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ft,. .t..t f . . . .. . t
.1 " , . lncm: '"r 1,10 fuT0"" "r
t , L. . i i . ' i ' "0M ""'v """" arrive
I ;,,rHr!l i '""'y, f arm greetings nd
Sir ?mn '( '". hand Urcut laughter.
tl ,.' .w,nr " T'.V n, t0 ,,nJ,,, hc.pe ol
Ihnti'1' of "tlpinen. -Indeed, w he.
T',I, I'onwnl.lfl gentlemen of North Carolina
rmtln i "i " in,1f pedant' rrty
.1 " j '"ne c'n,,'l",n- which ho had
1 .VI !!! . me ""7' ,1,nt 1 ,in,i myself wns
"h.er7 to ht he w throwing
osn a r.y, delicate hint to my car, the he would like
r J"'?. f1in" "", " "mko "P party
twor IJtcnentcd ronrjT-f laughter. 1 do
that, at tho cbe of Mi speech, ho said some
!rv hard tmnir iifmnii n. .1...1:.
y r i i i i i " ' niRniimiiiow.
li.it now could I be nuro, thnt lie did not hit these
hard thinzn fur no othnr nnriv. i.n u !.;.. ,1 .it
around him, aave, of conrso, my own aprrcliciiivp,
because kimlrpd and aympathixine, apirit, to that
HVntflrual union with mp, which I haw fupporod
Tit' "Pnrt wa then incdifjitinrfT
rt'
I eatd, k little wlulo ao, that t frioWd. tht the
r.T..3Yry party ia rpsponcihle for the prcmnl
notation. I add. that I am half rpconcilpd to this
"l,0"T 10 cxt,nd the dominion of alavory, became
it nifurda ua p: ir.viling n npporluuity to in,nir
tho title of ilnveiy. If my neixlibor tlio? to
int nr my farm, h at leant all'or-l mo in oc-'bidn
fation f r i,i.(iiiniin into the tonure, by which he
hotdK hit own farm. I rcodoni having f.con driven
by aUvcry, until ho liar surrendered to her pur-
nuer nuio nrw States : and until Invery claima, as
see iu tho present Hill. or,ual tiKht with her-jdom,
olf to overspread over all tlio unornnii!pil territorv
f the naioii; it is, in my judgement, high time for
ber to stop an j to turn about, and to louk slavery
. ...
in ic imo, ! . pmn u.nn mo war ny, auii
unii mn i;rw!inor 10 oid Willi, proviuorj slio
10 shall
(ind, that slavery, in all it progress, nnd history,
s notiiing nu an a?;grisiiiii upon liberty and law,
una upon nuiuvn nnu divine rights; and that, in
truth, il ha iiii titloto any nxisionee whatever, on
hot n-rmswnatcver, nnywncvo wtintcver. This is
iironur stage .if my argument for saying, that we
11 know enough of freedom and slavery to know,
that they cannot live together permanently. One !
conquer tho other. Amoricnn slavery lacks i
but two things to make sure of her victory over I
American liborty : and, from present indications. I
fiib is ocicnninoij in in. a mem no longer.
I . . , , ----- ,
Him of i
th.. lirn lliln., I. t,. I.I .' 1..
tneso two things is its conceded right , to overspread;
Hour unorganised, territory And tho other is itsUn
conceded right to carry slave through tlio free ,
, T.'i V-'ii ,au'ry "'wed in tl le.io two respects: !
lot tho lull, wo , are n ponsuloni.g, become a
sla.utc: ami ct the final decision in the Lcmmon j
rasp sii-oiun ttie claim to carry slaves through the .
!. u . . . , a,V',n i''1 " "VM
C . l - 1 . .it ' i
,""-," . "" "iviiniK nonn
me puoii. sratiincin oi tnose niutes against slave-
ry ; and dobaucliing nnd wicting it by fumiliaris-
insitwithtliudcmaii.lsnndexli.hitionsof .Siivcryviill
and then, 1 ndimt. the way will bo clear-for
navcry to make a quick and ea.-y conquest of lib-
ertr.
1, again, acknowledge my partial rccon
lcment i
to tliinatteinpt of shivery to get moro this bold!
push fur all, that U left, so far as unorganised ter-
rilory is concerned. Wj have now tiie best of on-'do
portiinities for trying llio liilo .f slavery, not only
to more but, alio, 1 1 what it already had. And,
now, if slavery shall come off ns badly a the dog,
who, in onening his mouth to aeiio nnother piece j
meat, lost, in the deceitful and shadow casting
tream, the piece he already had, it will have no
to blame for its folly, hut its own roraciom self.
It should have been content with the big share
tuo lions share whijh it already had.
But to return from this digression. I said, that ,
am opposed to tho bill, bceaiie it allow, that
there may bo slavery in tho Slate, which shall j
be formed from these territories. Why. however
should ! bMhercforc, opposed to it? 1 will,
out dolay, conio to tbo reason for my opposition.
My time, being so precious, beeause so limited, l'l
will waste noue of it in apologies, circumlocutions,
or skirmishos. But I will, nt onco, "take the bull
by the horns." and declare, that 1 deny the right
or Congress to look to the existenco of slavery in
the Suites, thnt shall be formed within these torri-
.l!Ld"?'th,,L"?M-i.B0.L,,m,5il0-
. Union future Stales, or present Slatos new or
V-r "T.! .JT.r"' w! i '
old. I hold, that the Constitution, not only au
thorizes nn slavory in any part of the land, but
abolishes slavery in every part of the land. In
other words, I hold, that there is no luw for Ameri
sn slavery.
had not intended a moment's further delay in
spoil my argument to prove, that the Uon-1
Mil fr the suppression of nil American
rc.i.M-ra v.ii.-i iir ii.u ii!i.fir(-n!.!iiii ui 11 u iiiicncmi
-slavery. I5.it i mut, before entering upon ft,
hPHPfiJitho tommittpo to hold no oilier member of
respon.iihlc f'.r it. Let tho reproach of
this argument of this foolish argument, if you
mouse nay, oi mm insane argument, it you pro-1
icrtnat epitnet fall on niysolt only. Hlame no
mner mcnioer 01 congress lor it. i stand mone.
i am me nisi, nna, peruaps, I snail no too last, to
ueciaro witnin tnese walls. Hint thero is no
ior slavery, i say. inni i sianu uiono. Ana, yet,
l am not ntene. J ruth is with me. t feel her in-
spirations. She glows iu my soul : and 1 sUud io
crirngtb.
Omitting the argument, we give the conclusion
of Mr. Smith' speech.
