Newspaper Page Text
fit
MAHIl'9 It. HOIIIKSOK, Editor.
SO f.VO.V H'rff SLA VF.ttOLVEttS."
Art PEAItSOW, Publishing ArC.
VOL. 9. NO. 30.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, MARCH 11, 185-1.
WHOLE NO. 440.
TsU AHLUHUf BUGLE,
MUMMIED EVERV SATIRPAY, ATSALEM, OHIO.
TitnM.f J1,K par minam, asyabla In ailrants.
railmallr ti1 nnmhmtn tho.a who rs rmt nl
.rlb-r, hut wlio an- bnlll to ln liit.ru. to,l In tlij.H..milntlr.n
f antl larary truth irllli thnlioiwllisttlic-jr lllrlllirr .Htmirll
tlirawlrM. ot M Mtulr liiHuram to ailaod lit circulation anions
th.ir frlaml.
tf-C'.mniuiil.-atlon. Intr-nja-l f.f In.crtlnn, in lie tMra.ll In
Mvaiva R. Mill), K'tltor. All other la Ass Ptui,x, Tub.
TERMS OF ADVERTISING.
On. ftqttftr (10 lino thim .Mk,
ll.m
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I'llikmnl tUMrtlun.
- - rn mnnlii., ...
, On. yenr, '
Tws sqiiarM .Is mouths, .
" " Una ys.ir, . . -!0s
fourth rfitumn orra year, vlth prlrllca of clianglnR
. Moittlilr, .......
Vtalf foluma. rhandntf monttilr. .
41
vr.
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tovTartl. aot .xrmllns olnlil linos will ba Insortad oaa roar,
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i. IIIJMOV, farms.
lui
iojand
ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.
THE LANDMARK OF FIEFDOM.
SPEECH.
SPEECH. OF
HON. CHAS. SUMNER.
OF MASSACHUSETTS.
IN SENATE, Feb 21, 1854.
Against the Repeal the Prohibition of Slavery
North of 36° 30'.
[Concluded from last week.]
While things had thus culminated in tho Senate.
discussion was still proceeding in tno other House
on tho original .Missouri lull
.iri bill. This was for a 1110-1
reenption from tho Scnitto j
the Missouri Coni-lpudintes
incut arrested by the reer
of the Maino biil, enibudv
promise I'pon this, action was at otieo had, the j
uoiiinrimiiMj na rejui-ti:'!, tinu tno nut ICH 111 IIS
original Condition. This was done by hirgo voles. I
Kvon tho prohibition of Slavery was thrown out
liy 159 yens to 18 nays, both the North nnd tho i
South uniting against it. The Semite, on rccviv-1
Ing tho bill bark from the House, insisted on their j
amendment. Tho House, in turn, insisted on tlieir ,
disagreement. According to parliamentary usage,
- i 1 :.. . r '..('.. i . . . - .
Lomtuitteo of Conference between tiio two
Houses was nppointod. Mr. TuoMts, of Illinois,
Mr. 1'inknki-, of Maryland, and Mr. Jaues Har
bour, of Virginia, composed this important com
mittee on the part of the Senate; ami Mr. Hoi.mcs,
of Maine, Sir. Tavi.or, of Now York, Mr.
I.owndp.s, of South Carolina, Mr. Pamki:r. of
Massachusetts, and Mr. Kivscr, of New Jersey,
on tho part of the House.
Meanwhilo the House had voted on the original
Missouri bill.' An amendment, peremptorily in
terdicting all Slavery in the new Slate, u.s adop
ted by 01 yeas to 80 uays; and thus the bill passed
tho House, and was soiit to Ihn ScnMo Mar.di l.
Thus, after an exasperated and protracted discus
sion tho two Houses were at a ilcul lock. , I ho .
doulilo-lieaiJed .Missouri I onipniniiso tins too ulu-1
malum of tho Sonato. The rcstrietion of Slavery
in Missouri, involving, of course, its prohibition
in the unorganized Territories, was tho nltimutum
if the House. . ,
At this stage, on tho 2d ot" M.trrh, the Com-
mittco of Conference made their repoit, whirh
was urged nt onco upon tne House
urged nt onco upon the House l.v Mr. !
Low. Mi is, the distingtiinhcd Kepresontativo from
ooutli Carolina, and ono or Iter most precious
sons, who even objected to n motion to print, on
the ground "that it would Imply n determination
in tho. 1 louse to delay n ile. lsi iu of the subject
to-day, which ho had hoped tho House whs fullly
prepared for." The question then came, on strik
ing out the restriction in the Missouri lull. The
report in the National Intelligencer stiys:
"Mr, Low Mies spoko briefly in support of the
Conipromigo recommended by tho Committee of
Conference, and urgud wiih great earnestness the
propriety of a decision which would rcstoio tran
quility to the country, which was demanded by
evory consideration of discretion, of moderation,
uf wisdom, and of virtue.
"Mr. Mercer, of Virginia, followed on the same
ido with great earnestness, and had sunken nbutit
half an hour, when he was compelled by indispo
sition to resume his sent."
In conformity with this report, this
iliini-l.in,r
question was at onre put at rest. Maine and Mis
souri were each admitted into tho I'nion ns inde
pendent Stntes. Tho restriction of Slavory in
.Missouri was nbandoncd bv a voto in tho Ho
"uao I
uf W yeas to 87 nays ; and tho prohibition of Sla
very in all Territories north of M 30', exelusivo
oi piihsouri, was substituted hy a voto ot l,U yeas
to 42 nays. Among tho distinguished Southern
ZuX U,o utive: arruU McUner,
Ihilawaro; Samuel Smith, of Maryland ; William
jxivvniics, oi aoutn .aronmi, nnd t hnrles t euton
Mercer, of Virginia. Tho titlo of tho Missouri
bill was nnieudod, in conformity with tills prohi
bition, by ndding tho words, "and to prohibit
slavery in certain Territories." The bills then
passc.f both Houses without a division ; and on the
looming of the 3d of March, 150, the National
Intelligencer contained nn exulting articlo, eutitlod
"The Quostion Settled."
Another pnner, published in TUltmiofo, imme
diately after tho passage of tho Compromise,- vin-.
dicated it as u perpetual compact, which could not
lie disturbed. ' Tho language is so clear and stronc
that 1 ivill rend it, although it has been already
quoted by my nblo aud moat oxcellent friend from
Ohio, yv, Cll.vst:
. .
