Newspaper Page Text
P1t t I fj
- MA BUS II. HOBI.T905, Editor.
NO tWJO.V WITtt SLAVEUOLOEnS."
ANN FEAKSO, Publish! Afs-stff
Vol. 9.-xo. 39.
SALKM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, MAY 13, 1851.
WHOLE NO. 449,
TK.--1 to m mnnm. r.tsMo In dToo..
X t1 thu lH of lhs Ti'r.
'ifc l" ,,h :"l,h ",h"V llmMliojrwIIKIthrriukOTth
thVir frinniU nuo is .nua lu circulation shiod
0"""'"'"li Intended for Inwrtlon. to b. sddmsrd to
"' H. Hoiimux, Editor. All ilr w Aax 1'iauox, i-ub-
TKRMS OF ADVERTISING. ;
On. Sqiltra (I line. ) thrm Inks,
" Kurd stMltlonil Insertion,
" His months, . , .
M " this yer, . ... . '
Two tqtinnn .li months, . . , . .
" On. y..r, . . ' . ' . . . ,
Om fourth olunin on tsar, with prlrtli-n of ch.naln.
ninthly, . . . ... Iflan
ITsIf ontuoin, rhsnirlnK monthly, ..... fcioo
M m W--. nil. nmiiiii enjm IIDSI Will M ntM OH T.ar,
for It Booth., l. '
J. HUDSON, Pstxtsa.
RUSSIAN SERFDOM AND AMERICAN
"The two powers which now seem to hnve the
'grcsitest promise of the Future, in the political
world, at least, nro Russia nnj America. The
one Mems ns much destined to a complete sovo
'reignty over the affair of tho old world, ns the
titer to an emirs jurisdiction over tho vast ro
giens of the new. Anxious eyes nro steadily ob
serving the tendencies and nggressivo movniiients
of each of these grout powers, to see what is to be
their respective iulluonuo upon the lower classes of
humanity. We present below a contrast between
the condition of tho serfs of Russia, nnd that of
the slaves of.America. We hear much of Russian
oppression and American freedom. It umy bo
well to consider how much, milder is that system
of bondage which the Czar would extend into a
country cursed with sloth nnd sensuality, than
that which our own government would spread
over the fair and unpolluted regions of our West
'' The power of the Russian noblo over his serf
IS tar trom Doing absolute, Tho latter, when
engaged in agricultural employments, is only
obliged to work thrco days of thu week. Ho enn
not be compelled to service on Sundays or holidays.
If ho run away he can not be restored, unless the
master makes out his eluitn within one or two
years from the time of tho escape. If he is not
returned at the expiration of ten years from that
lime, he is entitled to his liberty, A umstor is not
allowed to cripple his servant, or to endanger his
lifo. If the hitter commits a criminal oH'ence, the
government, ami not tho muster, has the right to
punish him. Jn tho caso of any act of ootrago or
cruelty, by a noblo upon tho person of a serf, the
state of the former is taken trout his. hands, and
put under the caro of guardians, lie enn not ac
quire a new cstato by purchaso, he can not longer
livo upon tho old one, aud is exposed to severe le
gal penalties Tor his oll'ence. A master is at lilor
lyxto manumit his sorfr, singly, or by whole ham
lets and villages, with or without the privilcgo of
giving them lands. A serf, onoe thus possessed
of his freedom, can uot bo again subjected to ser
vitude.' It illegally held iu bonduge, ho mny sue
Ills pretended owner for emancipation, and he oan
not bo punished, mortgaged, or hired out to anoth
er, until the ease has been legally settled. He
may thus appear ns nil acautcr or witness before
the same tribunal to which he himxolf is summon
ed, when be may have violated tho law. If, under
other circumstances, tho surf becomes involved in
a law suit, tho maslur is bound to nrosecuto it,
and is answerable for tho- result, iiy law, the
erf may gain his liberty, if he can succeed in
proving an antecedent right thereto, or if any im
propriety or forcible attack has been made upon
the virtue of his wife or daughter, by his master,
or if the latter does not belong to an christian con
fession. If a free woman marries a serf, slio agaiu
becomes free whon she becomes a widow. A wo
man front bondngo marrying a free peasant, bo
comes likewise free. Wheu tho husband becomes
free, the wife to6 shares his freedom, though his
children must ho emancipated by a special act.
Serfs sent to .Siberia by their masters for punish
ment, may tako their children with them, may
often receive lands from tho crown, nnd thus form
colonies of free peasants. Families among the
serfs can not bo separatsd bv sale. No individuals
among them can be brought to market, but must
be sola together with tlio estate on which tlicy
If this law is violated, tho crown fines the trans
gressor, takes the serls as its own, makes them
iree and allows them their own choico of employ
ment. Serfs can not be sold at any public auction
in execution of tho debts of the muster. While
under bondage, a trout Dart of them are allowed
to wander, at pleasure, throughout the limits of
tne fcmpire, to engage in any houorablo pursuit
which they may choose, and to accumulate aud
hold property. They pay their masters a certain
part of their earnings, and return to thorn at their
call. All the property which they thus acquire by
their labor, belongs, by law, to their masters.
But a public opinion more powerful than any stat
ute secures me main portion ot it to tho righttul
owners too sens ineinseivos. mere Is, among
the Russians, no prejudice against any clasa of
inhabitants on account of any difference of form,
eolor, or race, I'oushkine, tho greatest of thoir
poets, boasted that he had African blood iu his
veins. The rude aud heterogeneous nations over
which the government is constantly extending its
jurisdiction, sharo fully, when thoy are once sub
dued, tho common respect and privileges enjoyed
by the rest of the Empire..