My argumeut to show, tbxt rutin xot omt is
ko i.w roa Aaf.mi A.v stAvrar, nvr that tueux
C bi. .v0 i.i', CITHER oa AllEUll'AN', OH AXV
otura sLsvisr, is isjueu. It is iu place however,
to say, that the renognitiou by the American peo
ple of slavery ns law, is, of itself, suflieieut to ac
count for their loss of reverence for law. This
reverence is, nceuarily, destroyed by the habit
of confounding sham law with true law by the
kWt of accepting, as law, the mere forms of luw
where justice, truth, reason, and every clement,
u.l.l..l. . 1 . f , T l l.- .
wuii;ii i;uvii w uiauv up me soui oi inw, is inciting,
in.:.. . . . .'. i- . . .i . . n.-
the people, who treat, as law, that which they
know ii not law j who, iu tho holy and cumiuan.l -
imp iviciuutc UiUdl BUUU uia QUI UI 1110 IIOUTl 01
Hig name oi law, buy ana son, or sanction tho
buying and selling, of their fellow-men j and w ho
in all their liTo, livo out the debasing lie, tliut so
monstrous and dialxilocul a thin;; a slavery is
entitled to tho shelter and honor of law. This
reverenco is little felt by those who yield to the
absurdity, that Inw and nature a man is an im
mortal, by law ho may ho but a tiling. Itisliltlo
felt by thoso who regard Inw ns a ilicro conven
tionalism, which may be ono thing iu one place,
nd another in another; one thing at ono period,
and another at nnother. Thoy, and tlioy only,
have adequate and adorning oouceplions of law,
who believe that it is one with nature, and that it
is the samo in every imrt of tho earth, in every
period of time, and "eternal in tho heavens."
i'hey, and they only, havo such conceptions, who,
Instead of regarding law a synonymous with all
the enoetnontsof foolish and wicked men, identify
si with unehnnheable and everlasting right.
iiow, for instance, can the American people
jrreotere the beauty und preciousncssof luw, whilst
s-eoogn icing, a law, the fugitive slave act? and
srhilut stigmatising, and persecuting tho hand
ful f men, who have the integrity and tho bravery
torislitf Why should not that handful fly as
swift to the re -ue of their brother, w ho is in peril
of being reduced to slavery, as b the rescue of
their brotU-r, who cries; "Murder?" Ten thou
sand ennctnxwit for murder would not hinder them
in the lutter case. Ten thousand enootinci.t for
slavery should not hinder then, in the former. In
each esse, the rescue would be not lu a mob ; but
Jhm a mob.
It has, now, boon shown, that the American
Ooi eminent has authority, both insidu and out
side of tho Constitution as well iu natural and
universal Uw, as iu conveiition.il and national law
to sweep away tho whole of American sluvory.
Will it avail itself of this authority to do this work?
1 ask not whether Uoveruineut will show pity to
tin; slave for I look not to (iovcrninout to be pity-
fsl 4 tlio slavo, or to any othor man. 1 look to
tuversweut for sterner quulities than pity. My
jdea of true Oovornmeut is cburncturised by
wisdom, jnUgfky, strength. Tu bold even the
scales of jktftU'cs swung nil its subjects, and be
tween tiuia sua (Ui utbsr men ; and to strike down
.the baud, that evuld sukk them uneven this,
and this only, is lbs spprovusvt work of Govern
jnent. , .
'I asked, whether the Americas Cwicrninont will
abolish slavery. 1 confess, that ley bops, that it
.will, is not strong. The .slave owner tmxe the
uatrU of this nation, and, I fear, that .the? will
jVmsiaC Jti tru (bat -tbey are a jwniprtji
with-.more
I
I
thus, iiombcringnniy three hundred thousand, their
calling IhomselMl 'the South' I tn efiVmulion n.
!hs,,,0 and .i.lioulouv iw it mU be f..r Ihe
!.. ,. r(tur.rt of Ilia North t call themselves "the
North," or the rmn.ellers of the North to call
: them.clus "the Xorlh." It is true that their in
Ii arc alien a. well from the inmracts of the
South, as from the interests of llio North j nnd that
. slavery is the deadly foe, as well of the white P1-
'ulntion of tho South, as fu Mack population,
, Nevertheless, in the present corrupt state of tho
(public sentiment, the slnvo owner are ahle to con
ti notjirol the nation. Thev are mighty lT their one
lorjrot, ! noss. Divided ll.ev 'may lie in everything else
:i.... .i i:..ri..j .L-i r,
- j , ... ... v v.. Ill III kUinilUHIIT VI IIUI illllU'lI.
I Tlio ftlicrhoo.l nfOo.1 and thchro'ihcrhood of man
-ijcus., ao prominent in a true dpnux racy and a
true Christianity nre quite foreign to our aliam-
; democracy and our hnin chriiliunitv. Ampriunn
religion k a lmn hvpnerncr. M hil'sl to the im
into ; mpimurublc ainfulnjas or that aj-Ktom, which for
xib marriajp, nnd the reading of the Hiblo, nnd
' which nmrkpta man and ben-m, it is blind na n
bat, it, norertlu-leaa, drawa down its atupid fnco,
and pronounces the nhntHin)? of the feel to music
to be n preutsin. The different States of I'hristcn
we ns they advanne in civilijatlnn nnd the
i Lnonledirx nf lunuiin rl. ). m afi,m nnr.il.pr
in tho sunlight of civilization, she sinks in th
night of bnrbari-.ni. Her Congress sets up sinvcrv
in her very capital. Her Congress regulate and
protects the const-wise trade in slaves. Ilcr Con
miist gress wages unprovoked nnd plundering wars for
the extension of slavery. Ilor Congress decrees,
th.it l.ivet...l,1..r. .k.ii I... - ii. - -n a
. , . , . t"' """, Him 11 r.,,
to slavery. And her Trosidont, who cnll slavery
"admitted right," was shameless enough to snv.
in his Inagurnl, that tho fugitive slave act, which
his predecessor was shameless enough to sign, I
should bo ", heorfully" enforced. In short, tlio
Federal (iorernment is novr, and long has been, nt
wolk. more to tinhold shivorv Ihnn to do nnvthir.ir I
this devotion of tlio Federal (iovtinuient to
slavery, nnd the iron determination of tlio slave-
owners, that tho power of tho viholo nation shall.
he exerted to 111 .hold if - f1.rf. iiPiirf1icli4 r:ii.
nnd impudent reply that tlio North has nothing to
with slavery 1 That the Ameiicnn people iiud
American Uoveriimeiit hnvc fallen to vvlnit they
are, is not to be wondered nt. It is buttlicuaturul
and necessnry result of their having fostered nnd
fed, for luoro than half a century, the monster sla
of very. Time was when wc might have crushed this
'monster. Hut now, it hns crushed us. It has col
on Irupted us to such an extent, that thero is scarcely
a sound spot left in us, at which to bfin to rally
opposition to it. On no cheaper condition thaii
this can slavery be clung to. If we will be slavo
I holders nnd s'uch aro tho Northern as well ss the
Southern people for if the nre at the
South, the neo-.lo ,.f ih .ii, ... i,,iu.
have not stood so oll'ccluallv in the way of the pro
Congress grcss of republicanism, as die glaring inconsistency
I of our deed, with our professions. Iu the house
law.andto oppose,, popular moveiiient in behalf of
handful In (lie vast American population t
fill'l
; nii mrj mrv v ii'iii n icu iii ineir suppon oi sinvery.