" It it true the Contfromue u mpporled only by
the Idler of the law, repcaluble by the autliorily which
enacted it ; but the circumstance of the cane yive
thi line a moral force equal to that of a jioi'itiee
provision of the Conitilulioui mid it do not hazard
anythiny by ayin that the Constitution tjciat in it
Mbtevvaiice. . ltoih parties have sacrificed much to
conciliation. We with to tee llu compact keit in
yood faith, and we trust that ft kind Providence
will open the way to relieve ut of an evil which
every good citizen deprecates at tho supreme curso
of the country." Xilet'i Jleyitta: , . ,
Sir, ilia distinguished leaders in this sottlement
wer, all from tho South. At early nt Fobrunrv,
J810, Iouu McLast., of Delaware, had urged "it
.upon Congress, " by tome compact binding upon
all aubsequeus Legislatures." It was in 1820
brought forward and upheld in the Senate by
William 1'ine.nev, of Maryland, and passed in
that body by tho vote of every Southern Senator
.except two, against tho voto of every Northern
.Senator oxcopt four. .. Tho Committee of Confer
nce, through wliLih it finally provailnd, was tilled,
on the part of tho Senate, with intluxible pnrlinans
of tho South, such us might fitly represent the
sentiments of its lVesidout pro tempore, John
(iaillard, ft Senator from South Carolina ; on .the
iiftrt of the House, it was nominated by Hknuv
Clay, the Speaker, nnd Representative fit.ru Ken
....i. i'L.. ,i.... ,...r.i.....i .i
niB milium iiii'D, mum I tiiiniiLuii-ii, uiw
ing its double life from tho South, was unanimous
in lavor of the Comproniiso. A private lettor from
Mr. Pinknbt, written at tho timo, and proscrved
by bit distinguished biographer, shows thnt tho
report aiadt) by tho conunitteo came from him :
"The bill for the admission of Missouri into the
Union (icithuul restriction as to Slavory) may be
considered at put. i bat hill was sent back again
tills mornuia from tho House., wiih the rt-iUiction
a to Slaixru, . -The Sonato votod to amend it by
striking out, th restriction, (27 to 1 S, j and pros
fjaed, as another amendment, ichnt I have, all along
I
'
1
originally propo'icd nnd assu i ed in this trnnsnc
lion. itii tho consideration in it pocket, it re
bodying tho bargain v. hich it forced upon tht
ecu the adroeale of, a restriction un the vacant
en itory to tl.( ttorh ond irest, a to Slavery. To
light the House uf Representatives have agreed to
'Kith of these amendments, in opposition tu their
former votes, nnd this affair is settled. To nicr-
row wo ahull (of course) recede from our amend-1
mcitts ns to Mitino, (our object being effected,) nrc1
loth States will lie admitted.
ha Imn accomplished by the Conference, vf vhkh
1 ten a tnrmtxr on the part of the Semite, ami
ichiih I promised the report trAiih hat been made."
? mr1r on the part of tlie Senate? ami of,
1 litis
tho S'illth
arain the Coinoromiso takes lis life from
. i'ronosed in tho connniltea) l.v Mr.i"'.
in" urpnn on I no notisa ot Jtepiesenl-
t,ou'ntives, with (treat earnestness bv Mr. Lowndes
luf S,.tnl, I'....Im,. ....1 t. m... .... . r ;
i,..
! . " .
hero nitnin is the most persuasive voica of
. Kiiiiin, 1 vi iir. miTi'iTr. ill iririnin;i
S'lUtll.
b'.uth. AVhcn passed by Confess, it next came
befora tho 1'resiJiMii .tn.,.. M. ..... . r v:-:..:.
i lien linsscu bv toncrcss. it nest nnu
lor ins approval, who did not sign it till after tho
. w .'ii.iu.a-, i ll'ltllllU,
uiiiiiiinioiis opinion oi his luluiict, in writing,
composed or John Quincy Adams, William ll.
Crawford, Smith. Thompson, John C. Culliotin,
and AVilliam Wirt a majority of whom wore
.Southern men thnt the prohibition of slavery In
tho Territories was constitiitioiiiil. Thus yet again
the Comproniiso tulios its lifo from tho South.
As the Coinpromiso took its life from tho South.
so the South, in tho judgment of Its own stales-
men at the time, and according to unquestionable
""''icnng party, n gained t irlti-1
with its d. tiling desire, tho firit and essential sta-'o,
ill the admission of Missouri as t elnvo Suto siio-
enskfilllv er.r.aiin..l...l .t ll.. ... !
fofi'l'v consunialcil at the next sossion ; mid sub-,
jseqnently tho ndinisiion of Arkansas, also as a
MSTO ntlite. I torn the crusher! nn.l nniil.lnil X'.irll.
it received moro than the full consideration stipu-1
luted ill its favor. On tho sido of tho North
contract has liccn moro than executed. And now
tho South refuses to perforin the part which it
country. This, sir, is a sitnplo stntetnent of
prt'ciil question
A subtle tjernmn has declared, that ho could
find heresies in tho Lord's l'rayor and 1 believe
it is only in this spirit that any Haw can be found
in the existing obligations of this compact. As
Into as in tho discussions of this body, the
Senator IVom Virginia, who Kits behind me, Mr.
Mason, while condemning it in many aspects,
........
' Vet ns it was agreed to as a Comproniiso by
tho south, for tho snl;o of tho I'nion, would ic
thelattnlturliit."Con. (ilobc, ApjiemlU, ht
teas, '.Wth Vvntj. Vol, lt, p. 8o7.
Evou this distinguished Senntor recognized it
l l:.... .: i i .l i - ii-. i- . i
tionality of tho nrranenient, ho was clearly right.
I know, sir, that it is in form simply a ' le.-i dative
act i hut as the Act of Sottlement in Knglnnd, div
elat ing tlio-rights and liberties of tho subject and
settling the succession of tho Crown, has become
A permanent part of tho Britixh Countilution.
irrepealshlo liy any common legislation, so this
u-t, tinilcr all the circumstancos attending its pas-
"'lge, also by long acquiesconco and thu complete
poi l'oriuanco of its conditions by one party, bus
twenmn a part of our fundamental law, irrepoal-
Ublo by nny common legislation. As well might
Congress nt this mnmeiit undertake to overhaul
the original j.unliaKe of Louiniitns, as uncon!.ti-
tutioiuil, iiii.l now, on this account, thrust away
tnnt miigniiiccnt ncriinge, witn all us chics, Mat
nnd territories, teeming with civilization. Tho
Missouri ( llilnnnrt. ill ItM lintiptTiit-imiil ill Jiirntiimu
to Freedom, stands at this day ns lmpregiu3jlc at
tho Louisiana purchase. .
I appeal lo Senators about mo, not to disturb it.
i appeal to ino fenntors irom V irgiiuu to keep in
ii late the compact made in thelrlndinlf bv James
IIaiiiioi'r und Charles Fenton Mt:Kt'in.. f anneal1"'
to tho Senators from South Carolina, to guard the
of John Uaulaiid ami William Xow.ws.
