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have been adopted without that clause, and H.cj
rVrW.iition of sh.to property in which l was
rmipiiiiun i I I .7. .1
ma virni lui'i niNuim ill listen iii'm iimt
Worv of thecal. In March, of tho year 1784.!
the Virginia .legation in tl.e then Congress ol
th" clmlwlereey, headed hy Mr. Jefferson and
Mr. Monroe, conveyed the northwestern torritory
to ths Thirteen I lifted States. In the month ot
April ensuing, the organizing mind of Mr. Jeffer-
on. alwavsbont upon rystcnis and aduiinistnuions,
ir.n,ht in .n ordinance for the government of the
1,
rritorv
i prl of it, to take effect in the year 1800 but
witl.out a clause lor inn recovery in lugiuv staves,
"or want of thin provision the nnti-slavery cliiisc
fan oppossed hy the slavehnhling States, Mid re
jected ; Mid the ordinance pruned without it.
in July. 01 mo year tno ordinance was re
modeled, the nnti-slavery clause, with the ftigi'
,iiuiuiv tuv iiiiii film 1 , ..iniic-v, nim n'"
live slave recovery clause ns they now, stand were'
Inserted in it ; and in that shape the ordinance hail
tho unanimous vote of every Stnto present eight
in the whole and an equal number of slave and
Tree Slates present. 1 lius, it ts vle.tr inni me anii
slnvery clause in the ordinance of 1 7tT could not
have passed without the fugitive slaxo recoiory
clause annexed. Xhcy were inseperablo in their
birth, and must ho so in their life and those who
love ono must accept tho other.
Tills was done in tho month .f July. In the city
of New York, were the Congress of the lor.lcaern
lion then sat, Tho National Contention was sit
lini; at the i.tme time in tho city of Philadelphia,
I Work npon the Federal Constitution, ibo two
bodios were in constant communication with eaoh
Other, and some lending member (as Sir. Madison
and Ooncral Hamilton) wero members or each,
and attending by turns in each. Tho Constitution
wasflnisliol in September, and reiljvcd tho fu-
f;iiire slave rcjotery clause iiumediatcly after its
neertion in the ordinance. It wat (tie work of
Ihe tamo h.ind, atiJ at the s.tmo time, in loth
instruments; and it ic well known that the Con
stitution could not have been formed without thnt
lAtfcA. 'IMiitii llir romnrnniiftn olnuno in the Ordi
nance is father to the compromise results from
ootn ; ami an iii'e siuuu neiore me a tuunuou iu
the same circtimitnnces, induced by the same con
siderations, aed directed hy the same policy that
y( tho Tumi, h.irmonv. mid ncrnetuitY of this
t'niou. In point of moral obligation i consider
Iheut axiiial, and resnllinR from eondiliona which
rendered them indispcnsiblc. Two of them have
all the qualities ot a compromise thoe of the
ordinance of tho Constitution. They are
founded in agreement in consent in compact
and are as sabred ar.d intiolnble as human acree-
tnonts can be. Tho third one that of the Mis
souri anti-slavery line was not made upon agree
ment. It was imposed by votes by the South up
on the North resisted by the North at tho time
acquiesced in afterwards : and by that both parties;
and tho more so on tho South because ho imposed
it. I repeat : it was an imposition, not a compact.
The South divided, and took choieo ; and now
will not do to claim the other half on tho ground
of the original dissatisfaction of the other party.
Brothers ennnnt divide on ostnto in that way one
canurt make tho division, und talto choicc.and after
wards claim tho other half. Tho South has her
Jialf. She irave it atvav once nave it to Snain
ind tho North helped her to pet back, even nt the
CJtpance of men without suspecting that idio was
trpnvtlicmiiu the Poiith to cnablo it to take the
other' half. Put this attempt does not como from
ind finds resistance there.
the South, an
This brings us to the question of repeal,
'abrogation of theso compromises. The ono
tho Constitution cannot be got rid of without
amendment to that instrument; and is, therefore,
beyond the reaeli of Congress. Tho other two,
tjving in tho form of statutes, ore subjects of legis
lation, and legally ruucahihle hy Congress. Kfforfs
were made to impair ore, that of 17r-7, somo fifty
years a. An effort is now mado to repeal
Vther ; and tho history and fatu of the first attempt
may be advantageous in tho consideration of
second. It was in the year 1803. Tho then Ter
ritory of Indiuna had been slave territory under
tho French Government, and continued so under
the American until 1787. It extended to the Mis
sissippi, ond contniued many slaves. Vinccnnes,
Cahokia, Prairio do Kocher, Kaskatkia, wero
elaveholding towns. The inhabitants were attach
ed to that property, and wished to retain it, at least
tcniiiornruv : aim iioiu to inuw i
emigration, until nn increase ot population should
.uui i,....l r.....1T j " -'
petitioned Congress Accordingly. Tho petition
came from a convention or tho people, presided
over by Governor Hun- son, and only asked for t
suspension of the ant -slavery part of tho ordi-
Jinnee for ten vears. aud limited 'n its application
lo their own territory. . The petition was referred
to a select emiutttno "W'"?
was chairman ; and received us answer in a report,
in tneso worus ;
Tl.,1 ll.e r.i,.;,l nnnUtt..n of the State or Ohio.
snfficentiy cvin'ce,: in the opinion of your com-
mittee, thittho labor of .lave, is not necessary
promote tho grown, and sc memo u o, e " .
I i.i vumiiii iinr. Tin. ii.iuir. iti-iiiiiiinii nu
mi. ,' ...... .-
dearest ..r any. can only be employed to advantage
in tho cultivation of prr,ducts more valuable than
no i that o..arter of tl.e l.mted Stales
ihat the committee deem it highly dangerous
expedient to impair a provision wisely calculated
...promote the happiness an.l prosperity of
,..Vi...i,.., ...in.rV ,.n,l i.i rh Hireiicth
ictiiptnry refusal to yield to tlio petition of
Kplouf Indiana, even Tor a ten years' local
security to that cxteusivo frontier. In tho salutar
tmeratfon nf tliis the inhabitants of Indiana wil,
at no very distant day, find rmnlo remuneration
or n temporary privation of lalior and c;nigra
ion." This wa.t tho answer of the i.c'.eet committee;
and it becamo tho nns-vcr of tho IIoiim; or
.louse just fifty years ago when the South
bout as ably represented here as it ever has been
eineo, and when iu relative strength was greater
tlisu it has ever been since. The answer is
per
mm.
r . .... ., i . - .1 " ..iri.-i..- ....
pension 01 this aiui-Mavcry clause. uiguiv uan
gerous and inexpedient to ininuir that proviiion."