, The State and tlio Church aro both in their hand".
A bastard democracy, accommodated to tho do-
mads of slavery, and tolorating the taillio in hu
man floh, is our nntioi.nl democracy: and a lin
lard cliri.-tiunitv, ulii. h indorncn thia bastard do-
mnrnn is iw. ...,,..,. ,.1..:. !..!, . r .....
J putting nwny slavery. Kven the licy of Tunis
. .1 : . .- ..I . I ' I. .1 . i
puts away this most foul nnd guilty thing
nnd
loisnys, mat lie does so "lor tho clcrr
of mankind.
.and to dintino-iiii.li them from tho bruin rrAAtinti."
Hut America, poor slnvervridden and !averv-
! cursed America, retrogrades. Whilst
olhcr na-
Hons grow in regard for human rights, she grows
in contempt for them. Whilst other nations rise
..qr.ir,i.lai, I, .lie l.ll-C I'l U! 1UIVI
h-A. in whi.-ll 1. 1 r.,) hh m.a- nn4 .... : I I I
r. . - " - . J . rt
"r even nt nil Ib.iig? cKe. The great slave-!
iiuitnur; tne great wnlcli-dor; ot slavery : llicne
are its most fituug i.aiiic.i. in its prccnt ciiii.lov
nient nnd do
rndatioii. And, jer, notwitlistnding
he exerfed to ui.h old it : fl.crp. lipvei'thplcs
cau 1
be no remonstrance from the North nirainstslarerv.
which is not immediahdv followeil l.v i I.n i. ni l.l.-.x
,
emphatically, because more efficiently, the
Utacchottlcri, than are tho people of tlio Sunlit if,
sny, wo will be slaveholders, wo must tako the
evil consequences upon our own understiiudings
nnd henrts, nnd not be surprised nt them. Mon
cannot bind tho degrading chain of slavery around
.their bruthprs without nt the same timo biudiug
and decrading themselves with it
How melancholy upon our country, and. throuuh
her, upon tho world, ha. been tho influence of
American Slavory! In tho beginning of our no
tional existence, we were tho moral nnd political
light-houFO of tho world. Tho nations, "which
sat in darkness, saw the light," and rejoiced. Sud
to say, wo were ourselves tho first to dim that light!
The principles, which wc then cnuiiuulcd, cloctri-
hed tho nations. Pud to nv. wo were ourselves
the first to dishonor those pi incij.lcsl Nothing, so
I much as American Slavery, bus brought disgrace
i iiiucn as American niavery,
upou thoso priiicinles. All other causes combined
of her fi icnds. Liberty has received her deepest
'stubs. All our boasts nnd falsehoods to the c.m-
trary notwiihstanding, there is no liovcrnineiit on
the lace of tlio otu lh so quick ns our own. to dread
liberty and republicanism. On our Government,
more t loin ou.ill i.il...u .... 1..11,.,. .uu.
, tho responsibility of the stopping of the iiovulu-
tion in tlie Spanish Amorican States. Weurowout
to say, that tho people of those State were incoin
pcteut to perfect that Itcvolutiun. This is a niece
of our hypocrisy. The instructions of our Govern
ment and the discussions iu our National Legisla
ture, in rpgard to tho Congress of Panama: our
threat of war against Columbia and Mexico, if
those States persevered in carrying forward the
devolution; and, almve all. our baso supplication
to Ilusaiu and Spain to join us in stopping the
wheolsof that Revolution; provo conclusively, that
though our lying lips were for liberty, our heart,
all the timo, were concerned but for tho protection
of shivery. And, in the case of Ilnyti now dead
ly, from first to last, has been the enmity of our
liovcmiiient to tho cuue of liborlvand rei.ublican-
ml To learn tho extent of thnt enmity, we must
not coiihne our eye to the linuglity und persevering
1 refusal of our Government to rccogni.e the inde-
penuenco oi iiavii. tl c must look at ot nor things
uiou mm cspcciutiy nt llio servile compliance of
our Government with the impudent and arrogant
demand of Napoleon to carry out his plan of slur
ving the Ilnyticus into submission.
Our Government made a display of sympathy
with tho Kuropean 11.
Revolutions of 1818. 'Hut who
is so stupid, as to accord sincerity to thnt disnlnv.
when he recollect, that the very first fruit of the
very 6rst of these Revolutions was the unqualified
abolition of all French shivery und a part of that
slavery in tho neighborhood of our own? So eager
was our Government to appear to bo on the side of
Hungary, that it sent out a ship for Kossuth. Hut
lung ore he had reached our shore; and, especially,
whilst he was making his speeches in Kugliiud in
behalf of the equal rights of all men; our Govern
ment found out, that it had got more than it con
tracted for. Kossuth's principles were too radicnl.
Their scope was quite too sweeping. They no mure
snare slavery than any other form of oppression.
Yet, Government could not stop Kossuth on his
way. Having started for A morieo, he must be suf
fered to coiuo to America. Hut how great his
disappointment, on his arrival! "llo came unto
hi own, and his own received him not." The
poor man was willing to compromise matters. A
thousand pities, that he was. He was willing to
ignore shivery, and to go through the whole luiislh
and breadth of tho land, soeing in every man he
met, nothing else than a glorious f.eeinnn. Alas,
what a mistake! The poii.-y of tho Govormnont
"to give him the cold shoulJur" was fixed; and no
concessions on humiliations on bis part could suf
fice to repeal it. Kossuth left America and he
left it, no less abundantly than painfully convinced.
thnt America ia one thing in the Declaration of
independence, and another in w hat has succeodeil
it; ono tiling iu her professions, uliil another in her
practice. Will Maxsini need to come to America
lo learn this lesson? And, if he comes, will he
loop to repent Kossuth's mis'akes? Thank God!
M '.ixiiil ha already identified himself with the
American abolitionists. May lie find himself re
warded by their cordial identification of themselves
with the oppressed ot t.urope! . .
I confessed, that my hone is not strong, that the
American Government will abolish American sla
very. Far otherwise would it be, bowover, did
none, but slave-owners, justify slavery. . They
would soon be converted, were it nut that (he
uinss of the American people fall in with ll.em,
and flatter them, and cry peace, when there Is nn
peace. This is our great discouragement in the
case. - Ihe advooute or total abstinence are not
discouraged. They would be, buwjer, if the;
found tho iins of tho sober justifying drunkards,
..IKta.. ft!.... lit. t .l..te....i.a. i. .;..!. - -.
v.. .v.. ,.u.... .iu.,,, ..
