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Anti-slavery bugle. (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, January 26, 1856, Image 1

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VOL. 11. NO. 21.
WHOLE NO. 53tf.
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
Mr. Pretidenh I do not rise for the purpose of
making a personal explanation, because I beliove
that the country thinks it of no very great conse
quence what the opinion of any individual Senator
may do; out, oir, i nave not a word to say against
the propriety of those gentleman from Norlhorn
States who votod for the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and
ore still members of the Senate, making expla-i'PS
nations; for thero is not one 'of them that lias
ever had his eloction submitted to the people of a
Free State, who has had a chance to nmko an ex-
nlan&tinn on tliia flnnr. or will Sn liknlu tn .i ;
I , ..... .v.j v
ver soon. Hence, I have not a word to say about
, mat. .
I have no r'ght to assign any motive to the Pres
ident fur sending the message- here under the cir-
' rumstonces under which he transmitted it. I shall
not do so; but, Sir, there is a privilege which op-
pertains to the Yankee nation universally, and
that is g.'tessing. That we have a light to resort
to, and I crtu only guess what the object was. I
"am ot going to undertake to say that the sending
of the message at the time when it was sent, with
the extraordinary dootrices which it contains, bad
any possible relation to tho tact that several
Southern Democratic State Conventions wero to
sit about the 8th of January, and that it becamo
Important to let it be known what were the views
'entertained by the President on certain points be
fore those Conventions sat. If he had any such
viow as that, I wish to sav to the President, here
from my place, that he spoke too late altogether.
.He is like a desperate politician, or a speculator of
desperate fortunes, coming in just us the auction
'has closed, who makes a treuienduous high bid,
the article has been struck off to another man be
fore he sot in.
He is just at effectually "out of the ring" as if
tie had bold his tongue. It is unkind ot those gen
tlemen who are the peculiar frinds of the Presi
dent to let him labor under such a delusion any
' longer. There is no more chance of his being re
nominated, than there is of one of our pages receiv
ing that honor, lie may be told so, and ho may
,b flattered inio bolioving it, until about the time
XTlien the National Convention sits. But I wish to
uggest to bis particular friends, whether it is not
unkind, seeing that the President can make noth
ing by it, to let him get iNwn on his knees and
bumble himself, and insult hi native State, by the
insinuations with which his mbssagc is filled, whon
it can do no possible good to anybody on earth.
The thing is done;- the matter is settled. Ho has
been used just as much as you want to use him.and
he will be thrown aside. la fact, he is thrown
. aside already, though he does not know it.
. Now, sir, I wish to say a few words in regard to
'the doctrines of the Message. In the first place,
the President has a great deal to say about, Cen
tral America, as if that were the engrossing sub
ject with th people at this time. 1 tell the Pres
ident that there is a central place in the United
' States not Central America, Central United
States called Kansas, about which the people of
' this country are thinking vastly more at this time
than (bey are about Centra! America, down in the
land of filibuf tcrcrs; and it seems to me that
"the. President of the United States would have
'discharged just as appropriately his proper con
stitutional functions if be had favored us a little
with that, instead of consuming ao much space
, upon Central America, outside of the United
1 have not the slightest fear of any such thing.
' My fears are the other way. My fears are that
she cannot do anything that will wake up the na
- ticnal spirit beyond a little talk and recrimination
s against those who are supposed not to favor cer
tain views. Why do I think suT Because I know
the history of the past. I know when you made
it one of the issues of this country that we should
! insist on the boundary liue of 50' 40' or tight;
; I know that when Mr. James K. Polk took the
oath of office in the Eastern portion of this Capi
tol, he delivered an Inaugural Address, in which
be declared that our title to the whole of Oregon
was "clear and indisputable" just as clear as our
, title to the district of Columbia for that is only
clear and indisputable (there cannot be any
thing clearer thnn that;) and I know, alter that
after it had been made an issue upon which Mr.
Polk came into Uie Presidential chair, and after
the Democracy pledged themselves to sustain our
rights in Oregon ' or fight and after it was pro
' claimed, under these circumstances, from the oast
"ern portico of this Capitol, as our indisputable ter
ritory, which was our next chapter ? Why, Sir, we
gave it all away to Great Britain we gave her
more than she asked. We gave away Vancouver's
Island, sustaining the same relative positions to
' the harbors on the Pacific coast and the Columbia
' River that Cuba does to the harbors on the Gulf
coast and to the Mississippi. We gave that away
, to Great Britain without asking for a considera-
" tion. The next chapter in the history of the same
1 Administration was, that they offered $200,000,000
for Cuba. That is the difference between territory
North and South I Vancouver's Island could be
given away, but Cuba was to be bought evon at the
A cost of $200,000,000?