I ap)ieiil to tho Senators from Maryland, to uphold
the Comnromiso which elicited tho constant sup-1
..r w. l u...:.i. ....l . i: . x..: i .1..
iioiiiui .auiiiui I3UI1UI, nnu nin iirat 11 iiiiiipitailliY
pressed bv the unsurpassed olotiueneo of l'lnkncf.
appeal to the Senators from lxdnwnre, to main-
tai , the landmark of Freedom i the Territnrv ,.f
Louisiana, early espoused by Louis McLano. I
....... J .
appeal to the Senators from Kentucky, not to re-
ptiiiinto the pledges ot llenry Uiay. 1 appeal to
;, t. . 4ii , .i' '
the SiMinlora from A liil.nmti not In lirn.ik tlm nirmii.
I ii ,i i- . . .1 i
",cnt I-inflioned liy tho earliest vo e, in the Scn-,
,1,p,r m q .c""'TCl1 ";''"
W illinm llufus King. Sir, 1 have heard of an
that felt a stain l.ko a wound.. If there be
any such in this Chamber ns surely there is it
will hesitate to tnko upon itscll the stunt ot tins
repudiation.
Sir, Congress may now set asido this obligation
-'rdi"t0 'M.i-cd faith annul this c
and some of you, forgetful of tho majesty of honest
(lealiny, in order to support Mavcry, may consider
it advantageous to uso this power, To all such let
ino commend a familiar story : An eminent leader
in antiquity, Theinistoeles, once announced to tho
Athenian Ascinbly that ho had ft scheme to pro
poso highly bcueliciul to tho State., but which
could nut bo expounded to the many. Aristidcs,
surnnmcd the Just, was appointed lo receive the
secret, and to report upon it. His brief and mem
orublo judgment was, that, while nothing could
bo more advantageous to Athens, nothing could
bo more unjust; and tho Athenian multitude, re
sponding ut once, rejected the proposition. - It
ll.tnnit P.rei.k flent whirh then rested in Ihn .nmirHv
appears that it was proposed to iiuiu tua com-
I ! ' J ' 1. ...I -.1. ,1 . ,.! ! iL.
f rc(lc0 U a neighborins sea, and thus coufirm
. . . 't .. ....
the naval supremacy of Athens. A similar prop
osition is now brought before the American Sen.
nto. You are asked to destroy a taleguavd of
Freedom, consecrated by solemn compact, under
which tho country it now reposing in the security
of peace, nnd thus confirm tno supremacy of Sla
very, lo tins institution ana lis partisans tho
nronosition may seem to ba advantageous; but
nothing can bo moro unjust. Lot tho judgment of
the Athenian multitude be yours.
This is what I have to say upon this head. I
now pass to the second branch of the argument.
II. Mr, President, it is not only ns an infraction
of solemn compact, embodied in ancient law, thnt
I arraign this bill. 1 arraign it also us a ttagrani
and extrnvnzant depnrturo from tho original policy
of our fathers, consecrated by their lives, opinions,
and acts.. s
And here, sir, bear with mo in n brief recltul of
unquestionable facts. At the period of tho Decla
ration ot independence, there was upwarut tu nun
s million colored persons in mavcry tiiiooiioui
the United Colonies.' These unhappy neoplo were
originally stolen from Africa, or were the children
of those who hail been stolen, pnd, though dis
tributed throughout tho wholo country, wore to bo
found, in laraost numbers in the Southern Slates.
lint tho spirit of Freedom then provuilcd in the
land. The futhort of the llepublic, leaders in the
war of Independence, were struck with tho incon
sistency of an appenl for their own liberties, while
holding in bond ago tlioir fellow-men, only "guilty
of a akin uot colored liko thoir own." . Tho anmc
conviction animated tho hearts of tho peoplo,
whether at tho North or South. In a town meet
ing, at Danbury, Connecticut, held nn the 12th
December, 1778,- tho following declaration was
made; - . . , ... ... ... ,, ;
! "It Is with singular pleasure we not tho seeond
article of tbe Association, in whioh it is agread
import no mora negro slaves, as wt- cannot but
think it a palpable absurdity so loudly to complain
of attempts to enslave u while we nro aetunlly
the
,7"7,r' ".' -Varer.v (however tlio uncullivnte.J
tlB,cl"'.,'ry " ?r pecious arguments
l) enu lor lti a rr,icr,c itnin.ini in ,t.;ei.
tliel'"'"' r"r.rvi'l"J the nrlut and moral of the
i
I
1
i
theicivo Freedom to cverj Slave throughout the hind.j"".
" We hold these tiulhn to be sell-evident," say!,'n'0
I
j
I
Declaration of Indopendenco, if practically np
work 1 1'''1''1' l'"rry freedom to all within the sphore
if ils Influence. It was specifically declared, that
" 1,0 person Blmll bo deprived of life, liberty, or
iiroimrlv tvithnnt iIiia npiip it lnu ll.n, I.
1
I
I
'
' UW 7l . ,,ry,wou'u. t?.dl8arPfar
. together. Jtoi do any words employed in ourdiiy ,
denounce It with an ndignation more burning than
of
to
Am. Archive, lift Seric, Vol.
Tho South rcnonded in similar train. At ft
meeting in Duricn, Georgia, in 1770, the following
"rf "" resolution was put fortli i
"To Bhow the worlJ Unit wo nre not influenced
hy any contracted or Interested motives, but by u
' - i .. - .. .. ... . . .
climate, IrinRiinge, or complexion, tee hereto declare'
Kenertti vniirtmiiroiiT lor nil mnnKino. ot whatever
our aiittpproiiulivn una a'iiorrrnct at tlit vnmuurat,
Stnte
may
,, ; ' v
V' , -'''''J """U" ' '" MnUetatveU
o lire, ihbamnu vartnf our fellow crnrsm lwoaa
m nnr
. " .v - -
. ' . . ' H ,"" "i iiocnj we couiciiu
tor, nnd which
we pray the Almighty to continue
. - n w .
Chslaviug othcrt,"
I p. 1033.
latent posterity, upon ft very wrong lotind-itl,e
tion. We therefore resolve nt all' times to our
titmoil endraror or the maniimUn'on of our slaves
in this Colony, upon tho most safo and equitable
footing for the masters nnd themselves. Am.
Archive, 4th Herte, Vol. I, p. 1 135.