Yes, to impair! that is tho 'word; and it is are
fusul to weakon or lesson, in tho smallest degree
an act which the committee cull u "bcuovulvut
sagacious act;" and which they recommend
uwintuin unimpaired, because it is "calculated
increase the happiness and prosperity of tho north
west, and U give strength and cecurity to
.frontier." That Cources and what without
betrn North and South, would not
uo act of so much future good to posterity,
nut svsn upon the mistaken application of a
lr:soi!t i-juubiUnts.
Tint this was not Un end of the petitions.
peoplo of Indiana vreru uot satixiied with
-repulse. They returned to tho charge ; and
(times more, iu the course of as many years,
their apjJicalion for tbe U'a years suspen
sion oi tne oruiiiauceL. ii was r.'jeeicij eacn tune,
iii ouoe in too Senate, wlseiw llut North Carolina
Krnatur JMr. Jesso Fraiiglin was chairman
(he Com aii tto w hich made the report against
Pive times, in as many vears, rejected by Congress;
and th rejection the mora emphatic iu sonui
stances because it was the reversal by the House
of a favorable report from a committee.
.wr what iuhabitaot of Indiana docs not rejoice!
Ut .li israuc which the srmne.s of Congress
tthen gave them, iu spiw ut th request of its
tofcUtaubs it v p-cars ago j
Thus, five times Iu the tasiiuVioc ufitl.k eeutury
firs different times, and without and disimotton
between unrthem and southern members
Congress reloso to "impair" die slavery compro
mise of 17e7, notwithstanding five times asked
hv tb people of the Territory. Oh, squatter
ereignty! where were you then? It was a
fur you to bav shown your head to harearUon
your mlirbt and osublisiMid your supremacy
. it Fas a cam nf a convention of the
themselves; ai.d luiiuVr this convention
nor the Con Tress bad a dream of tWir sovereignty.
Vk convention pelitiono.1 Congress as a
wanlii iu guardian, er children under age
fielitioa Uutir father, and Coiigreas answered lik
igood stiardiaa, or a good father, that it would
,lv them an mil, although they begged for
lUonighUd times theso, and infinitely behind
pMssiitage." The mar 's nest hsd not then
'.1'oaaJ la which has beea laid th marvellous
nwt of- wk'uifc has beea batch 1 th noudesoripl
wl, yslsyit "suatur aevemignly." . The
prWiuls of aon-iottrvcniio'n bad not
1H ittvn(4. TU ignoramuses of that!ay
rr heard, of it, rlmuKa uu to L leoruHl
story horn -look ! nmL 1 believe, ho where else but
in tho horn-books,
v:.. ... . .1... f il. . uninn A .1
, j nu nun.: ill mv 111.1; iil "i m.i i ...
Congress refute to impair the slavery compromise
of'87i and now, in the middle of the century, nud
after thirty mm or peace under the Missouri ,m-:
promise the offspring nd continuntion of that
of 7-we arc . ailed, not merely to i:npnlr, for a
season, bnt to destroy forever, a far greater coin-
promise-extending to fur more lerritory-aiid
growing ,,. of necessities nr more TK
I
"',1 ,v ' . . . p . LM M
the rrlUinentaiy house, with h,"' Jf,
barrels ot gunpowucr, uci iv -
wood.
stood upon
thirty years
accordingly
it
;
iI.a whole volume or my practical lite. I have ,
J iL. Vlittwiiirl roinnronilPe lor noun-1
.1 ninii mv .- ......
:1 llroil 11 to llic vnu
not by any one human being living, or expecting
to live on tlie territory to im onocicu "
a motion i.i Congress a silent, secret, limping,
halting, creeping, squinting, impish motion con
in il.. .Ui-k niiiU iro.l in a committee room,
and sprung upi n Congress and the country in the
..vie 'which Our Vawkes intended to ldow up
Mv answer to such a motion i to 1o
found
and mean to stand
linn v vi , .... ----- ,
of my li(o ; and in doing so shull act, not only ac
cording to my own cherished convictions ot duty,
but according to the often declared convictions ol
(he ticneral assempiy cm my oiaio. mo -bilitv
of thnt compromise fine has often been de
clared by that Gencal Astcmlly j and as late as
1M47, in theso wtrdsi
KeJtd, That the pence, permanency, and wel
fare of our ootinnal Union depend upon a strict
adhernnce to the letter and spirit of the oighth
section of the ac
entitled 'An act t
riri ilory h Joi nt a conntittitwn and Matt govern
ment, ami for th
. - e , . V -I. - I 1. - J c.,-
tot vongross wi um viuiun wuivn,
toaulhortte the tph o.Vi.soitn
1 - . . - .
eaJiniiswn of nu-h Mule into the
..V .1 ... ...
ii i oil on cji fiiiini J'Hiivig run 'nt orujinai wait;
i i .i ... ,............
alio lo j-ro.'iioii o(rny irtcoriuifi k i i iiwi iv, hj-juvii
.1 -.T.....U o in ii "
with an instruction to the Senators, and a re
quest to the representatives in Congress, to voto
"The peace, prtmanency, and welfare of the
I'nion depend upon a strict adhcrntice to tho Mis-i
sourt compromise 01 wm. w no rcsoiveii tno icn-
eral Assembly of Missouri as lato as 1747. I bo-1
lieved the Ansomiily was rignt men t i nenevo
now and so bolicving, shail "adhere" to tho com-
promise now, as then, "inspirit and iu letter."
I should oppose any movement to impair that
eniunromise. made in an ODcn. direct manly, man
ner i much more shall 1 oppose it if made in a
or J"."'
I'
covert, indirect, and unmanly way. The bill, or
lulls neioro ns. unacrtiiao to nccomuiisn tucir uu-
jeet without professing it upon reasons which are
contradictory and unfounded in terms which are
ambiguous and inconsistent and by throwing on
..it. r tin, manoiiniliilitr or its own act. It iiro-
fenses not to inteiforo with tho suvoroign right of
ih r.,.onln tu lei-islato for themselves: and the
viirv tirst linn of this solemn profession throws up-
nn thciu a horse-load of law, which they have no
riiiht to refuse, or time to road, or money to pur-
..i. i.r. nr nbilitv to under.stnnd. It throws upon
tlinm nil IliA blivs of i l,n United States which are
not locally iuapplicablo ; and that comprehends all
that are not spocmlly made lor oilier places : niso,
it gives them tho Constitution of tho I nitcd States,
but without the privilege of voting nt presidential
or cnnprcsnionul elections, or of making their on
or
in
rn
the
the
all
iary. J !us is non-inlcrlcrence wun a veil-,
tfOailCO. A Community to UC uurneit uuuer
" . . ... . i i.i
mountain ot strange law, on-i covcreu w mi u con-,
Ktitution under w hich they arij not to have one
nnliitonl l int. i Wli'v I li i-iri'oiiilo Mition
hi. ovii.nsion of a minimum of irrcletnnt law.