. I ...ill n . .... ... 1 . i.n nf ... . ..ft.. ,1.. i ll.
present attcmpft slavery lo clutch all the uuor
ifmi.iied territ ory ol the nation aRordi a fnvurabl
, riiHi, w ... m'j ...i...i-, niiftfc i iiv
(ipfjortuuity l 'freedom to pouli back the war into
the r!u) of shivery. 1, however, did nut add,
tliut ihe npiiortunily would bo improved. .Nor do
I add it now: for 1 am far from certain, that it
will lie.
tot many years, I havo had searcc v any
boiler hop for American slavery, than that it ;
would come to a violent and miserable end. Their
habit of courting and worshipping the slave-power,
and of acquiescing in its demands, ha corrupted :
and paralysed the American people to such do-
gree, as to leave little room to ho, that they will !
bring slavery to a peaceful and happy termination,
I coufess, Unit some hope of such termination has
been kindled in mo by this new, surpriMiig, and
enormous demand of the slnvo-power. I confess, I
that I havo thought it possible, that this demand I
might arouse a spirit, which eould bo appeased l.y
nothing short of tho overthrow of tho whole System j
of slavery. Should hjvever, such a spirit
aroused, 1 fear it will not pervade tho masses, hut !
ho confined to a few. Jt is true, thnt meet- i
ings are held, all over tho frco Slates, to protest
the pussnge of this bill nnd that tho !
press nf those States is nlmost universally against
Hut neither in tlio meetings, nor in the press, I
do I seo repentance They abound in indignation I
perfidy but they reveal no sorrow of tho
North for the crimes of the Aorth against liberty. I
wii ..H.I-I..IIIIIII, i.iu iiiuiius Him i.iu press uo!,u
well nigh universally justify the compromise of
'"-"i aim, in me greaft iiinjoruy oi instances, the
compromise of leiO, "Fugitive Slave Act," nnd
all. Kven in sermons, preached ncntnst il.s Nn.
braska Hill, J Iibto seen the Fugitive Slave Act j
justified. Now, the idea, that they, who m
approve or either of these compromises, and espe- j
cially that they who can possibly acquiesce in
cnnaiug uown oi men, women ana children, for
mo iiunr ui euniuig ineiii into 1110 ptl td Shl-
vcrj the idea, 1 say, that such persons will per
seyeringly and effectively resist slavery, and do
s avcrT. nnd .In
luithlul linttlo lor its overthrow, is to my mind
simply absurd. They, and they only, are to be
relied ou for such service, who so louihe slavery,
that they would rathpr pprish than do an nf t. I
hi, I, Wnnm f.nm. !..... I.; I . .. . C t i
ft", - ...o iiunuia null! VUDgrCSS, or
from courts, or from any other sources.
Am 1 bid tnstreng.hcn my hope by looking
tlio rapidly multiplying abolitionists 1 I do look
at them : nnd this encoring sight is nil, thnt, under :
Uod, keeps loy hope kMvs. Hot I fenr, that tl cv ;
arc too late. I fear thnt tlio disease is past cure.
And I fear. too. that, even if ve ,m -. ;.. :... ..' 1
..... , . . J t tl 11 111 U IU .
mil tne I'emon of Slavery, our fnlso nnd pro-s!iivc-
ry cuucnuoii makes us so hoxiluting and timid i
his temfio presence, that v,e shnll nut
deep, nnd fatal war upon him. but shnll n.M .,.
energies and our only nd swiftlv
opportunity in ineffectual skirmish
Iu! dodging. A few abolitionists
lllltl. Wei0 itieV lint m In..
y passing away
les aim tiisarace-
(V"-' ew nnuiiiioniMs are consistent :
aim, were they not so few. thev would be forin'n I. :
ui.ie. ineyknoiv no luw for any fraud j and,
thcrolore, thev will not kuow il for il.. n.,... .....
pcuduus fruud. They know no law for any op
pression , and, therefore, they will know none for
inc moat sweeping oppression. Such abolitionists
arc Gurrison, and Phillips, Goodcll, nud Douglass.
uut i..ui uiiuiiuoiisis, impliedly if not directly,
if not openly, Bckuowledgo, that slavery i
can have, and actually has. rights : and thev nre 1
as respectful to these suppused rights, as if the
subject of them were one of the greatest earthly '
mv-nuHnn-nm,, ullo ot greatest earthly
curses
It is true, that thero is a political patty in our
country, organized against siovcry ; aud that it
numbers somo two hundred tho lisnnrl voter
among whom aro some cf the noblest men in tho
innu. ,ma, yet, I look with well nigh as much
.. " nopo, vo tins party,
recognixes slavery as luw. I
For so long as it
fear, that uowith-
staiiuing us ingii and holy purpose, it will do
scarcely less to sanction and uphold slavery than
to reproach and cast it dowu. Again, so long
us this party is swuved by such Words of folly
and delusion, ns "Si.AVtitv sectional: Freedom
national, its admissions in fuvor of sluvorv can
not fail to go fur to outweigh all its endeavors
against slavery.
A law for slavery I What confessed madness
would it be to claim a Inw for technical piracy,
or a law for murder 1 But what piracy is there
so sweeping and desolating as sluvery ? And as
to murder who would not wither have his dear-
est friend in the ginie av. in the erava of
the
luuruureii man unuer the yoke of slavery ?
"Slavery sectional: Freedom national?"
And, therefore, according to the friends of this
motto, the nation, as such, must not concern itself
wun me great mass ot slnvery, because that great
mass, instead or being spread over the whole na
tion, exists but in sections of it. Not less foolish
would it be to neglect tho suinll-pox, because it is
only in sections of the oitv wbei -n it rirevniU Tn.
deed, it would not be less mad to lcavo the fire
unextinguished, because, as vet. it races hot in
sections of tho city. Slavery, if not extinguished,
is as certain to spread, as is the fire, if not extin
guished. Tho past attests this ; and the present
exhibits very glaring proof of it. Jf we would
savo mo city, we must put out tho fire If wo
would save the nation, we must put out slavery
ay, put it out in all tho nation. I said, that slavery
is, now, spreading. It may not go literally into
Nobraska and Kansas, either now or ever. Nev
ertheless, slavery will be spreading itself over our
country, nt least in its influeuce and power, so
luii nn wiv uiuiuu luroears to uproot it.
"Sl.AVERT SECTIONAL ; FREEDOM NATIONAL !"
A poor flag would " Murder sectional : Anti-Murder
national I" be to go forth with against mur
der. But not less poor is the other to go forth
with against slavery. Very little inspiration could
be caught from either. Nay, would not their lim
itod toleration of tho crimes neutralise their influ
ence against the extension of the crimes? How
unlike to these jsx.r words would be "No mi-rder
anywhere!" "No slavery anywhere!" Under
such earnest and honest words, men could do bat
tle with nil their hoarts. Hut, under the other,
they are laughed at by the enemy j and should be
laughed lit by themselves.