The soul of Virginia, during this period, found
also fervid utterance through Jofl'erson, who, by
precocious nnd immortal words, has enrolled him-
I self onionjj the earliest Abolitionists of the coun-
try. In Ins address to the Virginia Convention of
1 1 1 lie openly avowed, while vindicating tho
rights of liritiidi America, that "the abiilition
of domestic Slavery is tho greatest object of de-l
I. .1 ...l....r. ..
sire
V. . r , n . ... .
in tnesc Colnnies, rhcre it srus unhappily
iiW in their infant tlate." And thcu again, !
ic Dei huatioii of Independence, he embodied
tro'lucd
ill the Hi
sentiment
Which, when tiritcllrnllv ItonlieiL will 1
our vow nil, ri.-nKiiig ny too voice oi iietivrson,
"that ull men arc clouted cqunl that they are en
dowed with certain inalienablo li'-hts: that anion
j those are life, lihcrly, nnd the pursuit of happi
the.ness." And again, in the Congress t.f 1'ie '. .-
Icdcratioti, bo brought forward, as early ns 17 ',
a resolution to exclude Slavery from nil the torri-
lory "ceded or to be ceded" by tho Slates of tho
Federal Government, including the wholo territory
I I - T . . .
nun tuu-i L-y . i uiilli-sseu, Jiltssissippi, ana Aia-
jbama. Iost at first by n singlo voto only, this
UII-H7UIU nun BUOMIIIIMllll y rouowcu at a sitose-'
(tieiit day, by a son of Massachusetts, and, in
177, was finally confirmed in the Ordinance of the
Northwestern Territory, by n unniiimi.us voto of
the States. ' ,
Thus early and dislincllv do wo discern tho
Anti-Slavery character of the founders of our ltc
publin, and their determination to place tho Na-
tional Ciovernmont, within the sphere of its itiris-
! i- . i . 1 .. .
iin-t:un, opciuy, actively, nnu perpetually ou the
side of Freedom.
Tho Federal Constitution was adopted in 178.
And hero wo discern tho samo snirit. Tho em-
plmtio words of the Declaration of Indciieudence,
hich our vouutry took upon its lips ns baptismal
vows, when it claimed its placo among the nations
of the earth, were not forgot ton. Tim nro-.iml.la
to tho Constitution renews them, when it ducluros
its object to tie, among other things, "to establish
justice, to promoto the goncral welfare, nnd to
secure tho blessings of Liberty to ourselves and
posterity." Thus, according to unduniublo words,
the Constitution was ordiuned not to estnbliith,
secure, or sanction Slavery not to promote the
spocial interest of Slaveholdors not to make
Slavery national in any way, form or manner
not to luster tins great wrong, but to " ctilablish
justice " "promote the general welfare." and
' aAM1.A lliA liln.alni-.. nf T.il.n.ltr " Tl. .1!....!
secure the blessings of Liberty." Tho discrcd
itnblo words Marc nnd Slavery wero not allowed
to find a placo in this instrument, while a clause
as subsequently added by way uf amendment,
and, therefore, according to the rules of inter
pretation, particularly revealing the sentiments
,l10 haunters, which is calculated, liko the
I l J - , ...... .n,
without, duo presentment, indictment, or other '
J'"111'1"1 pmnccding. Horo is an express guard
personal Liberty, and an express interdict ui.0,1
:- .....u.t,.. .1.- 1 '. 1
nn iinnniuu uiMnuuiu Vllllllil llio liutiuuitl lulls- :
diction.
It is evident, from tho debates on the National
i-i ,: ,i . wi ii i , i
i.niistltlillon. that Nlaifirv- IiLca tlm iliiro ..m.Ia wb
i i ; i
regarded tts temporary ; and it seeiut to have been
,on B u,tu w,0 ,,p, , me l atucrs.
r.nny in tne convention, Uoyernour JU..rrit , of,
broke forth in the language ol ,
Abolitionist : " Ho never would concur in uphold-,
ing dontestio S avcry. It was a nefarious institu-
tion. lt was the curse of Hoaven." In another'
u.oou, anu v, i.u n.t.u, juridical piirne. Air. .Mad-
. . I I . i.i . -i , ? ,. i i . ...
son .no.,But.iwrongioaiuiii..iiio t:oust.tut,onBth
the idea of property in man." Am nsh.ngton,
in his In ters written near this per.od-wh.ch com-
p e oiyuescriimenims oi an Aijo.itionist
ed that it vvas among his first wishes to see some
plan adopted by which Slavery may bo abolud.od by
law; and that to this end "his suflratio should not
. . w
lie wanting.
In this spirit Was tho National Constitution
adopted. In this spirit tho Nntional Oovernnient
was In st organized under Washington. And horo
thero is a fact of poculitir significance, to whiuh 1
already on a former oecnsion called attention,
but which it well worthy of perpetual memory.
nt tho time that this great chief took his first oath
to support tho Constitution of the United States,
the national eiuiyn nouhete Kithin tht national 7Vr-1
rilory covered a aiiiyle slave. On tho sea nn cxecra-
bio piracy, the trndo in Slaves, was still, to tho
national scandal, tolerated under tho national flag.
In thu States, as u sectional institution, beneath the
of local laws, Slavery unhappily found ft
home, lint In tho only ierritories, at this time,
belonging to the Nation, the broad region of the
northwest, it hud already, by tho ordinance of
Freedom, been nindo impossible, oven beforo tho
of the Constitution. The District of
Columbia, with its fatal dowry, had not yet been
. Kntoring upon hit high duties, Washington him-1
self an Abolitionist, was surrounded by men, who,
bv their lives nnd declared ouinious. wero pledged
to wnrfaro with slavory. There was John Adams,
the Vice i'rosidunt great vindicator nnd final no-j
iroc'uitorof'our national indapondcuce whose soul,
naming with Freedom, broko fortli in tho early
doclurution, that "consenting to slavery is a sacri-
ligiuus breach of truijt," aud whose immitigable
hostility to tint wrong hat been made immorrul in
his descendants. There, also, wat companion in
arms nnd attached friend, tho yot youthful Hamil-1
tun, who, as a member ol tno Abolition Society ot
New York, had only rocoutly united in a solemn
petition for tloiso who, "though free by the laws oft
Uod, aro hold ui Slavery by the law of the State.
There, too, was a noble spirit, of potlcs virtue,
and ooinmanding influence, the ornamcut of human
nature, who, liko the sun, ever held an unerring
course, John Jay. Filling the Important post of
Minister of Foreiim Affairs under the Confederation,
ho found time to urganiza the Abolition Society of
Mow Xork, until, by tne nomination oi Washing
ton, he became Chief Justice of the United States.
In bit light Slavery wat nn "Iniquity" "a tin of
crimson -aye, against wnicn ministers ui vuo
Gospel should testify, ftnd which the Government
should sock in every way to ftbolish. " Were I in
theLcgiilature,"ht wrote,"I would present bill for
the porpos with great oare, and I would net ecve
"
- I
lc trtic spirit of American Institutions, at
practical and humane, was embodied who
protection of local laws without any "intorlcrcnce
jrom Co , cs , wl,ilo all opposed to it'wero exempt
honor, ua fr(J11 U7,Y re,pnsibiit ' 'tlier(.ri,r in tU Iin,ionl
,ll'
of'"?.'.'7 '' ."""" .