Mi tl.e ciceniion r.f the t.ulv ono relevant and
applicable f Sir. it is the crooked, insidious, and
Misillnntmoca way 01 ciiecunir tne rcin-m ui mv
L.. . J i- . i . ?.. -i.. i- - ii I
K
j
Missouri cmnpromiso line. Ii includes all law for
tlio sake of leaving out ono law ; ond effects a rc-'
real by an omission, and legislates by nn exception,
It is a new way of repealing a law, ond a bungling
attempt to sinugglo slavery into tho Torritory,
and all tho country out to tlio Canada line and up
tho Kocky Mountains. The crocked line of Ihe
smu""line process is this: "abolish tho compio-
miso line, and extend tho Constitution over tho
: the Constitution recognises slavery: there-1
fore, slavery is established as soon as tho lino
abolished, and tho Constitution extended; and;
bci
ding put there bv tho Constitution, it cannot
gislatcd out." Yhis is th English of this smug-
I gnng proccs.; n.iu cur.u....r ....... ..s
. W(irt0- (,r legislation muro derogatory to a leg-
i,ntivJe hotlyZ.VM ever .itcmi ted to le made into
he' Uw si t10 Culir.:,lllimi not made f.r Tcr-"
ritork, a, but for States. Its provisions aro all "I
i;,.,!;,., s.ntc. .ml cm.., 1 1 nnt in oi,oratioii
j r YXt. Thev cannot vote 'lor President,
ico President, or n.e.nbcrs of Congress nor elect
thuir own , or vye;llh6 t10 qi,a.ilKations
I . ......
voters, or administer their own laws ny tneir otvn
!...! .1...1IV- I !..... .... mwl II, i in i-
J""f : ' , '
!" ZXiZ
So' Nor i, it i
lej-islntivo right under tho Constitutioti. even
1110 - . '
- m nr t,i fai.iniv niv ninv niimii il iim-iiiiNP
; " .. f i . ?..'.:...f;.. . n,
J " "J r;, o Vm. It There
: .u,"! heutuso t tie tonatituiinn : P 1
and B" ?V?r"S'n . .5,? " Tir!''''
I J " " .... r...", , . ,;,. r,
the itut ion ian organic notai a mhih, re iire
and l"e -"iistilu tion U anorhai it, not an administrative
.. ni'I. II Iv O CUUU UI III i lll.l'IVO, tiu. J ,lin.?. .ii'.wi
tho 1 0f t,;8 bectfai, both tlt(7Fo pnrtn are repealed.
-! tract of couutry larger than the old tliirtcon At
this
was
a
and
to
to
its
di
lision im
pair few
The
one
four
10
nwwed ii auoiiuon ot Miner. ... uu mu timi.-m
na north and west or Missouri ; fol-oikIIv,
ision tor tl.e recovery of fugitive slaves
ritiirvmnilA Tipa Hi- tlm oiii.tteil eitcnition
nrlni'll.
f jcluuso in itcnti bo eifljuled except by virtuo of
law ninoo unucr ii uv. v.i uv viiiubs iui ibuji
cring fiigitivo tlavcs.
But I nm not dune yet n ith tho beauties of this
mode of repealing it law by an exception. There
is a further coiiiciiueiiee to be detected in it. Tho
..Jissouri compromise coiimmoui oiu ui?iuici jiuh-;
nrst, ni
Louisin
a proi
tho ten
try larjrcr than the old thirtcon Atlan
ti': Stales, and bordering a thousand miles on
liiitisti dominions, is uiauo nn nsyium tor iiiguitc
slaves. Tbero will be no law to recover a slave
from all that vast region, The constitutional pro
vision i limited to States! the provision in the
of 1787 is limited tu the Northwest Territory t
second part of the Missouri compromise cxtcuded
this right to nil the territory north aud west
Missouri: and that being repealed, that right
recovery is lost. 1 object to this on the pnrt
the Stuto of Missouri tho State to be most injured
by converting all tho territory north and west
her, quite out to tho British line, into an asylum
for runaway slaves. The blunder cannot bo
(at least ill the opinion of thoso who deny
the constitutional rpowcr of Cong res to legislate
on slavery in Territories) by nn act of Congress.
Then comes the reason for excepting tho Mis
souri compromise from the extension which
civen to a mass of laws which are not there,
, denied to itself which is there. If the reason
of been because it was already there, it wouia
it
iu-
l.nn a b.irical and conmrehensihle reason
that ia not the cause assigned ; and those which
ar assigned are actually numerous and curious,
' and worthy of examination, i irst, because it
And Superseded by certain acts or 180U; nex tnai it
inconsistent with those acta; then that it is inope
;a rativs ; and finally, that it never was thore, being
in
did
for
sov
case
iu
for
ever. sov
ereigns word
would
a
nut
it.
the
been
egg
illus
siwu then
Uad
ia
dead iu iu birth under th Constitution, and
from the beginning.
Let us look into these reasons, seriatim, as
Jo-wyers say i aud first of supersession. It is
that the sueasure of 1850 superseded this
nf lC3u If so. why treat it now as
existing, aud therefore to be repealed by an excep
tion in order tu get rid of itf If it was repealed
: 1 w'.i l rli ilu it over airain in 1854 f Why
the dead f llut U was not superseded ; but
and confirmed by every speakor
18SU thnt rererrcd W tho subject, and by every
that montioiwd it This being matter of fact,
nroven bf all sorts of testimony panuo, written
1 . ..i ,.! .. ll.m.nlk a
and record-- nau. o u
of political ortlioduxy as long as it stood:)
something else put iu its place. Thereupon super
session was itself superseded by "inuonsisteiit."