Such is serfdom in Russia, so far as it mny pre
sent certain direct contrasts with tho system of
slavery in onr own country. There aro evils con
nected with it, to which I have mado no allusion,
inoe thoy are similar to those which are inherent
in almost every eystoui of boudage, especially that
which afflicts our Southern States, There are also
other fnvoroblo aspects belonging to Russian serf
dom, which I have not montioned, since they have
rno point of contrast, as also none of eoinctdenco,
with tho institution of American slavery. We
. simply wish to present theso points of contrast,
. while it must bo distinctly understood, that in all
.Other respects also, tho serfs are the gainers.'
. In our own country the power of tho alave
ilioldor over his victim is practically abvotuto. So
severe and uninterrupted is tho toil of his slave,
that a few years serve to break doVn his power of
,srvico. Ir he run away, ho is never wholly free
ifrow the dangor of reoupturc, while living within
.the limits of the country. Long vears after his
.escape, whsn lie may have provided himself with
.a home, and seen children grow up arouud him,
.the relentless hand of tho mau-stouler may be
.upon him. Masters freely cripple thoir slaves,
aud often take their lives wilb impunity. If a
slave is guilty of a serious 'crime, his master or
.Judge Lynch administers summary punishment.
No slaveholder's estate suffers in consequentis of
the outrages daily committed upon unprotected
srirtue. In some of our Southprn States it is for.
bidden to the master-to free bis slaves, In any
tanner whatsoever. Several of the slave States
have rcuenUy onacUd laws to reduce to slavery
again, men who may have become free. . Although
s mart may be held in- bondage illegally at the
South, he oannot ask for redress at any legal tri
bunal, i KaoMt serve, in. no wither as an
aesuser or witness. la eonnot hate a suit at law,
wbstevor his wrongs, and his master is not obliged
to have one for him. Any complaint of improper
cendup.1 towards, his. wife., only ensures to .the
slave a whipping 1nstcil-ptjboriyJ 4UenerHy, it
avails nothing to him to prove that ho Is by law
entitled to freedom. Slaveholders aro not couBned
to professors of religion. No female slave becomes
tree because her husband dies. No one can be
come such because she marries a freeman. No
ono is made free because her husband is. There
is no compensation of lands and freedom for the
punishments inflicted upon the slaves of America.
families of slaves are separated for life-time
here in this country, nt the more plcnsure or will
of their masters. They are not allowed to go
freely abroad into other States, or communities.
But few of them are permitted to accumulate
proporty. What little thoy do secure is at the
disposal of their owners. No public opinion
protects thorn. A mean and cnntcmntibto tirciu-
dice pervades the whole slaveholding mind of the
country against a poor race of men bocause God
has given them a black skin rather thnn A white I
This cowardly spirit influences tho South to nfToct '
the utmost contempt for one who Is sunno.ed ,.!
havo the least taint of African blood.
I he above facts about the serfs of Russia nrei,
taken from the vnrw nl.ln a,.H I i l r
vuunv uurowsxi s entitled, "Uu,a as it is." Kv-i
u,,n, Wno wouki understand tho merits or the ;
great Kastern Question, should read this admirable !
voiu.no. It is, by far, tho best work on tho subject'
that has yet appeared. I
"A CASE FOR SYMPATHY."
Another Floitivi A nevrn man. l,M.,nnin
to Mr. Richard Doyle, mado his eseapo to the
North a few days ago. Ho had becn a corn-measurer
for souio tunc. We era called linnn til an.
nounce almost daily Uio loss of this species of
property. The community or Norfolk and vicinity
havo, within the last twolve months, stistuined a
loss of over $30,001) of slave property by the aid
of abolitionists, and are now large stockholders in
tins Kinu 01 property north or Mason t Dixon's
line. We would ask if Now lludfnril. ltn.i,,..
any other community of abolitionists wore losers
iu any Kind ol property, would they sit so quietly,
and not call for redress from the "powers that bo?"
it is nine mat ins ooutu should take some action.
forbearance lias ceased to bo a virtue. Norfolk
licacon, oUt ult.
1. This is a case which shows the want of relig
ious instruction among slaves. Have they read
their HiblcsT Huve they read tho Constitution?
Do they not know tho wickedness of rnnnim.
away from their masters? A copy or Dr. Spring's
irst llnngs mighi be abridged, for circulation
South a pluiitatiun edition. The Tract Society
aud the Sunday-School Union issue vlantatinn nil.
tiuut of other works, why not or this? At any
rate, as soon as the Nebraska matter lias becn sot
lied by that sober second thought of the North,
which the Journal of Vommcrte was confident
would soon reverse the apparent indignation of the
North, ought not the Southern Aid Society to send
a missionary to Norfolk and neighborhood?
2. Southern families, in thoir summer rexidenee
at the North, deleotate us with assurances or tho
fondness of their slaves. Why, they would scorn
liberty, if offered to them I The abstraction fs
only lit for white folks. Aro the slaves about
Aorlolk or a different breed?
3. As a remedy for this peripntetio tendoncy of
their contented slaves, we would snggest to our
noblo brothers of the South, disunion. That
would cure everything. They could then koep
their slaves so much bettor, or get them so much
easier. . I
4. As to tho question proposod to Huston nnd
Veic Jiedjbrd, what they would do, if suffering a
like, affliction ? we shall not anticipate the nnswer
which those cities will, of course, make. We only
express an opinion, that New F.ugland, nnd the
North generally, is very apt, when in troublo, to
appeal to till farm, the work-shop, and to every
lorni ot ingenious industry, and not to the "powers
that be." This is the difference between the
North and the South. Indejxndent.