Sir, I have had occasion to alludo to these trnns-
1 actions before, and I have stated on other occa
sions, and I repeat now, that there is one curious
. fact in regard to our territorial treaties, and it is
a verv curious one. I do not know but that it is
what Mr, Welter I do not mean the member of
the Senate, but Sam Weller, ot Pickwickian
" memory would call an "astonishing coincidence."
At any rate, the fact is, that every treaty that
has been made in regard to territory on our North
ern border has been cut off and given away. We
out off Maine, and sold to Great Britain all she
wanted, which was a good military road from
Nova Sootia to Canada, and th'en we gave away an
. Empire to her on the Oregon question. On the
.South, however, we have always taken. We have
. constantly been cutting off at one end and buying
at tho other, and when we could uot sell Northern
territory, we gave it away.
1'ben, Sir, 1 think 1 can say to the Presidont.tliAt
lb people would have been quite as much ple.tsod
ito hear a liulfl more about Kansas, as so much
.about Ccutral America. The President however,
, dscs have a very little to say about Kansas a very
little indeed, lie says :
"In the Territory of Kansas, there have been
acts prejudical to good order, but as yet none have
-k occurred to justify the. interposition of the Federal
, . Executive." ,
I wish that were true; but I take issue with him.
I say the interposition of the Federal Executive
has been there, and it has been there on tho side
" of those very acts of violence, Sir, the people of
- Kansas have bad to protect themselves against
. mob law, instigated by the President and sustained
.' by his officials there. When ho says there has been
' nothing to "justify" official interposition, I admit
' it is trno there was nothing to justify it, but the
interposition was there, whether justified or not.
.. Then he goes on to say that the people of Kansas
must be protected. Well, Sir, they will bo protect
' ed; but they have not bad protection from the
' President of the United Btates. Do you not know,
r i Kir does not th Senate know, and does not the
country know that Govsroor Boeder came home
and proclaimed in the ears of the President that
Kansas was a conquersd country ? And what did
. . . n . . L
neaor , . n T.A.nn
lZi btv. done if We of hi. fiovnaor;-had come
; ?liau""i Bnd Willson Shannon went, shout
" over tho plains as he went, that he was for
' Slavery in Kansas, lie went too fast; and, I
to asmngton ana said, "ueneral, mat Territory
which you Bent me to govern hns been conquered."
"Why in the name of the Ktornal," he would
have said, "who has conquered it?" lie would
have called upan the country for all its military
force and all its volunteer force to retake it. But.
Sir, it was not to General Jackson that the story
was told, but to another and different sort of man
What was his answer? The President turned him
out. He said: "Governor, ire have no further
need of your services; we wish you all piospority,
but yon are not the man to carry out snuatter sov-
I eroignty in Kansas." Then ho took Mr. Wilson
I between the North and the South, Mr. Wil
son Shannon will not find a very wide place to
Btand upon.
I do not tli iu k he will find a friend
II. 1
' noro t0 ,aTi
"God save him 1" when his time
conies up
So much for Kansas. After this allusion to it in
his message, the President undertakes to rend a
long( lecture upon slavery. It is not the first time
the President has delivered lectura on nknr
and I have a word or two to say on the viow which
he takes of it. The President of the United State
in the paper which ho sent here a few da
takes the ground that the gentlemen who
days ago,
ho do not
agree with him in his peculiar notions are the one-
mies of the Constitution. He so puts it, for he
"If tho friends of iho Constitution are to have
another struggle, its enemies could not present a
more acceptable issue, than that of a State, whose
Constitution clearly embraces 'a republican form
of government,' being excluded from the Union
becauso its domestic institutions may not in all re
spect oomport with the idoas of what is wise and
expedient cutcrtuincd in some other State."
Thus the President undertakes to designate as
enemies oj the Constitution those who differ from
him on this subject. I do not know how others
feel, but I say it is nn insult to tho majority of this
nation. The President knows, if he reads any-
niiuj; ueyuuu ine most servile sheets that Ins crea
tures send to him, that the public sentiment of this
country condemns most decidedly his action in
that Territory. No man knows it bettor than he
or at least no man ought to know it better; and
when ho goes on to characterize as enemies of the
Constitution those who differ from him, he knows
ho so characterizes certainly ono hnlf of the noun.
lur brunch of Congress, and quite a number of the
members of the Senate no matter for them, how
ever; ns they do not belong to "healthy organisa
tions," let them take care of themselves. I will
not speuk for them, but I speak for myself, and 1
say that tho President can do me no sort of harm bv
any such denunciations as this. I am perfectly
willing to take it; but, Sir, standing here as a
representative of our native State his and mine
together I w ill not have him hurl such an impu
tation as that unchallenged or rebuked.