There is a politicul party nt the North, called
the Liberty Party. It ninis to go for every polit
ical truth j and to realise the idea of an every
way righteous civil government. It is a little
party. Its handful of members are scarcely moro
numerous than were the primitive disciples, who
were gathered in the u;ier room, at Jerusalem.
That little party will not disown what I have said
ou mis occasion, fcvery other party will. Th.it
littlo party has, already, lived some fifteen years.
It will continue to live. Perhaps, it will uot grow
Perhaps it will. Tho " littlu cloud, like a man's
nunu, may yet sprcaa itsoir over the whole
heavens. Of this much, at least, do I fool certain
Unit no party of essentiully lower or other princi
ples thau those of the Liberty Party will suffice
to bring down American slavery. Hupp, country
this happy North happy South if t peat
aggressive movement of tho slave-power shall re
sult In bringing triumphant accessions to llio Lib
erty Party I
My fear, tliut tlio American Governments
Slut or Nutiouul, will uot abolish sluvery, is in
no degree, nbutud by tlio fuct, tliut several F.'uro
peau Government havo, iu the present gennra
l. on, abolished it. It must be remembered, tlut
those Governments wero exterior to, and inde
pendent of, the slave power ; and that they wure
not trammeled by sluieholding constituencies. It
is true, tliut shivery in Mexico was abolished by
the Government in Mexico; and that slavery in
South American States wus aholishod by the Gov
ernment in those Siute. But it is also true, tlsit
nil this was done to promote the success or 'their
Revolution and their delivoiance from the Govern
ment of Sj.uin. I doubt uot, that even we, closely
as wo cling to shivery, would, ncyerthelois
abolish it, U urged to do so by the exegeuoies of
i.
To hope that, because the English Government
aholishod slavery, our Government will also Is
unwise, in unnthor point of view. Comparative! r
disenlnngled with slavery as was Knirlaml. .l.
nevertheless, exerted well nigh enouj,h poworover
her Government tn prevont its successful action
against sluvery. The party in the interest of sla
very woe uareiv oeiuaieti.
Let me nut be iiiisundersluod. Let
supposed to fear that American slaver .ill .
oome to an end. My four is, that it will not he
brought to an end by Government. I have no fear
that it will not be Jc4ibd. It n ill be abolished
I
!
they ran le held in their present condition for ages
longer. They will deliver themselves if they are
not delivered. He must he blind to history, to
philosophy, to the nature of man, who can suppose,
that such a system, as American slavery, can have
a 'o"f l'fo even in cironmstaooes most favorable
to its continuance. In the most benighted portions
of the earth the victims, of such a system would,
in process of time, come to such a sense of their
!'rong, and their power also, a to rise up and
throw off the system. lint that here such a system
be!m""'r bnrried to it end, is certain. For, here,
it i entirely out of harmony with all the institu
will thins around it, and with all the profession of
those, who uphold it. Here it is continually pres
apiinst upon hy ten thousand influences adverse to it
existence. Nothing, so much as American slave
it. rv, stands in the way of tho progress of tho ago.
A little time longer, nnd it muist Yield to this pro
toward gress, and bo numbered with the things, that were.
11 would be such a reckoning for deep and damning
ffieronft uch u outrunning of (mothered and
w- i.. innap, Binil WI SUUW 19 S
nation of oppressors, Ho will let Ihe oppressed
at'"n.ile the oppressors. Perhaps, since we would be
Wooily nation, He will give us "blood, even
un0 horse-bridles." There, will be no such
catastrophe, however, if the North and the South,
C(l"nl "-'"'Hers in the matter of slavery shall hasten
to miiiirln ihe tnni-. nf il Ittl rtAsitttttiloi ti uS ri.sn
i"1""" nuu 1 ,lttve ocen claiming, that uovern
tucitly t"fnt "ld lift them up out of their chatlolhood
and their association with brutes : and I could not
and at no distant flay. If tho Government
i4n .KaII. 1 f ft I, .t!1 .l...l:u1. 2a If n-l...t
. .
w .., ,., .......i-i. iin. ii, in ouiurva
nni.U i.f lliia ..IIhh I. . J - J f I
I'o'T. nil. lin.liill, ui'nii uu livr, nuunifr lOVr
millions, tnd are multiplying rnpidly. They
all victim of slavery lor if the free are not in
it in the !
sfeio, of
ntity of
nmora, tneyare, nctertliclpss, in the rnm
slavery. Hence, then, a well as br iden
race, ther are bound together by the strongest sjrm-
s others, nevertheless they are carried klnnv. in
.'iiiiiuiri, uuft i-arrieu niong, as raniuij
the general progressive knowledge of human rights.
Such being the case, it is not to be supposed, that I
o only question is, whether it shall die a peaee-
rccedo before advancing truth, or resist unto blew
i'v a violent ueatn wnither it shall
Uod forbid, that American slavery should come
to a violontend. I hold, with O't'onnell, that no
lon' end to American slavery would constitute one
revuiuuon is worm me shedding of blood. A Tio
of the blodiost chanters iu nil ih hk ..t .;
pc"i-p revenge, a living man ha nercr seen
tan this catastrophe be averted? IVrlm ni. it pan.
noU Terhaps, Uod will not let off this superlative-
MT wicaeu nnuon on any eosierterma than aoniilii
war a war, wc must remember, that will be rery
'f" to bring w ithin iu wide sweep the whole black
population of this continont and the neighboring
inlands a ponulutinn nlread numbering .n. tn
nr ..!.. ...,!!;..... t . ... ,
xw.ft ..- vs Lv.uifti.iiuvj, w ritl J s uiii
'""trf: "Wo mo very guilty coneeniiiig c
very cui ty coneeminir our
brothpr;" nnd to ioin their hands in Putlinc away
'their joint and unsurpassed sin.
1 chnll bo blamed fur having treated my subject
in tho light of so severe morality. It will' be
said, that economical views of it Would have been
' i..uu nnu aiiiicsmaniiKC ; anu inni i snouiii
lint e dwelt on tho tains to tho slaveholder, and
u. gains to mo country, Irora tlio abolition ot
slavery. I coufess. that, had horses nnd oxen
been the subject of my speech, the fiold of economy
would have been wide enough for the rnngo of my
thoughts, and tho course of my argument. Bat
' hnve ocen sneaking of men of millions of im
" d'purnge the dignity, and so sully the glory, of
,m?'r piAohood, 0 claim the performance of
. uiv uuij, iu me nnme oi money.