The New York Miiror, after half a column of
excuse or apology tor Mr. Lverett's course upon the
eorussa oin, says:
"We huve not taken up. our pen in defence of
nr. i.verett s character or course. J lie former is
pure and spotless, aud the latter will bear the test
Mr. Everett's political character is far from "nure
and spotless," and his course ns a public, man will
not " hear tue test ot history."
In 182o, ho delivered an address at Concord, full
of deserved praise of tho martyrs who fell in the
American revolution, lu speaking of them, he
" Should the foot of a tyrant or of a slave ap
proach theso venerated spots, the noblo hcurts
that blod at Lexington and Concord, 'nil dust as
they are,' would beat beneath the sod with indig
nation. Near the close, ho said :
"And ages still further on, when tho monument
itseir, like those who built it, shall have crumbled
to dust, the happy aspect of the land which our
fathers redeemed shall remain one common, eternal
monument to their memory.
Within a twolvemonth he was in Congress, rep
resentative of the people who lived upon tho battlo
grounds of Lexington and Concord, und we fir.d
lis young dovotee of Liberty defending and eulo
gising Slavery in a manner which brought the
blush of shame to the cheek of every Northern
man, and called forth an indignant rubuko from
more than one representative of tho South I Wo
give an extract from his speech of March 0th,
" Sir, I am no soldier. My habits nnd education
are very unmilitnry ; but there is no cause in which
I would sootier buckle a knapsack on my back,
aud put a musket on my shoulder, than that of
putting down a servile insurrection at the South."
" The great relation of territude, in tome form or
other, with greater or less departure from the theo
retic equality of men it inseparable from our nature."
"Domestic Slavery is not, in my judgemcut, to be
set down as an immoral or irreligious relation. No,
Sir, the Now Testament says, "slaves, obey your
masters.' I cannot admit that its duties are not
pre-supposed and sanctioned by religion." " 1
know of no way by which the form of this servi
tude can be fixed, but by political institution."
He was followed by Air. Mitchell, of Tennessee
a slaveholder, and the representative of slave
holders who said, with the eurnest tone of indig
nation; ' " Sir, I do not go the length of the gentleman
from Massachusetts, aud hold that the existence of
Slavery in this country is almost a blessing. On
the contrary, I am firmly settled in the opinion
that it is a great curse one of the greatest evils
that could have becn interwoven into our system.
I, Mr. Chairman, am one of those whom these
poor wretches call master. I do not task them t I
food and olothe thorn well but yet, alas, sir, they
are slaves, and slavery is a curse in any shape."
. The base and abjoct touo of Mr. Everett's speech
roused the indignant, scorn of the celebrated John
Randolph, whoiuatonea! his fiery eye upon him,
stretched forth that long and eloquout finger, and
said, with indescribable aoorn and contempt! -
"Sir, I envy not the head nor the heart of that
man from the North, who rises here to defend Sla
very upon prinoiplo. ' . : 4
Churchill C.C'hambreleng, of New York, ashamed
of this reoroant representative of the soil of Lex
ingkmend Gonoord, hurled the ".lire, thunder" of
indignation t him, MJow.t i f . t ' f
. , m' uoctnnes, I would have turned my
back forever on my native land. Fullowinir the
"The gentleman from Massachusetts has gone
too far. - Ho has expressed opinions which ought
not escape without animadversion. I heard them
with equal surprise and regret. I wes as
touished to hear him declare that slavery, 'domestic
slavery, say whnl men will, is a condition ol life
as well as any other, to bo justified by morality,
religion, and international law.' and wheu at the
close of his opinion, he solemnly declared that this
was nis -couiossion ot laitn, i lamented, that
'Star-eyed science should have wandered there
10 bring us bank the message of dospair."
" If, sir, amid the wild visions of German phi
losophy, I had arrived at conclusions like this, if,
in the i Aulie of Oottingen, I had ever persuaded
myself to adopt a maxim so hostile to liW.t In-
?",ut,on" """J rlft'its or mankind, I would havo
lo?k'd UP forever in the darkest chamber of my
1,in .my 0R' hlul becn 100 rdont for my
discretion, this place, at least, should never have
"'"""''"n, this place, at
been the thoatro of myeloijuence. No, sir, if such
nnune, ana cutting mv
" " " ".. , ," VV "um ".'"0 i
r " f0 "f ."tantinoplo, nnd there ;
, f . l j , I- . raU1,n(? fn,nm"
"L. !LW.eA,;ho'l 'T ,TRS ftJ' lr- ? w0,,lj linV0J
" " my "d upon the tootstool ol ;
ne k'..7,;B 3 ' ;,.h" r ir
V . . . .
. L r ' m:l,"0 001 10 .,,!';0 'ln?l'.n
L'.r:r"T ""-. ,'ney inndo .Mm shrinK nu
no "T "'once nnd said not a word to
Z Zr 7 r ". . l" nm" wn r.,
'? or the first martyr, of the ,
revolution, or drawing from he soil they hallowed,
and sac 7 " Z i
... ici.tnciiiiiiE iimt nou. iiq nas ocen al
ways the sumc, always weak and
brave manhood is necessary, nnd always so cold
and calculating ns to fail of seeing accurately that
other men onn be more in earnest than himself.
