not a fow, who nro w illing to adhora
to the Compromiao or 150. II the Missouri pro
hibition, which that Compromise incorporates and
preserves among its own provisions, snail be re
pealed, abrogated, broken up, tnousnnus win say,
away with all compromises; they nre not worth
the paper on which they aro printed ; we will re- '
turn to the old principles of tho Constitution. Wt
will assert tho ancient doctrine, that no person
shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, by
the legislation of Congreas, without due process
of Inw. Carrying out that principle into its prac
tical applications, we w ill not cense our effort
until Slavery shall coase to exist whorover it ean
be reached by tho constitutional action if the Gov
ernment. Sir, I hare faith in progress. I have faith in
Democracy. The planting nnd growth of this na
tion, upon this western continent, wns not an acci
dent. The establishment of the American Govern
ment, upon the sublime principles of tho Declara
tion of Independence, and tho organisation of the
Union of theso States, under our existing Constitu
tion, was the work nf great men. inspired by great
ideas, guided by Divine Providence. These men,
tho fathers of tho I.epublic, have bequeathed toua
the great duty of so administering the Government
which they organized, as to protect the rights, to
guard tho interests and promote the well-being of
all persons within its jurisdiction, nnd thus pre
sent to tho nations of the earth a nobler example
of wise and iust self-government. Sir, I have faith
enough to believe thut wo shall yet fulfil this high
duty. Let me borrow the inspiration of MiLTosf
wlnlo I declnro my belief, that we havo vet a coun
try "not degenerated, nor drooping to a fatal dr
cay but destined, casting off tho old and wrinkled
skin of corruption, to t utlivt these panyl, and WAt
VOl'NO AOAIX, AND, ENTERI.NO Till Ol.nRIOVS WAVS
or TsiTii and rsosi mors vikti k, nicotic oriat
AND noNORAM.E IN TIIESK LATTER Anr. Mctllitlks
I see in my mind a great and puissant nntion
rousing herself like a strong man after sleep, nnd
shaking her invincible locks. Mclhinks I see l.er
ns nn eagle renewing her mighty youth, and kind
ling her undazztrd eyes AT the I i I.L Min-tAr peak ;
I'I RniNO AND t NCAI.INO llt.R ll'NO-Al m VfD MG1 T
AT Till rot'NTAIN ITSKI.r OF IIF.AVE.Nt.r RADIANCE;
whilo tho wild noiso of timorous nnd flocking
birds, with those also that love the twilight, flutter
above, nmnted nt what sho means, and in their
envious gnhblo would prognosticate a year of sects .
Sir, we may fulfil this sublime destiny if we
will but faithfully adhcro to tho greut maxims of
tho Revolution; honestly carry into their legiti
mate practical applications the high principles of .
I'cmocrncy, ana preserve inviolate pngnicu lauii
and solemn compacts. Let us do this, putting our .
trust in tho tiod of our fathers, and there is no-
dream of national prosperity, power, and glory
which ancient or modern builders ot ideal com
monwealths ever conceived, which we may not
liopo to realize liut if wo turn aside from thesu-
ways ol honor to wain in tlie by-paths or tempo
rary expedients, compromising w ith w rong, abet
ting npprcsrioit, and repudiating faith, the wisdi.mi
and devotion nud labors ol our lathers willliavo-
been spent iu vain.
Sir, 1 trust that the result of this discussion will!
show that the American Scuato will sanction no.
breach of compact. Let us striko from tho bill
the statement w hich historical facts nnd our per
sonal recollections disprove, and then reject the
wholo proposition which looks toward a violation,
of the plighted fuith and solemn compact whiclu
our fathers made, nnd which we, their sons, a re
bound by every tie of obligation sacredly to maintain.
THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.
ii e nonce mnt mo restoration oi mis important
library is rapidly progressing, It will be remember
ed that at the time of the destruction of tho main por
tions of tho library by fire, almut twenty thousand
volumes, deposited in adjoining and sepcrato rooms
wero saved. This portion of tho library includott
the chapters on law, numbering from eight to ton
thousand volumes Mr. JcfTcrson.s valuablo collec
tion of works on American history nnd politics
4c. 4c. To this collection, as a nucleus for titer
new library, as many moro volumes hnvo no been
added, making nt present a library of forty thou
sand volumes. Muny works of great value haver
been secured, ninnrg which may be mentioned the
Inrger works of Humboldt, Chnmpollion, Roscl
lini, Ac, ic. Lord Kingsborough's Mexican Anti
quities ; tho llritish Piirliumciitary History and
Debates, complete, from tho yenr of our Lord 1000'
to 1853 ; the Journals of the House of Lords and
Commons, from liuy to 1M53 ; and the Parliamen
tary documents, from 1814 up to the present time
the last rfnmcd work nlono numbering 1, 500 vol
umes. Also, a complete copy of the London Ua
zotto, from 1005 up to this date ; a complete file of
the London Times, from its commencement ; tha .
lloston Sentinel, from 1789 to lts0 ; the Aurora,
from 1792 tn fl1; ninny rare and valuable works
ou natural history, American history, ic., Ao.
Two spociul appropriations wore mado by Con-
gross to supply tlio burnt portion of tho library
oiio of $111,000, and another of $75,000; and wa
learn thnt only about one half of the amount haa
been expended on these now purchases. Orders,
however, have been sent out which will nearly .
consume tho balance of these appropriations.
Tho stnteincnt which was made a while since,
that the recent additions to this library cost four
dollars per volume, it will be perceived, therefore,
was quite wide af the mnrk. The average cost of
the new purchases, as we learn from the Librarian, ia
only ono dollar and ninoty-five cents per volume;
which, considering tho number of rare and ex pen-
sue worxs wnien nave necn secured, and superior
and durable stylo in .which the entire library ia
bound, cannot be considered a high expenditure.
The new books which have been ordered will
more than fill tho now room. They are expected!
to bo received in tho course of a fow months, when,
it is believed the Library of Congress will be fully
restured, both as to numbers ana vulue. A oata
logueof tho library is in process of construction on,
the Smithsonian plan, which is designed to ba
completed iu the course of a year. Daily Globe.
OHIO AND PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD.
TRAINS GOING WEST.
Mail Train leaves Pittsburg at POO A, M.
SALEM, 11,05 A. M.
" " arrives at Crestlino 5,30 I. M.
Express Tram leaves Pittsburgh at 9,30 P. M
12,20 A. M.
t),30 A.' M.
" " arrives at frontline
TRAINS GOING EAST.
Mail Train loaves Crestline at
7,00 A. M.
1,30 P. M.
arrlvos at PitUbureh at 4.4S P. M.
Express Train leaves Crestline at 1,120 P. M
,l " " SALEM 5,45 P. M.
- ? "arrives at Pittsburgh ,b P. M,