W hon I see my fellow-man reduced to a slave. 1
demand bis deliverance simply because he is n
man. 1 cannot so wrong his exalted nature and
my own, and the Great One, who made us in His
own imago, as to argue, tliut money can ho made
by such deliverance. I would as soon think nf
n,,lltlnK a calculation of pecuniary gnins my argu-
""!nt ,n "'"""nding from tho crime of murder.
in siyiug, mat i wouia not auller the duty ol
delivering tho slave to turn nnon the question of
pecuniary gains nud economical advantages, I
utter no peculiar doctrine. Who would suffer it
thus to turn, in an case, where ho regards such
victims as men? But, with me, nil men are men.
Are the skin and the mind of my fellow man dark?
"A niuu's a man 'for a' thnt 1" I still recognise
him as a man. He is my brother, and I still have
a brother's heart for him. Suppose the Oovern-
u..:ui ui l ennsyivnnia nai, the last week, reduced
" wni,B reono of Pcnnsvlvwiin who have
"But ,,ttir slavery. Would Congress let tho
nreruni wees oxpiro without seeking their roloase?
No! Would Congress stoop to'ply thatGovern-
uii-ui, nun uiguiiiciii avawn trom political econ-
omy, and to coax it w ith prospect nf guin? No
no . a thousaud times no I , It would demund their
olease; and it would demand it, too, not in virtuo
of feeble arguments and humblo authority; but,
Kthnn Alleu-like. iu the name nf God Aln.ihtv nnd
Congress.
1 shall be blamed for not having brought out a
uniu lor getting riu ol slavery. 1 conies, that 1
have no other phin for getting rid of it but its abo
lition ils unconditional, entire, and immediate
abolition. The slave is robbed of his manhood,
of himself, and, consequently, of all his rights
There is no justice then there i no God then if
the restoration of his rights and his restoration to
himself can be innocently conditioned on anything,
or innocently postponed.
I shall be, especially, blamed for not having pro-
Koscd compeusatiou. I do not repudiate I never
avo repudiated the doctrine of compensation.
Compensation for his services and sufferings would
be due from the sluveholdor to tho sluve ; but clear
ly, no compensation for bis rostorcd liberty would
be duo from the slavo to the slaveholder. I admit,
however, that a great debt would be due, from the
Amorican people, both to the slaveholder and the
slave. The American people are responsible for
American slavery. It is the American people,
who, in the face of the Declaration of Independence
and the Constitution, as well as of religion and
reason, God and humanity, havo inado thcmsolves
tho responsiblo enslavers of millions. Departed
generations of slaves have gone to the bur of
Heaven with this accusation upon thoirlips; and
nothing short of the repentance of the American
people can prevent It being carried there by the
present generation of American slaves. Thore is,
then, a great debt due from tho American people
to the Amorican slave. But they owe one to the
slaveholders also. Men bocoino slaveholders, and
continue slaveholders, and extend their investments
in human flesh, on the faith of tho professions,
legislation, and policy of tho Amorican people,
and, I may add, ou the faith of the Constitution
nnd religion of the A meriean people, as that people
do themselves interpret their Constitution and
religion. Again, non-slaveholders, as well as
slaveholders, feed and clothe themselves upon the
cheap (cheap, because extorted and unpaid for)
products of slave labor. They enrich their com
merce with these products) and, in a word, they
unite in making slavery tho cherished and over
shadowing interest of the nntion. Now, for the
American people, in those circumstances, to abolish
slavery, nnd refuse to pay damages to the slavo-
nomcrs, wnum ne a surprise upon the slaveholders
full of bud faith. Forth American people to share
with the slaveholders in the policy and profits of
slaveholding, and then terminate It, nnd devolve
tho whole loss of it termination on the slave
holders, would be well nigh unparalleled injustioe
ami meanness. If 1 have encouraged and drawn
men into wickedness, I am, it is true, not to stand
by them in their wickedness for of that both
they and 1 are to repent : but I am to stand by
them in their loss, and to sharo it with them.
The Knglish people gnve to tho masters of eight
hundred thousand slaves a hundred millions of
dollars. I would, that the American peoplo, after
thoy shall have abolished Amorican sluvery. miirht
givo to the masters of four times that number of
slaves four times the hundred millions of dollars ;
and far more, would I, timt they should provide
libcrully for the humbler and cbeuper, but infinite
ly more sacred need of the emancipated. "Then"
my now dark and guilty country I " shall thy light
break forth as tho morning, and thine health
spring forth speedily ; and thy righteousness shall
go Doiore uiee I me glory oi me Lard shall be thy
reward."
I am well aware, that. In reply to my admission.
that the American people should thus burden
themselves, it will be said that slavery is a Stale,
and not National concern ; and that it is for the
Stale Governments, and not for the National
Government, to dispose of it. I. certainly, do not
deny that, if slavery ean be legalised in our coun
try, it most tss anaer the btats Governments only.
Nevertheless, I bold that every part of American
failislarery ia the concern of everT cart of tL Amerl-
f ' .. . r.
icnn people, beeause the whole American people
I . . . .. ' . ' .
and the Aaiertoan Government hare, though in
defiance of the Constitution, made it seeh. And.
as they have made it such, Me dtnaliimaliting qfi
tUttrrv (a the phrase i with the Independent or
Free lemocraU) is not the whole duty to which we
are called. Wo will not have done our whole dot
when we shall hare abolished all the slavery
exist within theieluir joriediatiea wf Dot
For slavery, under the State Governments, also!
has been fostered and established b tl. .t.,.1.
American people and the American Government:
and I add, by the way, that, had it not been so fos
tered and established, there would, at this day, have
ocen nn slavery in tlio land.
If John Smith ha built distillery j and if he
has, also, encouraged his neighbors to build half
dosen morei and, especially, if he has patronised
and profited by the half dosen distilleries) then,
his work of repentance is not all done when he ha
broken up hi distillery : and none the more is it
an uone, because it was contrary to law, that lie
hnd a part in sotting up and sustaining the half
dosen distilleries. The dc-fimUhing of all this dis
tillation, and of all tho drunkenneaa thnt ho re
sulted from It, obviously fails to cover the whole
ground of his duty, unless, indeed, as is proper,
tho de-Smithing is interpreted to menn the break
ing tip of all tlicso distiilories and their resulting
drunkenness. So, too, tlio dtnutioHaliting of sla
very, unless it bo thus broadly and justly interpret
ed, fulls short of the measure of the duty of the
nation. The nation, whether constitutionally or
unconstitutionally,' has built tip slavery) and,
there fur e, the nation should end it, and pay to end
it.
I said that I shall be blamed for speaking un
wisely on tho subject of slavery. I add, that I
shall be blamed for speaking on it, at all. To
speak against slavery in any manner, and espe
cially, in the national councils, is construed into
hostility to the I'ni .u : end hostility to the Union
i, in the eve of American patriotism, the most
ouiou oi an onencea the most heinous of all
crimes.