Have his friends forgotten that dainty flourish of
trumpets with which ho began his career in the
Senate a year ago? Are they likely to forgot
. iiMiru aim uowea m every direction, and
elaborated nauseating compliments to the "distin
guished Senator from Illinois," nntil they blushed
and covered their fucos? Dinpatch.
PREFERRING SLAVERY TO FREEDOM.
The Richmond (Va.l nnnun uneeifv Ibrvn nr
four instances in that Stutu iu which certain nianu
niitted siaves petitioned the Legislature for permis
sion to lake musters; and then adds, that the auti-
slavery men ot the North are astounded and
perplexed at these facts,
lor one, we see nothinz in them to astonish
anybody. The slave manumitted in Virginia,
must loavo forever its boundaries, within twelve
months after his manumission. Sunnono him nn.
ouharly ignornnt aud infirm, banishment to a
strange land, whose people and customs and modes
of lubor he knows nothing about, must till him with
vogue terrors, deepened by tlio consciousness that
he is without frionds, without means, without
strength. Is it wondorful that he should at times
prefer tho ills ho knows, to the unknown ills iinse-
uiution mas-nines? Or sunnose lis has a wife ami
children in slavory, bauisbmont separates him
from them forever j but bnnishod he must bo, unless
tho Legislature permit him to bike a master, and
remain on tho soil, within sight and hearing of
those in whom his lifo is bound up. Is it marvol
ous that undor such circumstances this dread al
ternative at timos should be preferred ? Fear and
weakness in one case, tho holiest affections of the
heart in tho other, might be pleaded in extenuation
of the choico : but how barbarous must bo the pol-
i.-j miutu um&eo uio protection oi weakness, or me
discharge of parental and conjugal duties, depend
ent absolutely upon tho debasement of ono's man
hood, by the resumption of the shackles of abject
If an instance can be shown in which a manu
mitted negro in Virginia, under no such pressure,
has voluntarily sought to return to bondage, that
fact iu itseir shows what fearful havoc tho system
nas ruaue oi a nature crcntcd iu the imago ol Uod i
wucre is the ireo working man
of the North, so
degraded, vile, poor, miserable, let hiui be without
friends, relations, employment, home, without God
and without hopo iu the world, who would not
spurn tno idea oi oeeomiiii the tlare ot Uio rich
man, although with certain prospect of having nil
animal wants supplied, and such protection
vouchsafed to bun as wo extend to horses nnd ,
Is it not strange that intelligent men should refer
to tno io or three instances in winch manumitted
1 u . n.7. V I f I T A
uvcry to perpetual bunishnieut, as evidences
tho gen ul nature or the system, when i is noton-,
T . To nr U .n I ii . """"".""T"' ",e
Hllliieets nt It hnvn lit.nn rrlu.l in oofi.i,... fiAil.it
Pi S ill, V-n nr. til
In the year 180, fifteen hundred slaves wore
emancipated in the South, nearly all of whom
were obliged to leave their native soil; the number
within the last twelve mouths is probably oout
the snine, and yetthe -Richmond H,,uirer can find
only three cases in which slavery was preferred to
freedom ! J bat tremendous data for an argument
in favor of the system 1 And while a few miser-
able slaves, afraid to encounter tho competition of
.hiio tni.n. t ti. v,i. ... ,.:ii; . i...!.
n.ir r,....;i;. .in. .. n,.m ..f i.,..,.1uit
i....a w,i r. n..n,i..s..n rn.....in l nu..tiv!.v
with them, a fact loxultingly referred to by slave-
t,,.i.i.,r. n. .....( .,.-.,i,..;..l ,.r .1. a l.ln.cn,f.,.. ..f
beinir a slave, hundreds of human bcinirs. amidst
unimiigincd perils and privations, with a daring i
and inconstancy unsurpassed, have beeu seeking a
refuge from this blessed condition, in tho
countries and Inhospitable clinics of the far North. I
The Census records tho escape in ltjoO of more
than ten hundred slaves. What is the testimony
which their flight bears to this system of slavery?
Do the newspapers ever record tho flight of the
laborers and mechanics of the cold, rouirh North,
from the oppression of tho wugos system of lubor,
to the genial rice swamps and cotton fields of the
South. Sational Era.
NEW DEFINITIONS, AS FOUND IN THE
DOUGLAS DICTIONARY, (LAST EDITION.)
Non-intervention. The extension of laws from
slave States into free torritory,
Self-government. the giving of a Constitution or
political organization to the people of Territories,
after the manner of hcroditary mmiaruhs in F.uropo
not tho formation of a Constitution by the peo-
Sovcreiynty in Terrilorix.Tla appointment of
Goveruor and Judges by Tresidont 1'iurce; not the
oloction of them by the people.
Squatter Sovereignty in Territorut. The exclu
sion of hulf the settlers from any voice in the gov
ernment. A Republican Government in the nsie Statet guar
nntrnl hn the Conttitution of tht United Statet. A
form or government for extending and perpetuating
Slavery, and for disqualifying many oultivators of
the soil for ownership in the soil or its productions.
The Equality of Political Mghtt.lh opposite
of whatever was intended by the Declaration of
A petition is in circulation in New Bedford, ask
ing the Mayor and Aldermen to place the uanies of
colored eitisens in the jury boi. .