Out of th frying-pan iuto the fire! Inconsistent
aigninos inability to stanu pizutnor two
which cannot stand togetluir from cow and
Now, what is the fact witu respect to th compro
mises of iNLOand IftfOJ Can they not staud
And if not, w hy knock tlio ono
lliat is, already dow n ? It is now 6ur years
this iibiiity to1 Maud, together t's-k ' tflcet j '
how do the two scut of joc-sui mk oft
eethor nt ho end of t'1""' ..r' ;
lhey mo h..th on tlio.r foct-Mnndine bolt npr1Kht
miH w I find no forever, unless Conirress
-- - - . --i .
knocks one or tl.e other of them flown. 1 In las
fart ..known 1 to everybody, and admitted by the
bill itaeir; for if the first ts inconsistent with he
second, and unable 1 to stand, why all this trouble
to put it down f Why tr.p op the heels of the
men airraaj nn. n ... ......... '
comes another reasnti-tha t th n co r "promise of
" Ur nh Z
very condition they wish it useless, powerless, in
active, deau ana no osr to ine progress 01 slavery
to the North. Void is vacant, empty, nothing of it.
Now, if tho line of 304 31 Is Inoperntire and void,
it is in the condition of s feneo fulled down, and
the rails carried away, and tho held loft open for
the stock to enter. Itut tho fence is not pulled
down yet. Tho line is not yet inoperative and
void. It is an existing substantive line, alive and
orernting ; and operating effectually to bar the
progress of slaver; to tho North ; and will so eon
tinue to opcrato until Congress snail stop its opera-
.lull. .inn vuiiiiu iiiu iiiii.i ivuKVH, iimt mum III v
il.. i. i: : i.i
icr wan niiT bucii hum hi iiiu wurm tout it win
unconstitutional nna toiu tnnt it nna no exist.
ence from the beginning ; and that it must not be
repealed by a direct act, f r thrt would be to ac
knowledge its previous existence, and to nullify
the Constitutional argument; and, what is more
temblo. involve the authors ot tho doctrine In an
inrnnsintencv of their own l and thereby mnke
thnm, themselves, inoperative and void. And this
is the analysis of the reasons for tho Nebraska bill
that tiart of it which is to ect rid of tho coinnro-
1 le.U: untrue, contradictory, suicidal, nna
I 111 UP o
- j l i. ' w
iFopusterous. And why such a farrago of nulli-i
.!... n .wl tn,irtii,i.liini,iiaf l.....l.
III;'., ill i.''i'" i uiiv, wiii invv'I ? i "V"1' I WIUIJ
inii simpiy to tnrow upon ouicra upou me . u-
I .Mil nf Ill'LlI .iiJ It. ii.n.iA.nl Pon.tilitli!irithn
. . i ,
Iiliimn nf wlml Ihn bill itso II is doiniri the blame
1 . ------ flul-"' , .. ..
ui ucsi r-n uiir iiiu voniiiroiiiii-u ui ii-""i i.ii m.
destroying all confidence between the North and
tho South, and arrnying ono half the I'oion
anainst the other In deadly hostility. It is to be
able to throw blame upon the innocent that this
tAaan is served tin to us.
And liat Is all this hotch potch for f It is to
,CKtablih a principle, they say the principle 01
non-intervention of squatter sovereignty. Pir,
. there is no such principle The Territories aro
,ie children of tho States. They aro minors under
twenty-one years of ago; and it is the business of
the Suites, through their delegations In Congress,
to take care of these minors until they are of age
until they are ripo for Stale government then ive
: them that government, and admit them to an equal-
itt whii tiicir luiuvm. ah uv ., '.
senso of the case ; and has been so acknowledged
'since the first ordinance in 1784, by all author.-
ties, redoral and State, legislative, juuiciai, anu
execiitite. The States in Coneress aro tho gnnr-
jdians of the Territories, and are bound to exerciso
itbe ruardianshin: and cannot nbdicato it without
a breach of trust and a dereliction of duty. Ter-
ritorial sovereignty is a monstrosity, born of tiin
idity and ambition, hatched into existence in tin
hr t incubation of a presidential canvass and re-
I mltine to the beholders when first presented.
Well do I remember that day when it was first
snown in tnc ccnaio. wr nunin; um nv iremo
usar ii i iv iui in iiiii
as afterwards pierced
ions stabs." It was in
! remember the day when Ore
mnillo through w hich ho wa
j with thicc-nnd-twciity "envio
u.o .-cnaie in t; if, aim wns rcccncn noio-unrc
n llio rsyenev Ol iioukciou on mv iiiiuimrrtiii..
. -c .1... c .: . .i:i:n...t ..r.nnA- n(
oi iiohsoum; a un? ii.c-unn-o uinimvi v.r,v.., c
vt hv, sir, tno territory
10 States, nud they do
, political iionsensicnlity.
? itself is the nrnrertv nf til
what thev ldcno with it permit it to bo settled
I ur not. as the v please i cut it up bv lines, as they
: please ; sell it, or gite it away, as they please;
cuasu - nnu miopic irum n, n uiri inc.i.iv.
r.l.i.:. r. . . i i:j..
After
this farrngo this tftla-pfirlrirla comes a little
slump spec.-h, injected in the belly of a bill, and
j which must havo a prodigious effect when recited
in the prairios, and out townrds tho frontiers, and
; up towards tho heads of the creeks, 1 will road
i it, and 1 hope without fa'iguiog the IIoiiic; for it
is bith brief and beautiful, and runs thus;
' It being the truo intent and moaning of this
act not to legislate slavery into any State or lorn
country tory, nor to exclude it therefrom t but to leave Use
is people thereof perfectly freo to form and regulate
their domestic institutions in their own way, sub-
jject only to tho Constitution of tho I'nitod States."
ThU h t() h) Bn(j n u ,itt,9 ,hing
it,ef nnd n,ry ,,IOper to be spoken from a stump
. J V Ls intent and a truo intent:
" " ' ' V iMa to sUt err Into or o ,t of
l J" 1 hen l li-WntS I
LK
I " -v U":' "'""''.'- ' n.' tUtl' P . l-
or I", ' W ' rJ STLr Zm
; jj, .,, j , n , , . ' of ,
of, . h . , , u u J wlit.,1
.null iiiiiii ill nulla i iiiu .iiiiiiiii vi'i.i.i.
i .. ., ' .. .i.i i. i,.icr, t.-nk
'"V". "V ' .. . .
iPlivsic. and here 1 am." Hut tho Blates inusi oe
at lhe 1-oHlcnrw. and forbcaranc
"llTlZX
v " J . i V. , To
or icrritory.
vo to say that,
iipcrorogatioit
stress happens to
dicrn, or out oi
.
r,ut slavery in er out ot any Btato
? M n" U'1 ?W h
'm M,pt0, of n,0 Si, it ia the n
'""""
i havo no power to put slavery in t
P?!? 8 ?!' "spect of the Terr
,. lrt on 0r . cn,(itUional pow
-
.vutttuig tj tno temale gender was ever norn young
enmii-h. or livoi' ltnio: cnciicli, to get befogged
m Uch a ouaiidarv as this. It is one thing or tho
' .1 : i -.I-, !.... .ill. fi.
a
tnltc that
A
tho
act
the
of
of
or
ot
i
and
crritorics, It is an
or and duty :
being tho right of Congress to legislate npon sla
very in tlio territories, anil Its onty to do so wncn
there is occasion for it as in 178.7 and 15110.