He has no right to designato any men wh6 are
here under the same oath to support the Constitu
tion which he has taken, as enemies of the Consti
tution; nnd when he does it ho comes down from
the high place which God, in his wrath for the
punishment of our national sins, and for the humil
iation of our nutional pride, has permitted him to
occupy. I say ho comes down from that high place
into the arena'of a vulgar demagogue, and strips
himself of everything which should clothe with
dignity tho office of President ot the United States.
I deny tho issue; I hurl it back in his face; I tell
him, when he undertakes to designate these men
as enemies of the Constitution, he abuses and de
fames men whose shoe-latchets he is unworthy to
Sir, these are plain words, but the time demands
them. When the President of the United States
sends such a mess as this to me, or to a body of
which I am a member, I shall be restrained by no
consideration from speaking what I believe to be
tlie truth. lhe President says, that it the enemies
of tho Constitution we all know whom be in
cludes in this phrase are to hare another contest
with its friends, there cannot be a better one.
Grant it, Sir; let us have it. I tell him that this
is the very vilaco where the fight is to be made.
This paitof his message, stripped of its verbiage,
means this: If, by the illegal violence of the men
who have gono over into Kansas, and undertaken
to estublisb slavery there, they shall conic here and
ask for admission into the Union with a Slave
Constitution, and Kansas will be rejected, the Pre
sident tolls us that is the must favorable aspect in
which that question can be presented. That will
be the issue, and, if it be decided against Slavery,
we are threatened with civil war.
Sir, I am not a man of war; but when I have
heard it threatened bo often, I have sometimes
wished that God in his providence would let it
come. It it had no other enect, 1 think it would
have one. I think it would learn those men who
are constantly talking about the dissolution of the
tmon a lesson which neither they, nor their chil
dren's children, would ever forget. I am not
certain that I should not want the war to come on
while we have about just such a President as wo
have now, and I will tell you why. If the attempt
at disunion were made with such a man as General
Jackson, or General Taylor in the Presidential
chair, and it were repressed promptly, as it would
bo, peoplo would say, "Oh, it was his great milita
ry power, his reputation, his popularity, which was
it. God knows they could not say it of this Pres
ident. (Laughter in the galleries.) If the Presi
dent succeeded, and if the Union were sustained
as it would be, it would be by its own inherent en
ergy, and from no factitious power which it would
acquire from tho overshadowing popularity of the
Sir, when the President undertakes to stigma
tise, as he has done those who differ from him, it
steps beyond what ho has a right to do; he stops
over tho mark; be violates the laws which, I think
'should govern the intercoure between the differ
ent members ot this Uovernment, When he de
nounces as enemiss to the Constitution those who
differ from him, I think it proper to meet him in
this way, and to take issue with him. Does the
President think that upon this issue he can go be
foro the country? Does lie think that he stands in
a nlace where it is safe or prudent for him to de
nounce as inimical to the Constitution views which
are cntetained by a vast majority of the peoplo of
this country I
If he is safe, it is h':s obscurity, and nothins else
that shields him it is the utter hopelessness of
his position. Sir, I heard a very instructive com
ment made upon bis Message by a Southern gontlo
mcn witbia a very brief time. "Oh," said he "It
is one of the best messages that ever was written
and Pierce is the best President we have over bad
since Washington." "Well," said the person to
w hom be was speaking, "you win re-nominate mm
will you not?" "No," said he, "that is another
thing , his meesao is a little to strong to get
Northern votes with; we shall not use him any
more." That is exactly the position in which the
matter stauds.
I do not wish, Sir, to 50 any further into this
matter. If the views which I have entertained are
receivol by the Senate and country, as I suppose
they will be, and no controversy be made, I shall
have nothing more to say about it; but if, on the
other hand, my views shall bo controverted, I may
take the occasion at some future day to go some
what at length into the various topics which tho
President has suggested. But, Sir, whon he sent
.m.h maaimire us this, and when' the only com-
mouts that were made on It were commendatory
not oommondatory of this part, 1 Know, tut 00m.
1 n..n... r ihi n.'.nuintn vith which it is filled
ju, Ventral America, and no inn baa a word of;
I I 1 i t 1 M.n m. i
rebuke (not evon my excellent and' worthy friend
from New York, Mr. Seward) to utter at the atro
cious sentimonts to which I have alluded I felt
compelled by a sense of duty with great reluctance
to lay before the Senate the views which I have
entertained. Having dono so, I withdraw the
From the A. S. Standard.