A NEW ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
The time for Anti-Slavery Soeietirj, says tht
qttid nunc, who is tired of doing anything, is passed,
yet the moment any serious movement is commenc
ed in opposition to the extension or the nggressions
of Slavery, it crystaliies at once into an organisa
tion. There have been two treat meetings of the
oitisens of New York to protest against tho Ne
braska scheme for perpetuating the system of
Slavory, and each meetinif has had a real and
earnest purpose, which could not be satisfied by a
singio gathering or the people. Accordingly the
nflicors of the three have been organised ir to a
Committee. Of this, Abraham Yau Nest, rne of
the oldest merchants in town, is Chairman, with
Shepherd Knapp, Joseph P. Simpson and Krhard
Richtor. resDectivelv Chairmen of meetings of the
people, as ice-Chairmen j Theodore McNnmee (of
the firm or ISowman c Mc.amcc)ns treasurer,
and Henry B. Dawson as Secretnry. Among the
members are such men as Moses II. Grinnell, Geo.
Ncwbold, David Danks, William F. Havemever,
Samuel J. Reel.ee, Walter It. Jones, and other
c,,iin(? merchants, bankers and mechanics. Col
lectors are appointed to wait upon the citisens at
,lieir re)0ctivo residences and places 0r business,
to secure ns universal an expression or public
opinion and feelinir on this hist pro-slavery outrsKc
poibl0. and to collect funds to liouidnto the
Wo mnv call tins a new Anti-Slavery Society
with a difference, and, though it Is only a hnff-
m01l.lir. it jt ,il.ni,i,.nnt chnnco from the Castle
Garden Committo of Safety. The name of Grin-
ne ' l""'rably Identified with efforts to And the
XortMVe.t lWago j we hope it is to be no less
di,tiBUi.,hcd in the attempt; to make that other
?" V ''"ting diovery of a
From the Pennsylvania Freeman.
MURDER NO CRIME IN KENTUCKY.
niandod an apology of Mr. B. for calling his broth
his Cr a liar, which ho mildly declined to give. To
this, Wurd replied with an oath, culling Rutler "a
scoundrel and coward," with tho evident design to
provoke him to some act that he could make the
1 W. ' Trtner of his brother in the
iwonrg t1lnt Butler struck "Matt" and
,U8,lea him backward, which the pupils present
"omicido is no murder.
But this perjured verdict is but a part of I
icy;tematio course or measures to ovcrrido ji
Duller wns a .Northern school-master. Ilia mur
- derers were members of one of the wealthiest
An extraordinary criminal trial has just been
concluded in Kentucky, which possosscs mnro than
a local interest, and especially concerns the people
of the North in their relations to the South and
its slave system. We refer to the trial and ac
quittal or Mathcw F. Ward, tho young Kentucky
aristocrat, who murdered I'rof. iiutlcr, or Louis
ville, lust nutumii, iu open day and presence or his
school. A brief and simple statement or tho facts,
as thoy were proved on the trial, is enough to con
vince any candid mind of tho enormity of the mur
der, nnd of the monstrous mockery of justice and
law thnt has acquitted its perpetrator and thus pro
claimed impiigiut to such crimes.
Prof. Iiutlcr was a young man of education,
from the North, who had resided for some years
in Louisville, as a classical teacher; a part or the
time as a private tutor in the family or tho Wards,
with whom ho had continued to hold the most
friendly relations. l!y his private virtues and
worth adiled to his accomplishments as a schollar
and teacher, his general intelligence and gentle
manly manners, he had won a large circle or warm
friends among the most intelligent classes of Louis
ville, nnd wns generally popular.
On tho first of November, he punished William
V'urd, ono of his pupils, and a younger son of the
n ara tnnniy, tor laischood and other misconduct,
It was not pretended that the punishment was un
duly severe or cruel; but the prido of the family
was wounded tliut ono of its members was thus
. Early thu next mornine. Matthew F. Ward, an
older brother of the bid. went to a irun-shon in
Louisville, bought two self-cocking pistols and or
dered them loaded with bullets. Then putiug per
cussion caps upon both and thrusting them into
his breast pocket, ho went home and told his moth
er he was going to demand and apology of liutler
iwr uio uuiiiniiiueiii tu it iiunni. iy nis motiier s
novice lie took Ins brother itohert with him "as
butler was a larger man than he was ;" Robert
taking with him also a largo bowie-knife. Thus
armed, the two brothers went to Mr. Butler's
school-room, and found him en -raced with his pu
pils. At their cnll he camo forward, when Mat
thew asked of him an explanation of his having
whipped his brother. Mr. It. requested hiin to
step into his private room, but Ward refused, say
ing that was the place to settle it. And then in an
overbearing tone ho begun to question Mr. Butter
as to his conduct toward William,
Air. Jl. calmly
refused to bo thus interrogated. Ward then de-
pretext for shooting him.
deny, though they say Mr. B. raised h e hand, nnd
- - . n . v. ! .
one ot them that ho gave ard a push toward the
dW- Instantly Ward drew his pistol, pressed its
u,e ainanuikV, breast and fired. Butler
PICiai,nej ..Mypoor wife and child," and fell,
niB pupils rushed! to his nid. and Robert Ward
arewHh; bowie-knife and brandishing it ordered
ieul to Btnna off and then tll0 WaBrd, left the
leavi th . muraere)1 victim W8Uerillg i
hU bl()0(I jomalCAnM to hi, hom, amhi.
a onilo4 wif ,,, d icd thftt ni ht,
, , . ...
n as there ever a clearer case of murdor than
these facts disclose ? Is there room for a shado of
doubt in any nine mind as to the commission or the
character of the crime ? And yet, with these facts
proved beyond all question, a Kentucky jury, sol-
euinly sworn to rouder a true verdict, declare that
aad proudest futuilies of the Kentucky aristocracy.