. ?rl""! '' "'fy "Hearnnd
mir mtil)nill ,,.;,. wll8 reaml Xinlldonotl.es
Pcniisylvanui, imto to say that it is tho only ground on hich it
cnn Mm in pPrmall(.llt ' .b
lt u . Vu'j n.-iisdon. sir. that our Constitution
w
of Slavery was regarded by them will,
vcrsion Ba tilllti tUUUJjU c?jVorlly oTludetl to, it
Lvn9 mt niMnod in t,0 i,?,trumcntf that, acccrding
avovv.(0,nodebftlel in , (Jonvenlinn, t hey refused to
; givc it Bv " sanction," nnd looked forward to the
trtnin j ' wllcn it wouj obljtora, from the
ii.. .. v.. .i. ...::....i ..i: r .i.. ft..... ,.,
I
'
'
I blessings of freedom being already scoured
' themselves, the freemen of tho land grow indiflcr
hftve 1 cut to tho freedom of others. They ceased
think of tho slavot. The slave-masters availed
thomsolves or this indifl'orenoo, and, though fow in
j numbers, compared with the non-slnvchnldors, tven
in the sluvo Stntes, (according to tho lato census
thoy aro fowor than threo hundred thousand,)
the wholo country they have, under tho influence
'an imagined self-iutorest, by tho luetics of party,
! and especially by an unhesitating, persevering un
shclter ion among themselves swaying, by turns, both
long suceoBsion of years, iu obtaining the control
f the National Government, bending it to their
I purposes, compelling it to do thoir will, and linpos
adoption i mg upon it ft policy friendly to Slavery j ofl'onsive
; to Freedom only, and dtroolfy opposed to the senti
acquired. inents of its founders. Our llupublio has swollen
in population and power; but has shrunk in char,
1 aeter, lt it not now what it wat in tho beginning,
I a llonublio merely nennittine, while it regretted
moving it till it became a lnw or I ceased to 1e ft
member. Till America comes into this measure,
her prayers to Heaven will be Impious." Hy such
men was Washington surrounded, while from his
own Virprinin enmo the voice of Patrick Henry,
confessions thnt ho w ns ft master of slave's,
crying "I will not, I cuiinnt justify it. However
culnnblo mr conduct. I will so fur unv tnv devoir
. . - "i ..-'
" virtue as to own me exccnonco nnu rocuiuuv ui
her precepts and Itimont mr want of conformity to
inoiii.- !mh.h words as these, llliy coming ironi
our lenuors, belong to the true glories of the coun-
i
( " While w? snuli precedents can boast at liome,
t Keep thy i'ubricus nnd thy f'ato, liome!"
The earliest Congress under tho Constitution
. . r -
toptel the ordinance of Krecdm for tho North-
western 'J'crritorv. and thus ratified tht nrohibi
.f .
erntorics oi
771".
Ol tile Lon-
"on oi Marery in all the existing lernt'
!. I ' ' . . . 1 .1
i nion
mo i num. Among those who snncvmm
net yerc men fresh from the labors of th
vention, ttnd therefore familiar with its policy.
But thero is another voico which bears testimony
in the same direction. Among tho petitions pre
sented to the First Congress was one troin tin
Abolition Society of I'unnsylvnnia, signed
Frnnklin, as President, line venerable
votary of Freedom who throughout a long life had
splendidly served his country at home iand abroad
who, as statesman nnd philosopher, had won the
adjiiirntion of mankind who had ravished the
tyrant whoso name, signed to tho Declaration of
1 lli!i...niwl..... .s.l-.l : . l ll...
i'iiiiuig iroiu tne skies nnd tho sceptre irom too
. - ,..n.. . ------ --.
luu pendence, gave oilded importance even to that
Krc,'t iiiHtriiineiit, and then n'ain signed to the
Constitution of 'tho United States, filled it with
11 1CU It Wltn llie
Cllrtrni Ol Wisdom 111 whom more thnll in nilV Other
; """ r purpuac mi'i unmiii im '
...v .nun..-...is veteran statesman, ttieii c.giity-
lour years t age, appeared nt tho bar of that t on-
.....lii.i. . I i .i V i t" i
iCcl ' ,"r"r-"l ,no. '?". .r n'": '?"ni;
lifo, solemnly enlrented
iiinr ir n-miiii i.n n nnm.
to coun'enance the restoration of liberty to those
unhappy men, who nlono in this land of Freedom,
are degraded into iicrncttial bontbtiro." and " thnt
......
,it would step 10 the verv vergo of tho power vested
in it for 1USCOI UAOINO every species of traffic
in tho pormnu of our follow-nien. Only a short
time odor uttering Uiis prayer, tho patriot sage de
scended 10 the tomb ; but he soems still to call upon
Con gresfi, in mctuorablo words, to p to the very
verye of the jvneer veiled in it to elLicm raye filatcry ;
and this prayer, now sounding from tho tomb of
Fr.tnklin, procluimt (ho true national policy of the
Fathers. Not encouragement but discouragement
of Slavery, not its nalivnatiiution but its doiniional
itation, wits their role.
The nieiiioiitil of Franklin, with othor memorials
of a similar character, was refcrrod to a Committee,
and much debated in the House, which finally sanc
tioned tho following resolution, and directed the
sitnie to be entered upon its Journals: .
' That Congress have no authority to interfero
in tho emancipation vf slaves, or in the treatment
of them, within nny of the States; nt remaininy
villi the tcrcrul Stale lo proiitle any reyulalioii
therein, which humanity una true policy may re
quire." This resolution, ducluring tho principle of non
intervention by Congress with Slavery in the States,
was adopted by tho same Congress which had sol
emnly affirmed tho prohibition of Slavery in all the
oxisting territory of tho I'nion. And it is on these
double nets, nt the first organization of the Govern
ment, nnd the recorded sentiments of tho found
ers, thnt I take my stand, and challenge all ques
tion. At this time there was strictly no dividing line
in the country between Anti-Slavery nnd I'ro-Sla-very.