We are often asked why we don't act with the
Liberty party, or the Free Soil party, or the Whig
party, or the Republican party, or with whatever
form of politics mixes up the most Anti-Slavery
with the other ingredients of the mess they desire
' to be permitted to set beforo the Sovereign People.
i People can't see what we would be at, when the
lcadeis of tho latest pattern of a party are going
about the country making strong Anti-Slavery
Speeches, and we stand back from the movement
and criticise insteud of falling in with it. Mr.
Banks, the foremost man in the country, just at
this mutnent, has been good enough to furnish us
with nn answer, ilia enemies, desirous of civiniz
j him his covp-de-yract and putting him out of the
pain ho must have been in for the last four weeks,
demanded of him whether or not ho had ever said
that, under some possible circumstances, he would
"let the Union slide." Ho did not deny that he
had said that, if Slavery should be made the para
mount interest of the country, and all others should
be made to yield to it, he should then be willing
to "let tho Union slide," rather than be made the
instrument of slaveholdin? tvrannv addinc as
another account say?, that Tie loves the Union as it
now stands, and is well contented to maintain and
defend it. We do not profess to give his language
oi which, indeed, we have no authentic report,
only the laconic brevity of tho tolcgraphic wires
and the more diffuse roudering of the Washington
correspondent. But that this statement is sub
stantially correct is clear fiom internal evidence
1 and from the necessities of the caso,
Mr. Banks, havins iust sworn to sunnort the
Constitution of the United States, could not very
well havo expressed any present purpose of knock
ing away tbe stocks of the Union and letting ber
slide into the uncertain waters of an untried sea.
His oath sufficiently dcGncd his position. It was
a pro-slavery importinenco to ask him Whether he
intended to break his oath. Of course he could
not stand whero be did, with his eye and his hope
fastened on the Speaker's Chair, unless he was
prepared to sustain the status quo, on which that
Chair, together with all our Federal Institutions,
But it is just here that we part company with
Mr. Banks and the Republican party. He thinks
the Union, as it is, is a sufficiently good thing to
be stood by. Though he can imagine a state of
things which would chance his loyalty into dis
trust, and affect with jealousy the sweetness of
this affiance, still he does not think the occasion
has yet arisen. He is not ready, just yet, to cut
the moorings and let the piratical old hulk float
down the stream of time, among other historical
monstrosities, in which men believed once, but
which they have long since sent weltering to per
dition. He thinks, we suppose,- that she can be
cleaned and refitted and rigged anew, and that,
with a fresh crew and a fresh hand at the helm.
she may be made wholesome and seaworthy. More
blood must run out at her scuppers, more of the
crew must be put in irons or dangle from the yard
arm, more of the most precious things we have,
which we have received as heir-looms from our
fathers, must be trampled under foot and kicked
overboard, before Mr. Banks can be brought to see
that the only thing to be done with the bloody old
craft is to scuttle her, and then to build an honest
raft, if nothing better, and try to save something
from tho wreck.
Now, we differ very materially from Mr. Banks,
and those he stands for, as to this matter, and so
we cannot be found at Washington trying to make
him Speaker. We cannot share with him the love
he feels for the Union as it is. nor yet the willing
ness he expresses to help hold it up. We are sat
isfied with the experiment at this present time, and
think that nothing further is needed to signalize
its utter failure. When wo see that, under the
form of a Democracy, it has made politically om
nipotent the closest and smallest of all oligarchies,
an oligarchy resting not on descent from benefac
tors of the public, or on personal merit, or servi
ces towards the common weal, but solely on own
ership of human beings when we see that prero
gatives are given to these odious oligarchs in vir
tue of thoir dealings in flesh aud blood, and that
tho whole machine is so contrived as to give them
the controlling power over it and when we see
that this power has been used solely for its own
increase and perpetuity, and all the offices aud
functions of government sot up for sale to the high
est bidders in servility and when wo seo that the
actual effect has been, what morally and philo
sophically it must have been, to set the whole
weight of the Union on the hearts of the Slaves
as the mountains were piled on tho giants by the
victorious gods, so as to keep them forever under
when we have seen such things, and more of
which these are but tho types, the natural, neces
sary, logical consequonces of the Union as it is,
we think the experiment has been triod long
enough, that it has utterly failed, and that the on
ly thing to be done is to try again in the light of
tho former failure xes, we think that the sooner
the Union Is let slide, the better; that its influences
are evil, only evil, and that contiuually; and that