'nnd their fellow aristocrats joined with them to
save the class from the shame of having two of
thoir number doomed to tho gallows. The acquit
tal or the murderers must bo secured at any cost.
Kvery meuus that money, station, power and influ
ence could command, was employed to create pub-
iio sympathy lor tne young warns ana excite
.,-:,.. i ; .... : ... . i. n i 1 ! i .....
".j.m. ItLUIlin, UIUIUDIDU Ul It II 1 UD II.OH
Jtt. niulod. The trial was removed from ilouis-
yille where the parties were known, and where an
intelligent and indoneudent lurv miirht be drawn.
to a distant county, where juries and judges eould
be more easily controlled. The ablest counsel
were secured. It was ostentatiously proclaimed
mat uov, urittendon, the senior eounsel, had vol
unteered in the case, and that a man so high
minded and honorable would never volunteer to
defend a guilty man. The witnesses for the pros
ecution, principally Mr. Butler's pupils, were bad
gered and bullied to confuse their testimony. All
testimony touching Butler's character was, of
course, ruled out, while a multitude of rich and
influential friends of the Wards were brought for
ward to swear to the amiability and the geutlcness
of the prisoners. The judge appears to nave ruled
every tiling for the defense, admitting and exclud
ing testimony at their suggestion and in viulation
of precedent and lawi aud finally so charged the
jury as to permit them to consider the homicide as
committed in tolf-dofenee.
The result is just what was to be expected. The
killing of a Nerthorn school-master by a aoioa of
tht slaveholding aristoorsoy Is declared to be no
murder. - That aristocracy are banded for mutual
support and defense, by a bond as strong and sure
si ever leagued a cempany of free masons together.
They are stronger than justice and law, and both
must bend to their interests and will. t
In a coutest with them there is no justice, cither
for the poor in their midst or tho sons of Northern
worsmEincn. jjui our rcauero uo not iiuvu umi
should draw tho moral from this bloody tale. It is
too apparent. At the present time, while the slave
power is seeking to establish itseir in all the new
territories or the nation, such facts should be and
will be pondered deeply.
THE WHIG AND DEMOCRATIC PARTIES.
BY THEODORE PARKER.
Money Is Pope lu America ; It is King In Amer
ica; it is also Noble in America. No nation ever
grew rich so fsst ; I am thankful we hare had a
chance I it furnishes tho material basis whereon
we shall, I doubt not. erect a srnnder superstruc-
America or elsewhere.
In American States, money is constitution ; the
official men ought to bo sworn on tho federal cur
rency, and the dollar should be their official sym
bolic mark. Iu community, money is the noble; it
is transmissible social power ; it is nristocrcy ; it
makes a man into a vulirur irentlemnn. Mr.
Famous-bora Is tho noble in Kuropoan society ; but
in America, iion. lhvcs Miob. American ariHoc
rney is bottomed on a cent Great applause. 1
Money is thought better than love; "none but the
the rich doservo tho fuir." Great applause. Now
money has tho power, not by itself nlone; it
leagues with old despotocracy, nnd so inaugurates
itself in this strong position, and wields the triple
power oi the old theocracy, monarchy and aristoc
racy. But, I have said it has ono "great check,
which is the passions of the maioritv. and accord
ingly there aro two urent recotrniiuhlo forces in the
country : one Is I y and the othor the majority.
fcach ot these must, ol course, have a pnrty which
represents it. So. thero is a party organised about
the dollar, as its nucleus nnd idea ; the dollar is
the germinal dot of the Whig party ; its motive is
pecuniary ; it legislates tot the rich nnd ngninst
the poor ; with it cvcrvthinir must vicld to money :
and thnt i nothing ; the dollaighas a universal right
Tho greatest man of the Whig party for some
years, said: "1 he great objoct of Government is
the protection of proporty." Money in the Whig
Ifod. The millionaire is the hiirhcst social nroduut.
lie is that which has "come up to tho standard of
me pcncci vt nig mun. I ijrcat applause I there
must also be a party to represent "the majority"
which iioius money in check. 1 no majority ol the
people do not differ much from tho few men thnt
are rich only in this point j the few men have got
rich, tho many huve the desire to become rich.
Great laiiL'hter ) What Is the odds ? Thus there
arises a Democratic party which isorgnuised about
"the mnjority;" this purty represents the aquisi-
tive instinct oi tno people Jo this party belongs
the young, the poor, the old ; tho audacious are its
leaders, men commonly destitute or anv loftr
chnracler, and any great idea. Great applause
isot very carclul ol justice, love or religion, tho
party sneers at the rich as the Whig party sneers
at the poor. 1 he v hiir party cannot trust the
peoplo ; the Democratic party cannot trust any
body else. This knows no law higher than the will
oi the majority, the other nono higher than
l'rotesfants worship tho Bible, a collection of
nooks tho most excellent in the world, written with
ink in Hebrew or Greek: "translated out of tho
original tongues : with the former translations dil
igently computed, ordained to bo read in church"."
and to him it is the word or God. So tho Whiz
worships money, the Democrat "tho maioritv."
To tho Whig party it is no matter how money is
po, oy smuggling opium, by selling rum, by steal
ing slnvcs for money is god. To the Democratic
party, no matter what tho mnjority yotcs.it is best.