I object to this shilly-shally willy-won'ty
don'ty can'ty stylo of legislation. It is not
IcuiMliiti.e. it Is not parliamentary, u is not
manly.
way
It is not womanly. No woman would;
i i.liilfv-abal!v in a woman,
had
nave
Put
was
is
void
the
said
still
kill
o
knowludged in
aot
and
...I
test
and
and
wo.
to
gether? down
since
and
to-
N'o breakinir bargains with them. llut tho end
this stump speech is tho best or tho wholo. Dif
ferent from good milk, in which the cream rises
the top, it horo sottlcs to the bottom, and is
theso words ;
" Leavo it to the peoplo thereof, that is to say,
of the States and of the Territories, to regulato
slavery for themselves ns thoy please, only subject
to the Constitution of the I nitcd States."
Certainly this is a new subjection for tho States.
Heretofore they havo bocn free to regulate slavery
for theniscl.es admit it, or rcjoct it; and that not
by virtue of any grant of power in the Constitu
tion, but hy virtue of nn unsurrendered part
their old sovereignty, it Is also new ot the lern
toiics. Heretofore they have been held to
wards of Congress, and entitled to nothing under
the Constitution but that which Congress extended
to them, llut this clause is not accidentally hero
it is to keep up tho dogma of the Constitution
Territories; but only there in relation to slavery,
nnd that for its admission not rejectiou.
Three dogmas now atfiiot tho land ; tidelicti
squatter sovoroignty, non-intervention, and
power in Congrusa to legislate upou slavery
Territories. And this bill asserts the whole three,
and beautifully illustrates the whole three,
knocking each one on the neau with the other, and
trampling each under foot in iu turn. Sir, the bill
does deny squatter sovereignty, and it does inter
vene, and it doe legislate upon slavery in Torrito
aies; and for th proof of that, see the bill; and
seo it, as the lawyers say, tmtaim; that is lo say,
hero, and there, and eterywhore. It is a bill
assumptions and contradictions assuming whut
is uufoundod, and contradicting whut it assumes
and balancing every atfiruiatiun by a negation.
It is a see-saw bill ; but not the innocent see saw
w hich children play on a plunk stuck through
fence; but the up and down game of politicians,
played at the expense of the peace ana harmony
nf the I'uion, and to the sacriHice of all business
in Congress. It is ul amphibological bill stuffed
with monstrosities, hobbled with contradictions,
and Badgered with a proviso.
Amphibology is a cause for tho rejection of bills,
nut only by Congress, but by th l'resideiit when
carried to him for his approval. General Jackson
rejected ono for that cause, and it was less amphib
ological than this: it was the last night of
last day of his hu t administration, and a quarter
before midnight. Congress had sent him a bill
repeal the specie circular, and to inaugurate
naper money of a thousand local banks as the
reucv of tho Federal Government. It was an
ixct not to be avowed, nor to be done in any direct
or luahlH manner. I'araplirttiesrtuwiocutK
' i i. .i -. . l
people Horn It, as they rlowe- Ton b
1 l Thni-A I II ntViCinmnti
.ainilll IIIU own. v.-r w
ambidexterity, and ambiguity, were necessary lo
cover up the design; and it was piled oil until It
was unintelligible. Tho I'residcnt read It, and
could mnke nothing of it) he sent to his Attorney
General, who was equally purilcd. II then re
turned it, with s message to the penate, rousing
to si in the bill for amphibology. We should re-
jxct this bill for the same cause, if for nothing else.
Hard la the late or party icalty, it has to seen up
with the sverchanitms measure. Often have these
hills chanced : and under every phase they had to
tie received as a test or orthodoxy ; ana have more
changes to ondergo yet; and to continue to do a
tesi unuer ail mutations.
And now, what is tho object of this movement,
which so disturbsCongress and the eountryT What
docs it propose to accomplish f To settle a prin
ciple, is the answer the principle of non-intorven-
tion, and the right of tho people of the Territory
to decide the question of slavery for thcmsolves.
Sir, there is no such principle. Tho Territories
aro the children of the States. They aro minors,
under ago, and it is the business of the States,
through their delegations in Congress, to take rare
of them until they aro or age until they are ripe
for Stnto government ; then to givo them that gov
ernment, and admit them to an equality with thoir
fathers. That is law, and has been so admitted
since the first ordinance, iu 17b7. The States In
Congress aro the guordiuns of the Territories, and
are bound to exercise that iniardianship; and can
not abdicate it without a breach of trust and a de-
reliction of duly. Why. sir, the territory itself is
tho property of the States, and they do with it
what they please permit it to he sotucu or not,
as they please i cut it up by lines, as they please ;
soil or give it away, as they please ; chase white
nas ocen
on now
extant of the old Congress of the Confederation,
describing the first settlors in the Northwest Terri
tory as "disorderly persons;" and ordering them
to be driven off by the military. I remember many
such military expulsions In the early settlement ol
the westorn country, otton exoouteu wnu severity i
burning houses, cutting np corn, destroying fences,
and driving off the people at the point of the bay
onet, and under the edge of the sabre. As late as
lK3S-'3rt, and after the extinction of tho Indian
title to the Platte country in Missouri, similar or
ders were given to the then colonel of dragoons
commanding on that frontier, the now Senator in
Congress, lU.ay Dopes, to expel the people
from that purchase ; orders which lie executed in
gentleness and mercy, going alone, explaining his
usiuess, and requiring them to go away; which
they did, like good and orderly people ; and when
ho xu mne. came back like sensible and industri
ous people, and secured their pre-emptions. Not
only settled, but organised territory, has been so
treated hy the tederal uovernment, ana sum ;
the peopm driven off and their homes given away,
This hnnnencd in Arkansas in 1828, when twclv
thousand square miles of her organized territory
was given to the Cherokces, and the pooplo driven
away. Why, sir, this very lino of 30 30 with all
ins territory on ono siuo oi iv, anu uixiit"
the other side, were given away to the King ofl
c 1 -. T 1. 1 1. n l...n ll.n .nrai.l i, vAn' tiPfiit!iA
. r , . .. .. .i . r . .....,.;t nn.u.