I prixe tho Union, because I prire the wisdom,
courage, philanthropy, and piety, of which it was
begotten. I prixe it, because I prixo the signal
sufferings and sacrifices which it cost our fathers.
I priie it, because I prixe its objects those great
and glorious objects, that prompted to the Dec
laration of Independence ; that were cherished
tluough a soven years' war ; and that were then
recited in tho Preamble nf tho Coiistituticn, as
the objects of the Constitution. I prixe it for the
great power it hns to honor God and bless man. I
priie it, becnuso I believe the day will come, when
this power shall bo exerted to tins end.
Now, surely, opposition to slavery cannot be hos
tility to such a Union. Such a Union is not assailed,
and cannot bo ondangorcd, by opposition, however
strenuous, to slavery, or to any othor form of op
pression, or to any system of iniquity. It attack
what is good, is to be hostile to such a Union. To
attack what is evil, is to befriend it.
Nevertheless, the position i persisted in, that
to attack slavery is to attack the Union. How
aro we to account for this persistence in this absurd
position ? It is easily accounted for. The position
is not absurd. There are ftro Unions. Thero is
tho Union of early times that, which our father
furmed, aud the most authentio record of the
formation of which, and of the spirit rnd ohioct
of which, ia to bo found in the Declaration of
Independence and the Federal Constitution. This
is tho Union openly based on the doctrine of the
equal rights of all men. This is the Union, the
avowed purposo of which is " to establish justice
and secure the blessings of liberty." Then, there
is the other Union the Union of later times of
our times manufactured, on the ono hand, by
Southern slrveholders, and, on the other, by
Northern merchants and Northern politicians.
Tho profosscd aims of this new Union mre. of
course, patriotic and beautiful. Its real, and but
uuniy uisguisca, aims are extended and perpetual
sluvery, on the one hand, and political and com
mercial cams, on the other. The bad character
of this new Union is not more apparent in its
mom, uiun in in iruiis, wiucn prove tneso aims.
Among tbeso fruits aro Union Safety Committee
Resolutions; Baltimore Platforms; pro-slavery
pledges of members of Congress; Resolutions of
Bi-r.no legislatures s contcinptiblo Inaugurals, tn
which, now a Governor, and now a President, go
all lengths for slnvery and, above all, or rnthor
below all, Union-saving and slave-catching ser
mons of devil-deludod and devil-driven Doctors of
uiviuity. 'io this list is, now, to be added
the stupendous breach of faith, proposed in the
Bill before us. This Bill, which lays open all our
unorganised territory to slavery, is a legitimate
fruit of the now Union. The consecration of all
tho national territory to freedom, sixty-five years
ago, was the legitimate fruit of the old Union.
I.1UUUUII oeuer luionr xiy their fruits ye
shall know thorn.
Aos. the matter i not evnlnlnAil b ncm.
that this new Union is but a misinterpretation ol
the old. Misinterpretation cannot trn m fur in
chango tho whole naturo of its subject. Oh. no. it
is not a misiutcrurctntion. Hut it diutinetU nt
entirely another Uuion, with which iu manufactu
rers are endeavoring to supplant the Union given
to us by our fathers: and this supplanting Union
is as unlike, the precious gift, as darkness is unlike
light, a falsehood is uulike truth.
II lien, then. we. who nr Inknrins tnr tb
throw of sluvery, and for the practical acknowledg
ment of the equal rights of all men, are churgeu
with .hostility to the Union, it is, indeed, pretended
by those who make the charo. unit f..,- th. ..i.
of effect, that we are hostile to the original aud
true Union. Our hostility, nevertheless, i but to
me coujureu-up ana spurious Union. Our only
offenco is, that we withstand the baso appeals and
seductive influences of the day. The only cause,
for the abundant reproach, which has bofiillcn ns,
is, that, in our houeBty and patriotism, we still
stand by that good old Union, which is a Union 1..,
justice and liberty) and that we bravely oppose
v... n... , ... ,U u.un oiiiui anu WICKBJ men. who
would substitute for it a Union for slavery, and
place, and gnin : and who are ei-Hn imm-.it.iii
enough to cluim, that this trumped up Union is
identical with that cood old Union. Ye.
artful, impudont, indeed must they be, who can
claim that this dirty work of their own dirty hands
is that veritable work of our father. 1,1,1. i. ,i,.
ii ven
of on
giory oi our iaiuers
I havo doue. Me
OVO doue. Methiuks. wero I a wise and rnnd
mon, and could havo the whole American people
. - ... ri
for my audience, I should like to speak to them,
in tbo fitting nhrase, which such a man commands,
the words of truth and soberness, remonstrance
and righteousness. And, yot, why should 1?
for, in all probability, such words would be of
little present avail. The American cconle are. u
yet in no state "to hear with their ears, and under
stand witn tneir hearts, their ears are dull ofhooring.'
Yet, awhile, and he who should speak to them such
words, would, like Lot, "seem as one, that mock
ed.' llus is a nation of oppressors from the
North to the South from the East to the West
and, what is more, of strong and successful op
pressors ) and, hence, there is but littlo room to
hone, that she will listen and repent This nation
noius, in urn iron anu crushing grasp of slavery,
between three and fourmillious, w hose poor hearts
writhe and agonise no less than would ours, wore
their fato our fate. And, yet, she is not content
even with theso wldo disolations of bunion rights
and humon hoppiucss. On tho contrary, she is
eui.uiiuiuiy wouing to extend the horrid realm of
sm,.-r. is not enough, that she purchasod
Horldu, and gave up all of it to slavury ; nor it is
enough, thnt (here is so much roasou to tsar that
the mighty and sleepless efforts to overspread with
sluvery the whole territory, of which she plunder
ed Mexico, will prove extensively, if not. indeed
entirely successful. Nor, is it enough, that there
is imminent danger, that Nebraska and Kansas
will be wrested from freedom, and added to th
domain of slavery and sorrow. All tbi, U H
enough to satisfy the desire of this nation to extend
the reign of slavery. Her float!,,. .J i
eye.ar, constantly upon the r.mamde, -of Mexico
Z" SOT !- "i-landnf
..."7 . " ii is impatient to scaunm
b1eattemprlobrfll1 n'td.ad to .yrUS.
win rt1 t0 b",n herto wpentaoef But she
will not be so always. The yoioe. of truthful
Pt St,! , h W'U ,et r?h h" hMrt- She may,
it m true, (Hear,,, ipw hw &om Mi
discipline I) bare, first, to past Lthrough foreign1
wwra, and serrile wars, and still other horror.
But the day of her redemption or, in other word.