1 he Democratic party may chooso whom they
piease. i oik is as good as Jackson, when voted
in i anu soon i icrce is as tun as JacKson when in
tne j-resiiientini cnair election makes all men
equally tall. If the majority wants a violation or
the constitution ot the tinted States, nt a Decla
ration or Independence yes. or the Constitution
or Conscience and the declaration or the Most
High God the answer i, "there is no higher law
let us do it 1" Thero is no vital difference be
tween those two parties with respect to morul prin
ciples. The ono has got ; tho other wants to get;
so the one inaugurates the thing got on tho master
principle, nnd with tho othor the desire of thething
is nm master principle.
. In times which try the passions, which nro the
souls of pnrties, then both coalesce and on the
snmo level ; ono is but the continuation of the
other; there is only a hand-rail between the two:
lean a little on it nnd nro mixed, so that we cunuot
tell who is Hard and who is Soft. Loud Inugter.
In common times the samo thing happens : for the
Whig is only an old Democrat, nnd the Democrat
is a young Whig. ' Applnuso and laughter. 1 In
mercantile phrase, the Democrat is a Whig on
tune, and the Vt lug is a Democrat nrrived nt Inatu
rity, whose time has come. Loud Inutrhtor.l Ac
cordingly, many a man is a roaring Deiunciut when
young and pour, who becomes a muring Whig when
old and rich, in Uoston 1 knew mon who, in It1 1 -,
were most violent Democrats; tho world could
hardly hold them ; they went privateering against
tne oppression ot r.ngianu to take a sailor out ot a
British shin. In 1823 the same mon were Whiim
saving the Union, aud banding with slavery craft
aim line. iov a icatner was enungeu ; it was
only a Whig on time who had nrrived at maturity.
Tub Ohioinal Causb rtr Disputb hetwf.kn
Russia and Tihkey This disputo first orig
inaUd iu regard to what aro culled tho "Holy
I'Iucch," being certain chnpcls aud sanctuaries iu
Jerusalem, to which, by the consent of tho l'urtc
Christian pilgrims, both of the Itomish nnd the
Greek Church, have for apes been accustomed to
resort. Tho sufo keeping of these holy places,
and tho safe conduct of tho pilgrims resorting to
them, linvo always been a matter of solicitude on
tho part of tho French and Russian governments,
the King pf the French claiming a right to pro
tect pilgrims of tho Kumifli fuith by Airtue of
the rank and titlo long ago accorded to him by
tho Pontiff of Rome, of " most Christian King;"
and tho Emperor of Russia claiming to protect
the pilgrims of tho Greek faith, by virtuo of the
rank und titlo arbitrarily assumed to himself by
his ancestor Peter tho Grcut, of '' Patriarch of
the Greek Church." Tho adjustment of tho re
spective claims of these two protectorates, in all
that rotates to tho management of tho holy pla
ces, has, from time to time, led to no little jeal
ousy and squabbling between the partisans of the
two churches; but it there bad been nothing else
to deal with, as betwecu these parties and tho
Porte, the latter nrobablv would havo auaw-nl.vl
in satisfying tbein both, by the equity with which
he hss divided his eonccasioni between them.
The question between Russia and the Porte, how
ever, docs not end with tho Holy Places, nor
ith the safe conduct of the pilgrims rcaortine
thoreto ; it involves, on tho part of Russia, tht
demand of a rvjM of protection over th whole
of tht member of th Grth Church, btino tui-
tett of ih Port, and raiding tsi'tAm her do-
minion, bbis Is the position, whirl) tlio hmps.
sunn, i uiiuiii iioi, erect a srmmicr oupersiruc-'
tore of higher qualities than "were cvc.eei,
. , .
ror of Russia demands to occupy in the Ottoman
I dominions, and demands it us u right. He elshon
frfl)n ,), inrte , ew dotumint acknowledging
i int rii,t.jy(,m .. Ottoman Empire and
iVs llciuurcet," ly tr. MidcUon.
Orioih or tns ttun Dornnr.vnt. At en and.
Nebraska meeting held in Delhi, New York,
the O'aictleof that place, Judge Hathaway,
was ono or the speakers, mentioned an anecdote
showing the origin or the term doughface, so coin
monly applied to northern men with southern
principles. When a young man, he was present
at an interview between General Root and one Dr.
Clark, at that timo representing Delaware and
(Jrecno counties in Congress. Dr. Clark w
supporter or the Missouri Compromise, and advo
cated and voted for the admission of Missouri into
the Union under that compromise. In the eonver-
incidents which transpired during the debate upon"
the bill. 1. Clark stated, that he addressed the
House in favor of tho passage of the bill, and, said
he, "all the time thnt I was speaking, John Kn
dnlph, or Virginia, sat nnd sneeringly puintod his
long, bony nnger at me, and made up luces at ns
and just as 1 sat down, be screamed out, in his
shrill squeaking voice i 'MjAjce, doughfvet."'
Judge Halbawny remarked, that this Dr. Clark
actually seemed proud of the appellation. N. .
EXTRACT FROM MR. SMITH'S SPEECH.