Tho Anti-Slavery sentiment was thoroughly
national, broad, and general, pervading alike ufl
fmrtv of tho Union, and uprising from tho common
icnrt of the cntiro people. Tho Pro-Slavery inter
est was strictly personal and pecuniary, and had its
source simply in the self-interest of individual
slaveholders. It contemplated Shivery only ns a
omcstic institution not us n political element
, . . , . . .
nJ merely s .p. latcd for its tecunty where it nc-
, I . . .
iintniHliikaMo. l.iiiiitieiiilinitslv exnresseil
it was
non intervention lu Conyrct with Sluvcry in the
Utah, and it pi uhibiliou in all the national domain.
in in s wny, mo uiscoruuui leei ugs on i ins m ii. eci
- . fc . .
woro reconciled. Mavo-iuasters wero lett at homo
.:. resnct.,ivo Stnt0, t0 ,,- Slavery, under the
,,omnil. -j.,.:. K;. j, the eoinmon eround on whieh
was framed by tho lovers of Human Mights; that
it w nllllim,Ja - tiicir divine spirit : that tho in
jailll. UUI I11U 11.1,11.11 pi'llll 11 1IIW 1 .1 1.1 11,1,1. ,11
jjj nf)t on p,.eviii. 'J ho generous sentiments
whlidi filled iho early natt iots. eit inir to them bis-
torio grandeur, gradually lost thoir power. The
the groat political parties succeeded, through
Slavory ; tolerating it only whore it could not be
removed, and interdicting it where it did not exist
but a mighty rropaganuistoponiy lavorutg nnu vin
dicating it; visiting, also, with displeasure, all who
oppose it.
Tho extent to which its original policy has bcon
chanced can be 'placed beyond question. Early
tin our uUtory, no man was disqualified tor publio
olfico by reason of hit opinions on this subject;
uud tins condition connntieu lor a long perinu.
As lato as ititi, John W. Taylor, llcpresentutivo
from New York, who had pressed with fo much
energy, not merely the prohibition of Slaveiy
tho Turritorios, but itt restriction in the Sniio
Missouri, was elected to tho chair ot Henry Clay,
as speaker of tho other House. It it neediest
ir.i . i . ; I . t L oll
add, mat no aeiermineu suppui-iar ui ma lvmnui
Proviso at this day could expoct that eminent trust.
An arrnaant and unrolontincr ostracism is now ap
plied, not only to all who express themselves against
slavery, but to every man wuo win not t.r its men
ial. A novel test for office hat been introduced,
whiuh would havo excluded all the Fathori of the
Itopublio oven Washington, Jefferson, and Frank
lin, .Yet, sir; startling it inoy be, butindi'pu'.ahle.
C.auA thasa illustrious mcu doscend from their
rt-ilms abeve, tod rrhit the Innd which they had
to
to
in
of
noldy dedicated to Freedomi lliey could not, with
their well-known ani recorded opinions against
Slavery, receive a nomination for the Presidency
from either of the old political parlies. Nor could
John .Tny, our first Chief Justice, and great exem
nniidst plnr of judicial Tirtne who hated Slavery as lit
, loved justice lie admitted to resume those duties
with which his riamo on earth is indissoluble asW-
hyi,ut now, sir, here in l.r , Freedom is suddenly .
,nin)one( , ,llrrcn(jer , n,r rd-won moiety,
, lhrt nre ,llce Btn?CS! n, th. fir,,( )) i, consecra-'
: ,c(1 10 j.C(i, . nt the second, only half i whilontito
I (10 (xt, ; to be opened to "Shivery. Thus '
j j, tIl0 r; illni po;,.v of tf,p (internment absolulelv I
i
pt'ctioioti instrtuiloll,
tno ,Btinnul territory
f institution and all ou
the!),.. jt, tlii'iitini Influe
i
I
:
a
of
to
.
A T .....1. . .1..
rUtu owih u unxiuunui w
parted from the ancient ways.
These farts nrenare us to comnrehend the true '
character of tho clmnRO with regard to tho Terri-!
tories. In 170 all the existing national domain :
was promptly nnd tiiimiimoiislr tledicatnl to Tree-;
doin, without opposition or cri'ticism. The intor-1
dict of hlavery then covered every inch of soil .
. . . ... . " . , . i
iii.iiiiiniiifr in inn 1111 inn I inrprnniKni . iiiiini
" ;.. ,! .i,,ni..l H,n l,.l. f H,p I
original States, was subsequently acquired, and.
, in ix'jo, after ft vehement struggle, which shook
ithe whole land, discomfittcd Freedom was com -
olln.l l. n , M ... M.:,l.
Sellcd, by n dividing line, to A partition Willi .
laverv. This iirrotnement. which, in its verv
torms, wat exclusively applicable to a particular j
territory acquired froin France, has been accepted :
.. .,! j , n, ........ r i .... . !
wi:,,,,,,! !1,..?,1,C,i
SeCllOII II IllStltUII
.,.... 1 - slot err whii-h nt tho bfainiiinr'. was a !
on, with no foothold anywhere on
tory, is n w exulted as a national
our broad domain is threatened ,
... !. I I! i t t,
1M ..-i. Y - , . i . . .t ? . -r'
,iie m.jjui nrjicv co,,secratcd bv the lives oidn-l
jns d of j.-nlh0I.!, Summoning 'to my
side the ma estie form of llie-o civil heroes, whose ;
culll.:i .. .. nlli.. .mmll...! l,v the Biini.css
)f Washington j wnr. J ImiJlt u-nve tho causo in
lihcircsro. Jlut certain reasons are adduced I'.r.
the proposed donoiture frt.m their cieat exaintile, I
nnu,
..- . - .
iIioulIi these seem uf liltlo vuliditv. vet I
would not pass them iu silence.
Tho Prohibition of Slavery in tho Territories is
assailed, as beyond the power of Congress, nnd
an infringement of tho local sovereignty. On this
account it is, at this lato day, pronounced uncon
stitutional. Now, without considering niinutc.y
the sources from which the power of Congress!
...... ii.. t a , j ' i i -.i -
vivi im- iiiiiioiiiu uomitin is ticriveu wnctiicr ironi
tho express grant in tho Constitution to mnke rules
and regulations for tho government of tho Terri
tory, or from tho power necessarily implied to
govern territory, acquired l.y conquest or pttrchnse:
it seems to mo impossible to deny its existence,
without invalidating a large portion of the legisla
tion of the country, from the adoption "f the Con
stitutiun down to tho present day. The powe.
was asserted before tho Constitution. It w. is no
denied or prohibited by the Constitution itself. I
has been exercised from tbe first cxistonec of th
Oovornmcnt, and 1ms been exercitcd by the three
the Executive, the Legislative, and j
uopariinentt
tno tiuiucini. i rccetlcnts ol every k
1 rccetlcnts of every kind are thick
in its support. Indeed, tho very bill now before lis
assumes a control of the territory clcurly inconsist-
.i i . i. rf . i . l
unv uu tiiosu principles oi sovereignty, wnien nre
said to be violated by a Constitutional prohibition
of Slavery.