Of her broken-hearted sorrow for bof crims (for
such sorrow is
an individual t
come. And w
i redemption, whether in the ease of
or a nation) will, sootier or later.
when that dsy shall come, the moral
oil of America, watered with the tear of peni
tence, shall bring rortn fruits to the glory of Uod
and the welfare of man, rivalling in abundanrt,
and infinitely surpassing in prcciuusncs. the rich
harvest of her literal soil. In that day, our na
tion shall be worthy of all, that God and good mem
have done for her. Her material wealth, sur
passing that of any other nation, shall bo
greateu than her moral wealth; and ber gigantie
and unmatched power shall be only a power te
bles. . . -.
What I have just said Is, Indeed, but prophecy
and the prophecy, too, of an ignorant aud sben
? fin i n,n;,: and. " therefore, never be
fulfilled. My anticipations of beautiful and
blessed renovation for my beloved country may
never be realised. She may be left to perish, and
to perish forever. What then t Must I cease ray
efforts for I r salvation ? Happily, I am not de
pendent on prophecy for the interpretation of my
duty, nor to sustain my fidelity, nor to encourage
the opening of my lips. I am cast upon no such
uncertainty. I am to continue to plead for my
country) and to feel assured, that I do plead not im
vain. If prophecy is all uncertain nevertheless,
there are certainties, gracious ccrUintiu, on which
it is my privilege to rely. I h,ov, that in the W
vine Lconomy, no honest discharge of the con
science, and no faithful testimony of the heart,
shall be suffered to go unrewarded. I ahok, that,
in this perfect and blessed Kconomy, no sincere
words in behalf of the right are lost. Time and
truth will save them from falling ineffectual. To
t,",enJ rutllt therefore, do I cordially commit
all that I have said on this occasion ) and patiently
will I wait to see what use time and truth shall
make of it.
A'os. -A this speech was delivered undef lb
one-hour rule, it argument, at several points, was
necessarily brisf. In writing it out for the press,
the liberty has been taken to expand the argument,
at some of these points.
Made Fast. George weston, cook of the schoon
er Louisiana, of Cherrvtown, Va., lying ia the
harbor of Mass., was taken befere Judge Merriek,
one of the Judge of the Supreme Court, oa ha
beat ronn, a few day since, and sot free. He
was a slave in Virginia, where he has a wife and
child, also slave. The captain of the vessel did
not attempt to enforce his claim, knowing that it
would be useless to do so. Standard.
Liberated Slaves. There are now at South,
ampton, on their way to Liberia, in Africa, foar
liberated slaves from Cuba. They lived in Cuba
'JO years, about 12 of which they were in slavery.
They have saved some money and paid their pa,
sage to Southampton, in the We.t India mail packet
Mogdulpno.' 1 hpy aro negro. 0f the Lueani
nation, with pleasing nnd intelligent countenance.
They are exceedingly well behaved and worthy
persons. They must havo boon stolen from Africa
when young, as they are scarcely middle-aged mow.
Emancipation or Slaves in Veneevila. In
relation to the recent emancipation of slave im
mrA" ''V'" "J.1 ' are only about
10,001, the greater part of them being old Their
average value will not exceed $200, which givs.
.1 'pl'f -T iT"'0.0 d?".r"- T,' Proposition cf
the President for the abolition of slavery was re
ceived by Congress with acclamations, as he himself
had set the example by freeing all his own slaves.
They resolved upon such a mothod of indemnifpioc
tho slave-owner, that in Ihres years all their claims
will be satisfied.
Tarson Brownlow, of Tennessee, made a brief
speech at the Commercial Convention at Cbarlss- .
ton, which he ended thus: I therefore conclude'
my remarks, by Resolving, firstly, That the Island
of Cuba is the Lord's and tho fulness thereof:
Kesolred, secondly. Th
.aint. of the South) and, Resolved, thirdly, That
we are tha uini,
Tut Gardinir TarAi. The ease of John Charles
Oardiuer, brother of the late Dr. Gardiner, indict
ed on a charge of perjury, and also for false
swonring, was called up in tho criminal court of
W aslnngton on Monday, but ns the defendant fail
dd to make bis appearance, his recognisance was
occlared forfeited. It is laid he loft Washington
w0.w . i0 for ",e place beyond tho limit of
the United State. Dr. Thomas Miller wa hit
surety in the sum of $8,000, and Hudson Taylor
and James M Clery in the sum or $4,000, but "the
Union says they are amply indemnified.
PENNSYLVANIA YEARLY MEETING OF
PROGRESSIVE FRIENDS.
Thi Association will convono for mutual help
and edification, and for the discharge of its appro
priate duties a a religion body, in tha meeting
house at Old Kennett, Chester County, on First
day, the 21st of Fifth moith, 1854, at II o'clock,
A. M., and continue by adjournments from rf.. tl
day a long as necessity may require.
Creed-making form no part of the objects cf
this Society. Disclaiming all ecclosiastical au
thority, and avoiding the tangled controversies hy
which the popular ohurches are perplexed and be
wildered, it seeks to unite mankind, not by agree'
ment in theological opinions, but through onones
of ipirit in respect to tho practical duties of life,
the communion of soul with toul In a common
love of tho beautiful and true, and a common at'
pirnlion after moral excellence. It platform Is
broad aud comprehensive. It Invites tho co-operation
of all who rocognixe the Eoual Rrntl,rW.
of the Human Family, without regard to sect,
color or condition, aud who acknowledge the duty
of defining and illustrating their faith in God, by
lives of personal purity, and work of benoficence
and charity to mankind.
The name of "Frionds" waa adopted in nn i-K.
nical or narrow sense, and with no intention that
tne society should be identified with or limited by
the sectarian peculiaritie of older associations,
but in the broad, primary and comprehensive
meaning of th word, a it was employed by Jesus
when he said, "I have called you fritndt" "Yj
are my fritndt, If je do whatsoever I command
you."
We therefore affectionately Invite all sincere in
quirers after truth, who may be atracted by th
principles of our organisation, and who, weary of
the trife of sect, are looking for higher and purer
manifestations of the religious sentiment, to meet
with us at the time above specified, and to give us
the benefit of their counsel and co-operation.
William Barnard,
Jossrii A. DioDALt,
Thomas Garrett,
C. M. Burliigb,
SlDNIT PlERCt,
UlNJAMIM C. BACOfT,
. B. FlISSELL, . ,
ItoWLAND JontfSON,
Jonathan Lambobm
Kditb Psnnock,
Henrietta W. Jou.vso.v
Com. o Arrangtmtnt.
Communication intended for the mottiagL
whether from associations ot individuals should
be addressed to th dorks, Joseph A. Pugdal and
Sidney Poiree, Kennett jkiuare, Chester County,
Penn. . '.. ,
Friends residing la the vicinity of the pUo of
meeting, offer the hospitality of their hornet to
those coming from abroad. ...-..'
Editor of ntwtpaptn, friendly to th objteti of
the meeting, are invited to publish this eafl, 4