Gcrrit Smith made a speech a few weeks since
on the Nebraska question, in which he went in de.
tail Into the argument, to prove that there can fc
no legnl slnvery thnt there is no slavery in the
Constitution. The following Is a part of bis intra
duction to this speech:
I proceed to sny, thnt I am opposed to this bflf.
in the fourth place, becnuso it looks to the exist
ence of slavery in theso territories, and provides
snfegunrds for it. In other words, Congress does,
by tho terms or tho bill, open the door for slavery,
to enter theso territories. Tho right of Confess
to do so 1 deny. I deny it, however, not because
the compromise of 1-0 denies it. Believing that
compromise to be invnlid, I ennnot honestly claim
any thing under it. 1 disclaim all rights under is.
for the eimplo reason, that a compromise conceivns
in sin and brought forth in iniquity, can impart n
rights for tho simplo reason, that a compromise,
which annihilates rights, cannot create rights. I
admit, thnt the compromise of If 20 concedes th
indcstructibleness of mnnhood north of the libeef
10 30', excepting in Missouri. But, on the other
hand, it atones for this concession to truth and jus
tice by impliedly leaving men south or that line.
nnd in Missouri, to be classed with brutes and
things. I admit, too, thnt they, who are enjoyinrf
the share of slavery under this compromise, and
who, now, thnt freedom Was about to enter into the1
enjoyment of her share under it I admit, I say
that they are estopped from joining me in pronounc
ing the M issnuri compromise invalid. They must
first surrender their snare under the compromise-'-'
they must first make restitution to x reedom ere
they can, with clean hands nnd anblashing faces,,
ask her to forego the enjoyment of her shave.'
" But this condition is impracticable 1" will some of
my hearers say. Oh, not nothing is impracticable
that is right. Exclude slavery from Missouri and!
Arkansas for thirty-four years ; and then freedom
nnd slavery will be on an equal footing, and they
can niuKe a new unrgaiu. ivUUguteT.j
Nor do I deny tho right of Congress to open the
door for slavery into these territories, becauso the
compromise of D50 virtually denies it. I say
that compromise virtually denies it, because it dis
tinctly aud approvingly recognises the compromise
of lSZOi The compromise of IMoO is as rotten as
the compromise or lr'20; and as incapable of im
parting rights. And here let me say, that I rejoice
to sco tho pro-slavery party pouring express con
tempt on t lie comproiniso or lc"2(, and virtual con
tempt on the compromise of lHoO. And why
should not all men pour contempt upon these com
promises, and upon all othor compromises, which
aim "to split the difference" between God and
the devil ? Great laughter. By the way, we
have striking proof, ir. the instance of this bill,
that, iu the case of such compromises, God's share'
und nil me, In tho end, very like to be claimed for'
the devil. JRenowed laughter.
I have said on what grounds it is not, that 1
deny tho right of Congress to open the door for'
slavery into theso territories. 1 will now say on
what ground it is. I deny it cn the ground, thai
tho Constitution, the only law of the territories, is
uot in favor of slavery, nnd that shivery cannot
bo set up under it. If there enn be lawful slaver
iu tho States, nevertheless there cunuot be in the
In the fifth and last place, I am opposed to the
bill, because it allows, thnt there may be slavery
in tno rentes, wuicn snau uo lornicj uoin lies
Hitherto, when the slnvery question has been
brought up iu Congress, it bus boon alleged, (I
sny not how truly or untruly,) thnt the anti-slavery
party hns brought it up, and for the purpose
of checking slavery. But, now, it is, confessedly
on all hands, brought up by the pro-slavery party,
uuu lor me puriosu ui u&icuuing Biutcry. m wis
instance, the pro-slavery party is, uiani'fcstlv, the
instrument, which truth has wielded to subsorve
her purpose of re-nwnkeiiing the public mind to
the demands and enormities of slnvery. Most
sincerely da I rejoice, that the prn-shtvery party 1
responsible for tho present agitation.
A Mzmiikr. I do cot admit, that it is. ,
Mr. SMITH. Strange! Here i a movemoni
for the immense extension or slavory. Of course,
it is not tho work of the anti-slavery party. And
if the honorable membor, who has just interrupt
ed me, is authorised to speak for the pro-slavery
party, it is uot tho work of that party either. I
took it furgrauted, that tho pro-slavery pnrty did
! it. But, it seems it did not. It puts on the inno
cent airof a Macbeth, aud looks me in the face,
and exclaims : "Thou enlist not sny I did it I'
Laughter. Well if coither the auti-sluvcry party,
nor the pru-slnvvry party, did it, who was it, then
that did it? it follows, necessarily, that it must
be the work of the Lord, or the devil. Laughter.)
But it ennnot be the work of the Lord for the
good book tells us ; "Whore tho spirit of tho Lord
is, thero is liberty" liberty, notsluvory. So. this
Nebraska business must do tho work of the deviU
Great laughter. But logical as is this conclusion,
1 am, novorthulcss, too polite to press it. I prefer
to repudiate the alternative, thnt puts tho respon
sibility on the Lord cr tho devil ; nnd to roturn to.
my onginnl assertion, that tho pro-slavery pnrty,
nnd nut the anti-slavery party, is responsible f
the present agitation. Do not understand that I
would not have the anti-slavery party agitata fur
over, I believe, that the agitation of the element
of the mcrnl world is as essential to moral health,
as is the agitation of tho physical world to physical
health. I believe in the beautiful motto : '"The
agitation of thought is the begluuing of truth."
I was very happy to hear the hucurable gentleman
of Pennsylvania, Mr. Wsicsr.l express his faith
and plousure in agitation. Not less happy was
I to near the honorable gentleman of North Caro
lina, Mr. Clinumak, approve of the discussion
of Slavery, - Such good abolition dootrine from
such surpritlng sources was very grntoful to ine.
Perhaps, these gentlemen will continue to move
forward In that blessed upward way, on which
they have happily enteraJ; and perhaps, ere the1
session shall close, (hey will have reached' thirl
tsble-iand ef sbolitiw, en which it is my privilege