""m.-ouc, i'ivu i !.. .....i
in appointed by the I'nited States, and a House
lteprescntntivcs elected bp the people, at the ratool
n.iA renrf.He.itnt.vA for nverv livo hundred voters.
it
This hna linen tl.A aAvAutv vears' practice
of the Governmont to troat the Territories as
property, and tho peoplo ns uninvited guests, to he
entertained, or turned out, as the owner of the
IIouso chooses. Fine sovereigns those 1 chased off
by tho military and their homes given to Indians
or Spaniards. Tho whole idea of this sovereignty
is a novelty, scouted by Congress when it first ap
peared in the Senate, contradicted by the Constitu
tion, and tho whole action of Govcrnmot, in all
timo ; and contradicted by the bill itwdf, which is
to secure it. The provisions of the bill are a bur
lesquo upon sovereignty. It gives to tho pooplo,
instead of receiving from them, an organio act.
And what an organio act 1 Ono in which they ore
denied every attribute of sovereignly. Denied freo-
ilom of elections : denied freedom of voting ; denied
choico of their own laws; denied the right or fixing
the qualifications of voters ; subjected to a lorcign
supervision; and controlled by the reuerai uov
ernment, which they have no hand In olecting
and onlv allowed to admit and not to reiect slavery.
Their sovereignty only extonos to vne suojeci in
slavery, and only to one side of that the admitting
aide : the other half of the power bcinc held to
denied nv the Constitution which is extended over
them, nud which, (according to the reading of the
supporters of this bill,) forbids any law to be made
w hich will prevent any citixen from going there
with lus slaves. This is a squatter sovereignty,
non-intervention, and no power to legislate in Ter
ritories unon slavery. And this is called a prin
ciple tho principfo of non-intervention letting
the people alone to settle tne quenon oi siavcrj
Tor themselves. How settlo it T That can otily be
lil.inn iii nn iii.nn!i aet and thev have no such act
nor can they have one till they make a constitution
for a stato government. All tho rest is legislation,
which settles nothing, and produces contention
cvory election. Sir, this principlo of non-intcrvon-tion
is but the principle of contention a bone giv
en to tho peoplo to quarrel and fight over at every
election, and at every meeting of their Legislature,
until they become a Mate government, men, ana
thenenly, can they settlo the question.
For seventy years since the year 1784, when
tho orcanisiiiE mind of Jefferson drow the first
territorial ordinance we had a uniform method
providing for the government of Territories,
founded upon the clause in the Constitution which
authorizes Con cress to dispose of, and make rules
and regulations respecting the torritory and other
prjperty of tho 1'nitod States. This mode of gov
ernment has consisted of three grades, all founded
in the right of Congress to govern them. First
grade: a Governor and judges, nppoiutcd by tho
I ntted States, to adopt laws Irom otnor states,
bo in force until disapproved bv Concrcss. Second
grade: a Territorial Legislature, when the inhahit-
ants shall amount to tlvo thousand men anovo
or
to
in
of
be
;
iu
i
no
in
by
ol
a
the
to
the
cur-
ob-
n,
its legislation subject to tho approval or Congress,
Third erade: entranco on tho State Government.
in lull onunlity with the other States, llns is
way theso Territories have been covomod for soy
entv vears : nnd I am for adhcrinc to it.
And now what is the excuso tor nil tins ais-
turbance of the country : this breaking up of an
cient compromise ; nrravmg one half ol the L nion
against tno other, ana destroying tne temper ana
business of Congress ? What is tho excuse for
this turmoil and mischief ? We are told it is
keep the question of slavery out of Congress!
To keep slavery out of Congress I Great God
It was out of Congress 1 completely, entirely, and
torover nut ot longrcsa, unless congress drugged
it in by hrenktng down the sacred laws which set-
tied it. Tho question was settled, and done with.
There was not an inch square of territory in
I nion on which it could he raised without a breach
of a compromise. The ordinance of '811 settled
iu all the remaining part of the Northwest Terri
tory beyond Wiseosin : the compromise line of 30
3(r settled it in all country north aud west or Mi
souri to the British line, and up to. the Rocky
Mountains! the oreanio act of Ore iron, made
the people, and sanctioned bv Coneress. settled
in all that region : the acts for the government
I' tali and New Mexico settled It in those two Ter
ritories ; the compact with Texas, determining
number of slave States to be formed out of that
State, settled it tiiere t and California settled it
herself. Now, where was there an inch square
Territory within the United States on which
ooestion could be raised? Nowhere 1 Not
inch 1 The question was settiea everywuero,
merely by law, but by loct. The wora was uono,
and there was no way to got at the question but
undoinir the work I No way lor congress to
the quostion in, for the purpose of keeping
out, but to break down compromise which keep
out.
What advantage do the slave States expect
this bill ? Certainly thoy expect the extension
slave cower, mid slave population, luat
prove a fallacious expectation. The question
slavery in these Territories, if thrown to territorial
u-tion. will b a nuestion of numbers a question
of the majority for or against slavery, and
chance would the slaveholders nave in sucn a
tost? No chance at all. lhe slave emigrants
be outnumbered, and compelled to play at a
unequal game, not only in point of numbers
also in point of stakes. The slaveholder stakes
his property ; and baa to run it off, or lose it, if
. .. " ., - .1 I f L , I. .
voted at the pons, i see noiuiug wuieu siavenoiu
era are to earn under this bill uotbie; but an
equal and vexatious contest, in which they are
be losers; 1 deprecate such a contest, ana did
part to keep it out of the State of Missouri when
hor constitution was formed. I was not a member
of the convention, but was a chief promoter of the
clause which forb:d the Lceielature to emancipate
i -
slaves without the consent of their owners, l pro
moted that elatisa for the sake of peace for the
sake of keeping the slavery question out of our
elections and legislation for the sake of prevent
inr perpetual strife among the people. What I did
for Missouri, 1 would do for the Territories) and if
it was an open question would vote one way or the
other to settle it I out it is not an open question i
and cannot be opened without a breach of faith, and
the destruction of the peace of the country.