Here are provisions, determining- the lun'iu fea
tures in the Uovcmmcnt the distribution of pow
ers in the Lxecntive, tho Lcgislntive, and Judicial
departments, nnu llie manner in which they shall
bo respectively constituted securing to the Presi
dent, witn tho consent of the cenato, the appoint
or the govornor, the ecretnry nnd the fudges, and
to tho neoplo the election of the legislature or
daining the qualifications of voters, tho salaries of
the public olhccrs, and tho daily compensation ot
tne memocrs oi tno legislature oureiy, n i. on
gross may establish these provisions, without nny
intorferenee with tho rights of territorial sover
eignty, it is absurd to lay that it may not also
prouiuii ciuvery.
Hut there is in the very bill an express prohibi
tion on tho Territory, borrowed from tho Ordi
nance of 1787, and repeated in every nrt organiz
ing a Territory, or even a new State, down to tl.c
present time, wherein it is expressly declared, that
"no tax shall be imposed upon tho properly of
tho United Stales." N'ow, here is a clonr nnd un
questionable restraint upon tho sovereignty of
Territories mid States. The public hinds of the
United States, situated within nn organized Ter
ritory or State, cannot be regarded as tho instru
ment and mean necessary and proper to execute
tho sovereign powers of llie nation, like fortifica
tions, arsenals, and nnry-yurds. 'J hoy are strictly
iu the nature of private property of tho nation, nnd
as such, unless exempted by tho foregoing prolii
bition, would clearly bo within the field of local
taxation, liable, like the lands of other proprietors
to nil customary burdens mil incidents. Mr. Jus
tice Woodbury has declared, iu a well-considered
judgment, that
" Wiero tho tinted states own laud situated
within tho limits of particular States, and over
winch they liavo occasion ot urisiiietion, lor ot
jeets cither special or general, little doubt exists
that tho rights and remedies in relation to it nre i
usually tho same as apply to other landholder
within tho States." L'ltttid Slate vs. 1 H'wxiiirv
and .Vino p. ,C.
I assume, then, thnt without this prohibition,
these lands would be subject to taxation. Does nny
one question tliisf Nobody. Tho conclusion then
fullows, that by this prohibition you propose to do -
prive the present Territory, ns you havo deprived
other Territories ay, and Stntes of nn csscutial
portion f its Sovereignty.
The Supreme Court of the United States have
given great prominence to the sovereign right of
taxation in the Sttites. In the enso of IVovidenco
lhink v. Pitlmnn. 4 Peters, 514, they declare
"Tbut tho taxing powei is of vitnl importance ;:
that it i essential to the existence tif iiorerimieiit
thnt tho relinquishment of such power ia nover to
bo assumed ;" .
And again, in the case of Dobbins v. Commis
sioners of Erie County, 111 Peters, 4 17, they say i
" Taxation is a sacred right, essential to the exist
ence of government nit iiictttciu nj soocrenjiuy.
The right of legislation is coextensivo with the in
cident, to nttneh it upon all persons and property
within the jurisdiction of the State"
Now. I call upon Senators to remark, that this
sacred right, said to be essential to the very exist
ence of Oovernnient, it abridged in tho bill now
before us.
For mvsolf. I do not doubt the power of Con
gress to 'fasten this restriction upon the Territory,
and arterwarda upon the State at hat been always
done; but I am at loss to see on what ground
this can bo placed, which will not also support the
prohibition of slavery. The former is a.i unques
tionable infringement of sovereignly ns declared
hy our Supremo Court, far more than tan be as
sorted of the hitter.
I am unwilling lo admit, sir, that the prohibi
tion of Slavery in tho Territories is. in any just
enaa. an infrinecment of the local sovereignty.
Slavery is an infringement of ihe immutnhlo law of
nature, and, ns eucr, cannot no roiniiicra.! nmu
ral incident to any tovcrtigntv, especially in a
country which has solemnly doclarcrt, in its Decla
ration of Independonco, tho Inalienable right of all
men to life, libertv. and tho pursuit of happiness.
In nn age of civilization, and in a land of rights
Slavery may still be tolerated in fact i hut iu pro-
niiiiuon. wkitnn m mumuiiHU mriauicuuii. wt his
Government thereof, as by one of the Stales of the
Union, oannot be oonsiaerrt.inrrao:icn or nam-
ral rights j, pnr ran its ntvrtribitiorj by Congrcst in
jthe Territories be regarded as an infringemcnl of
i
j
1
j
:
1
Slavery is a local municipal institution, which de
Ucnjiimin rives its support exclusively frcr.i local municipal
laws, nnd licyond the sphote of these laws it ceaset
exist, except so far as it may be preserved If
the chins for the rendition of liiglthea from lavir
J'"0" llt"'C,lt it wrong nr!mi iAt fn Co'
Terr Territory, when orpshiscd as a State, tf
cludo slaves, and in this nff abri'fjtJ fi'n Msci'f
finht founded oft the coiniron property in the Ter-'
ritory. Now, if this enn b done l.y the few thoti-'
"and settlors, who constitute the State government.
. .i i. . i a .,. j .iii.Tj;
the local sovereignty, fouiided, at it must be, on
natural rights.
But another srpnmest is presied, most fallatfi.ta
in i's rharnt tcr. It is asserted that, in as mu b V
the Territories were acquired by the crnimon treas
ure, they are the common property of the wholo
t'nion i nnd( therefore, no cltiren easl It arvnteif
from moving into them with his slaves, without ftiV
infr i n nicn t of the natural rililt and piivilepee
ithich beloni; to him ns a citiy.cn of the L'nitcd
Stoles. Hut. it is admitted. tliPt the rof.rde of thli
tho Territories bv ft common treasure, scemt futiU
toe otiie nromeni lounoea m tne acqnisiii-in pi
and cvanci-ccnt.
and cvancKcnt.
Hut this argument pre
Whith cannot stand. It i
nntiimnl tii.litiitinn nnrl
roeecds en n a?-uniptio
t asst Aies that Slaveiv is
national institution, and that property in slave
recouiiiztd by the Constitution of tho Unite
Slates. Nothing can I e more fahe. fly lh jftdjr
mcnt of the Supreme Court of the l.'niied StsUes ,
nnd nlo liv tho rrineii.les of ll o r. n.nn.n lnr -
"titution iho ulea tnnt thcr rn t. pn pcrty Ui
an j and I rejoice to bclicte tbut r.osuth idea can"
he found there. The Coustituth n rcXn:ds tlavei
always as persens,
with tho rights id "persoris'
When it is tnid, therefor?
nnr.ii n rrit.trlv
lliut atnrv i.iliyi.n mm- rrilrr llu, nntir.nnl rlt.min'
ith his property, it does not follow by any rule
f logio or of law, that hd may Cilyr is slarei.'