Sir, the question has been decided. The free
States are asainst this bill t and it is sn ill return
for their past generous conduct to endeavor to force
it upon them. They have been not only just, but
marnanimous to tho slave States. What was tho
nnniiition of tlia Uv Stntns iliiHv vears a fro in
relatior. to the use of the soil within their limits f
Debarred of a great part of its use; an Indian
population covering nioro or less of almost every,
slavo Stale, and preventing the expansion of its
population. What is it now f All relieved. The
Indians all gone i their lands all brought under the
dominion of the white mant and the area of slays
population, and of slave cultivation, greatly in
creasedto the extent of a third or a fourth of its
soil in some of the States. How was this donet
Cartninlv bv the helo of fres State votes, (for it
could not havo been dons without them ;) by the
help or their votes In procuring the appropriations
and ratifying the treaties which the removal of the
Indians required, Missouri got her flue southwest
quarter relieved by these means. The same votes
gave us the Platte oountry ; seven fins counties
added to tho State 1 and that by altering ths com
promise line to include It, and actually converting
that fine region from free soil to slave soil. North
ern votes enabled it to bo done: northern votes a
tored ahoro an hundred miles of ths compromise
lino for our benefit, unon our rcauest: and I will
never be ungrateful to the North for it, nor requite
itby a breach nf the line to their prejudice. And
how did we obtain the northern votes which were
necessary for all these measures the appmpria-
tions and treaties for all these Indian removals, and
lor mat alteration oi me compromiso tins wnion
gave us the beautiful Platte country f How did,
the luissouri aeiegation oi m nsi iiiu mom am
iable and talented Dr. Linn and myself, in the
Senate, and General Ashley in tho Iluuse how
did wa obtain that creat boon for our State f Did
we get those votes by belohing abolitionism against
the North t No 1 nol we got them by appealing to;
the justice, and the fraternal feelings of our north-
em brethron, and to w hich we never appealed
ones in vain who, in the last hard trial to get the
out of Georgia, gave us fourteen affirm-
ative votes to balance seven negatives from the
South, and saved tho treaty by one voto. And 1,
w ho was part of all those transactions, accustomed
to solicit northern votes, ana express lunua tor
them, will not now return them evil for good by
attempting to deprivo thcut of their sharo of a
compromise which vu ihimibuu ukju im-m
It is now four months since this movoi
I . L - .l.-.. i!nn f 1 1. a M i a n 1 1 r! niimlirnin
movomont for
tho abrogation of the Missouri compromise com
menced in this Conirress, It beean without a me
morial without a petition, without a request, from
human being. It has labored long and hard in
these hulls, and to this hour thero is not a petition
for it from the class of States for w hose benefit the
movement professes to have beon made not a
word in its favor from tho smallest public meeting
or privao n&scuiblngo or any slave State. This is
the response of the South to this boon tendored to
it by northern members under n northern Presi
dent. It is the response of silence moreemphat
io than words and worthy of especial note in the
dcbaie. It argues well for the 'harmony of the
I'nion, and goes to show (what in fact has been
often seen) that the troubles of the country come
from unoasy politicians its safety from tho tran
quil masses.
;
Salens, Ohio, ftlnjr , 194.
GAGGING.
of
at
of
all
to
tne
the
all
to
!
the
it
by
it
of
the
for
of
tne
an
noi
by
got
it
11
of
may
ol
what
con-
will
most
but
out-
I I
un
to
my
Whon Thomas II. Benton's hour in committee
of the whole expired, In the midst of his recent
speech, there were found a large number of mem
bers who were ready to silence him, by rcuislng
Ihe ordinary courtesy of timo to finish his remarks.
Mr. Wontworth of Illinois obtained tho floor, and
ffercd his timo to Mr. B. for tho conclusion of his
pcech. This too, the Nebraskaitcs refused to
permit, until after an hour's wrangling and tho
oxcrcise of somo parliamentary tact, Mr. Benton
was permitted to proceed iu .Mr. Wontwortli's timo
nnd conclude his remarks.
It matters not who speaks for freedom or against
slave holding plots, he is sure of gagging if possi.
hie, or at least of insult and abuse. The most
stalwart champion of slavery, no matter what his
previous services to the institution nnd no matter
what his reasons for interposition, is gagged and
outraged as soon as the most fanatical abolitionist.
It is free peeeh th'y feur, and truth they hale.
And they are right, if they would maintain their
institution, " Slavery is the most stupendous of
lies," and truth is its greatest foe. Free speech,
with true nion and women to exercise it, will move
slavery from its foundations. It is a glorious
means, nnd w ithin tho reach of every man and
woman, who can perceive nnd utter a truth. Lot
all use it, esteeming it as all slave holders dosthe
most efficient and certain of all anti-slavery instru
mentalities. "The foolishness of preaching!"
Foolish it is, in tho esteem of many, who profor
before It, "voting," or "fighting," or "waiting," or
hemming in," or some other cherished instru
mentality. But foolish, though it is in the world's
esteem, it is nevertheless the wisdom of God and
the power of God for the slave's deliverance.
There are those whom all slavedom cannot gag
or silence. Therefore is there hone.
CnaiSTiaM Press. The publication of this paper
is suspended for the present. The Editor says
that the multiplication of his cares and labors,
com pell this measure.
We intended to have taken some notice of the
remarks of the Press, relative to the late Cincin
nati Convention, but we are obliged to omit it,
with several other topics ws designed to discuss.
Anxious watching at the sick bed of a daughter
ha prevented.
Psaxsa PitUBuar. Our readers will rejoioe
with us, to know that at tb latest intelligence,
Mr, Pillsbury was slowly recovering from his
sever illness. lis was still at Bristol.
Rxroas Bills stress tus Onto Lmislatcri.
Last week we noticed th fact that Mr. Townsend
had Introduced a bill into the Senate, securing to
women equal property rights with men. We are
indebted to its author for a copy of this bill, also
for oopios of two others, reported by htm, vix. i
one to alter the constitution by striking out the
word white, from the clause prescribing tb quali
fications of electors, and one for the striking from
tlio same clause tho word male, thus eonforing
upon all citixona, irrespective of sex or complexion,
the privilege of the elective franchise.
Lxoal Disabilities or Women. A clear and
comprehensive statement of the logal disabilities
of women in this state, will be foand on our fourth
page. The memorial of Mrs. Severance, ha evi
dently been prepared with care, its statements are
fortified by authority, the arguments well stated,
and the appeals earnestly and appropriately mado,
It is a valuable document for reference, si well as
fcr general circulation,
ANNIVERSARY AT NEW YORK.
national interest, as Aaron's rod did all the rods of
: the Egyptian magicians ; never has there been such
a willingness to hearths advocates of impartial
j freedom, nr so ready an acquiescence in their views
and sentiments ; and it is apparent that, at every
This important meeting occurs next week. If
hope for a large attendance and a glorious and suc
cessful meeting. Ws commend to the readers of
the Bugle ths following from the Liberator;
In addition to ths official invitation of ths Execs--tive
Committee of the American Anti-Slavery So
ciety, to its members and friends throughout ths
country, to be strongly represented at its approach
ing anniversary at New York, ws would add an
earnest appeal to ths earns effect. In what period
of our great struggle has there been a crisis so .