W tho contrary, he can tuny carry mat property
winch is ndmitted to l e cncli l.y tne universal law-
f uuturo, written by God t ovtu Cnger en the bcrnf
of num.
Again 1 The lvluiiuh ot mcsltf si.d elrtri it SonieV
limes classed with tho domestic iclnlinns. Now,
while it is unquestionably among tho powers of
nny Slate, within its own" jurisdiction, to chaf.f
tho existing relations ot busbund nnd wife, and to'
establish pi lygnn y, I presume no i.crmn would
contend that a polygamous husband, rerident in
one of the States vioiibl I 0 entitled to enter the
national Territory with his bat em -his property,
if you pleat c anil there claim immunity. Clearly,
when bo 1 asses tho bounds of thnt local jnriisV
tion, which sanctions puligamy, the r. rttiur do
mestic relation would venso ; and it is pccircly th,
samo with Slavery.
Sir I dismiss there corsiderntit.ns. Tho proV
hibition ot Slavery in the Territory of Nvbraak
stands on ft imt'.Hiii lis ol ut'iiu. ant, upheld by tht
early policy of the Fathers, by constant precedent,
and time-huiiored ctnipntt. It is now in your
power to overturn it j you may remove the rncred
Inndmnik ; and epen the whole vast domnria id
Slnmrv T.. v.. im .1.111. illJi.l lhl l.i.rlrf
alive. " Our fitibcis, on tho eve of the ftevolultotf,
set lorth in burning words among their grievances.
tnnt lieorgc 111., "in order to keep open a marten
v. hero men should be bought nnd sold, had pros
tituted his negative for suppressing every legist-'
live attempt to prohibit or restrain tins execrable
commerce." Sir, liko the English monarch, your .
may now prostitnte your power to this sama VurJ ..
fMNrit Uuty on cannot est -fpo tbe j ud getneut of thi
world, nor the doom ll history. ......
It will be iu vain, that, while doing this thing -you
plead, in npulogy, tho principle of trlf-yotam
incut, w hich you profess to recognise in the Terri-' . .
tories. Sir, this very principle, when truly Ad'.
ministered, secures cqunl rights to nil, without dis
tinction of color or ruco, and mnkes Slavery impoa- '
ail.lo, liy no rule of justice, nnd by no subtlety of :
political metai.hvsics, can the riuhl to hold a follow. , ,
nun iu bondage be regarded ns osscntiul to self-
fovcrnnient. Iho inconsistency it too flagrant;
t is apparent on tho bare statement. It it lik.
saying tico and lira mako three. In the nnmo of
liberty you open the door to Slavery. With pro
fessions" of Kqtinl Mights on the lips, vru ttnniplO
on the rights of Human natme. Vith a kist
upon the l.iow ol that lair territory you betray It
tu w iecheJncts and shame. Well did iho ancient
cxclaiii, iu bitter words, wrung out by bitter ex
perience : "Oil Liberty ! what crimes are uono isr
thy name !"
iu vain sir, you will plena, that this measure
proceeds from the Ninth, at hut been suggested ;
l.y tho Senator from Kentucky, Mr. Dixom.) ,
r.ven It tin w eie true, ll would bo no apology.'
Hut, l.recipatated ns this bill has been upon the' ''
Senate, nt a moment of general culm, and in theal-' '
sense of any controlling exigency, nnd then hurried
to a vote iu advance of tho public voice, nt if fear-'
fnl of arrest, it cannot be justly called the ofl'sprintf1
of nny popular sentiment. In this respect it dil- '
tcrs widely troin the .Missouri prohibition, wnicn,
after solemn del lite, extending through two, tea'
oious of Cougrcts, i.n ample tlinussion befme tho
people, was adopted, l ertainly there is, as yet,
no evidence thnt this measure, 'though supported"
by Noithern men, proceeds from that Northern1
sentiment which is tu be found, atroiig nnd
in tho school :, the churches, uud homes
people, l'ui iili ouinet An AtjtiLONr.M oii
I resit,
of the
ijojii 7.10-
ertattiu buaiaiam sjiiraiil. And could this tchem.
be now ml. milled to theawuutnea million waste
souls have been truly ripened under Northern skies;
it wuuld bo branded nt ouco with an indignant and
undying condemnation.
Hut the race of men, " white slnvcs of tho-'
.North," described nnd despisod by a sootherir
ktatesmun, is not yet extinct there, sir. It it one
of tho mcluucholy tokens of the power of tlavery.
under our political system, and especially through
the operations of tho National Oovernnient, that
it loosons and destroys the character of Northerif
men, even nt a distniu o liko tho black magnetic
mountain in tho Arabian story, under whoso irro-
sii-.til.lc attraction in the iron bolts, wnicn neia lo
gvthcr the strong timbers of a stately ship, wor .
drawn out, till tbe whole fell npart, and' I'.ecanio a
disjointed wreck. 'I hole principles, which con- .
slilute the individuality of III Northern character,
whieh render it staunch, strong,' and seaworthy,
which hind it together as with irtin,' are tmtiV '
out, one by one, like tho boltt of the ill-fated yea - b
scl.and from tho miserable, loosened iraguieiiM , ,
funned that human anomaly--a Northern man u
u-ith South,Tii priurij tt. Sir No such man ensr
speak for the North. , '
(Hero lucre was nn imcnapui n oi proiung
applause in tno giuieries.j . . ,,i
The PMESIDKNT, (Mr. Suast in the chair.)
Tho Chair will 1 o obliged to ordor tho gallcriot to
be rlenred, if ordor it not preserved. No applause ' '"
will lie allowed. it..
Several Voices. Let them be cleared r.ovr. i
Mr. SI'MNEK. Mr. President, I advance now .
to' considerations cfn moro pcnerul character, to' "
which I ask your best attention. Sir, this bill ia '-propoi-ed
ns it measure of ptaee. In thit way ytH
vniulv think tu withdraw the tubjoct of slavery..
from National politics. This it a mistake . Peace
depends on mutual confidence. It enu never rent1
tecur on broken inltn ana injustice. Anu, sir, "
irinit me to aav, trnnkly, tincorely, and earnesp. ,14,
S. that tho tuljoct of SUvory can never, be with.; f
awn from the Natiounl polities, until we rotuint
once moro lo the original policy of our fathers, ' '"
ut the first organisation of tbo Government,'-
under Wnaliir.gtt n, when tho National naigo n-, , (
where on the Nitiumtl territory covered rinjfo . -slave.
Slavery, which our fathert branded Man "or IT,"1 '
a "corse," an ' enormity, ft "netftriuue trmivtr 1
vnn
it eondenvqaq ftj U, tortb by tho itrong-