momentous ss the present so occasion so impera
tively demanding the thronging pretence and seri
ous deliberation of the tried and unfaltering friends
of bound and bleeding humanity or SOcb an op
portunity to strike an effective blow at ths helliste
power of Slavery Tho state of ths Northera
mind is now sympathetic and catholic toward'
hitherto unpopular movement ; the current of pub
lic reeling has visibly ihnnged its course; th
defenders and apologists of the loathsome slave
svs'em no longer stand boldly lorth, as one thty
did, on Northern soil, but skulk for shams and'
confusion of face; it is now seen and felt to b as
reflection upon the intelligence, and a stain upon',
the character, to be charged with being pro-slavery.-in
spirit or position ; the subject is universally-
discussed, and has swallowed up all other topics of
publio gathering, whether to protest against th
Nebraska Bill, or to seek th entire abolition of
slavery, tho strongest utterances for liberty ar
responded to the most enthusiastically. These ar
indeed cheering signs of the times. ' Now is our
'salvation nearer than when we believed.' To strik
! while the iron is hot is as Important In any (real
moral enterprise, ss it is in fashioning any rrrnal
j weapon or instrument of husbandry. And what
sn enterprise is that in which ws are embarked 1
So comprehensive, so immeasurable, so indissolubly
' connected with human redemption, so regardful of
tne honor and supremacy of Uod, so imbued wita
the world-reconciling spirit of human brotherhood I
hy law to ignorance and utter
And what a revolution to be accomplished I A
Democratfc nation, and every sixth person in th
land the property of some other person I A civil
ised nation, and millions of its population doosnsd
iiv aw in itriiornnfiji inn tittAr HMMfi.i nn I j
Christian nation, and the Bible a prohibited vol-
time, tho institution of marriage abolished, ths
souls and bodies of men daily in ths market for
: ml0 and barter, and all parentul and filial ties dis
Cherokces honored, among a population greater than that of
all the IScw r,i -Innd states I And, finally, th
Slave Power omnipotent over the whole country.
animated by Oie spirit nf infcrnalism against all
that is holy, just and truo uttering the foulest
blasphemies against Heaven, and plotting for its
extension wherever the Americun flag extends, or
by conquest or annexation can be carried round tb
globe 1
Friends of the whole human race I lot our ap
proaching anniversary at New York be worthy uf
our high calling. Let no one say that his absene
will not bo missed, or that his presence on that oc
casion will not bo of any importance. The tim
has not yet come when the Humblest laborer m th
field is to cease exerting himself to the utmost. As
the decisive hour draws near, in which the fats of
the republic is to bo determined, the more persons
we need in counsel, and to commune with each
other, fnce to faco. It is not to bo presumptuous
or assuming to say that, whatever may be th in
strumentalities at wora tor tne ovennrow oi nia-
vory, or to check its cxpausion, th American
Anti-Slavery Society still leads the van, sod is
worthy of the most nhsoluto confidence, th most
generous support, and tho highest praise.
Our coun'ry is widely extended, and they wh
live at a distance can get to New York only at eosv
siderable cost of timo and money. Many who
presence would be extremely desirable, doubtles
ar unable to meet this cost in full. The burden
ought to be oqtialited. In various distant localities,
let there be a union of means to ensure a delega
tion of one or more persons, and as a wise expend
iture in furtherance of tho noblest movement elf
th age. Liberator.
ENCOURAGED.
Horace Greeley thinks ths Nebraska Bill is dona
fur in the House of Keprosentatives. He says:
"Wo are not constitutionally sanguine, and hav
been taught by stern experience that an event does
not always actually occur because, to human ap
prehension, it should ; yet we can no longer r-
fross our joytul, conhdont hnpo that tlio Aobraska
niquity is doomed. It may flounder and struggle,,
in a dying way, for somo weeks yet, ere it shall be
kicked out ot the llouso; but it cannot pass, u
thore bo any trust in tho signs of the times. That
joins bill for tho organization of the Territories
may pass at this Session, is very probable and not
to be regretted ; but the bill which passed ths
Senato by such an overwhelming majority certain
ly cannot pass neither this Session nor ever after.
And we now bolieve it most improbable that any
bill repudiating the Missouri Restriction can bo
lorced through the present llouso. How much
hotter chance it will have thereafter, the reader
can judge for himself."
It may be that the measure is defeated for ths
present. We are willing to hope so. It will be a
humiliation to the southern plotters, they have not
of late experienced. If it does fnil, it will be only
bocause tho people have been aroused and spoken
out so emphatically against it, thnt tb foar- of
the doughfaces from a retribution of the North,
prepondorato over their hopes from the South.
Thore must bo no cessation no relaxation of agi
tation. Tho slave holders will relax no whit.
Thoir vigilance will be inoreased, and they will
if possible soixe some favorable opportunity to pass
ths bill.
If it shall be that they fail in this at this time.
will it not inspire the North with some sens of
the propriety of aggreiiivt action? Our enemy 1
not merely to be resisted. He is to b eontjutrti.
The Missouri and all othor compromises ought to
be repudiated so far as they give support and
sanction to slavery. If the South fails to repeal
them for th sak of injustioo, th North should
do it for ths sak of freedom ond justice.
Gerrit Smith on Slave Rescuing. Gerrit Smith
writes sympatbixingly and eommendingly to S. M.
Boothe, of Milwaukie, in reference to ths Into res
cue. Her is his letter, brief, but unmistakable and.
to the point:
' Waihinoton, Maroh 23, 1854. !
My Dear Friend and Brother r God bless you a
and He will bless you. Your letter, received thi
morning, has filled me with joy. You ar awar
what a responsible part I took In th rescue of
Jerry. I determined from the first, that, if I war
indicted, I would not give bail 1 would go to jail.
I trust that you will not give bail. I trust yon
will avow the whole extent of your participation in
the rescue of Glover, nnd glory in it.
Glorious Milwaukio I Glorious Resone !
Truly yours, GKKK1T SMITH
To S. M. Booth."
Heading mi Slavs Breepers. An Emigration,
Convention was to have met in Worcester, Ma.,
on th 3d Inst. Its call proposes to "take such as,
tion as will lead to ths speedy establishment in th
territories of Kansas and Nebraska, of colonies of
free aud freedom loving farmers, mechanics, labor
ers and others, so that the future destiny of tho
extensive domains, may be placed In ths keeping,
of men who know hof to appreciate th blessings
of liberty, and, art dtilermined to multiply and ex
tend thorn."
The Qadsdon treaty has boon ratified. Amon g
Its provisions is ono granting $10,000,000 to Mex
ico for territory acquired. . '