what civil and social rights we have saved out of
the fire, we bold in despite and not becauso of the
Thoso are our deliberate opinions. Wo believe
that Slavery exists in this country, at tho present
moment, solely through tho aid; comfort and pro
tection it derives from the Constitution and the
Union. We believe that it is the physical, politi
cal, social, moral and religious support that Sla
very derives from the Union of tbe Slave States
with the Free States that enables it to withstand
the influences of tho Age which, without this fos
tering care, would soon doom it to the destruction
which has overtaken all past Crimes and Cruelties,
and will yet roach and overwhelm those that yet
survive. We believe that this makes out a suffi
cient case for Revolution; that a government with
these original and inherent vices in its very Consti
tution, uud which has, by the natural and necessa
ry course of events, been growing worse and worse
is fit only to be destroyed and trampled under the
feet of men hastening to build up a better iu its
stead. We see, too, that, by a just consequence
of the sins, our fathers' and our own, which this
Union has made necessary, we have boen curtailed
0.' all the rights the Constitution was intended to
secure to white men, that we possess none by its
grace or protection, and that we are threatened
with the loss of all that in anywise interfere with
the supremacy of Slavory. Though we confess
that this is but a just chastisement for our guilt
in thus casting in our lot with the worst of tyrants
and consenting to be made the tools of their cruel
ties and abominations, still we think that these
very fruits of our crime are meant as a Divine
warning to put it away from us, that we may free
ourselves from its punishments. Look at it in any
light, and from any point of view, we cannot see
in the Union anything to love, anything to revere,
anything that promises or is even possible of good.
Let the cable be out. Let her drift out to sea and
founder, and be aocarsed to all generations. We
believe there is safety or good only in escape from
her. There is timber enough, and men enough, to
build and inau another, from whose ton-mast no
I black flag shall fly, and whose thunder ehall be for
th, terror and not the comfort of tyrants
Havinz these opinion as to the Union and the
Constitution, wo cannot place ourselves by the side
of Mr. Banks and of the party he rcpicscnts. We
cannot support such a Union. Wo cnuuot swear
to support it, meaning to do our best to destroy it.
We cunnot appoint others to do any of these things
for us. We are shut out from political power, pri
marily or derivntivcly, not because wo do not love
it as well as others, necessarily, but because we
cannot pay tho price which must bo paid for it.
Wo must be true to ourselves, come what may,
Lven the Slaves may not ask us to sacrifice our
own tense of personal duty and honour for their
deliverance. But we are assured that ours is both
the right and the effectual way. Wo have seen no
results of Anti-Sluvery political action, in the Fed
eral arena, that ion lie us doubt the worldly wisdom
of our course. Men or large Anti-Slavery hearts,
with no such Bcruplo as withholds us from public
life, hove bean sitting in cither House at Washing
ton for years, nnd what have they accomplished ?
What have they even hindered or delayed ? John
Quiey Adams, Giddings, Sumner, Palfrey, Hale,
suiiiii, anu many more, have teen doing their en
doavcur there for long years, and what have thev
brought to pass ? They havo done a good work
as Ami-Slavery lcctursrs, standing on a platform
from which all the world could seo and hear them
and agitating the subject of Slavery. But this is
hot what they were sent there for. What have
they dono, or hindered from being done, politically
as Member of the Legislature ? Let Tesas. the
Mexican Wnr. tho Coinnromiae. tho t-oi'inve hlave
jaw, the Jtepeal ot the Missouri Compact, answer,
They not only have done nothing, but it is politi
cally impossible they ever should do anything, as
long as the present political system lasts. We
think wo are acting mare wisely in our generation,
more practically, if you please, in preparing the
way lor the only Movement that can delivor tho
country and help the Slave. It must and will
eome, for thert are the Slaves; here are human
hearts and huinun miuJs: and uLoce is God himself.
From the Boston Telegraph.
There was a large audience in Trcmant Temple,
on tho 3d, to hear Kev. Theodoro Parker's lecture
on "tho duty of tho North toward American Sla
very." As ho came upou tho platform he wns re
ceived with the heartiest applause, nnd when he
aroso to deliver his lecturs, tho enthusiasm was so
great that it was some minutes before he could
proceed. As wo anticipated, the lecturo was a
noble production. Liko all Mr. Parker's most
earnest and glowing discourses, it was very i-ici
and vigorous in style, and very clear and direct in
its logic. He was applauded rcpeutedly, his glow
ing expression of great principles bringing down
the house in the most rousing fashion. We no
ticed that many who disagree with Mr. Parker
theologically were among the foremost in these ex
pressions of admiration. IVhcn the audience was
leaving the hall, wo observed two gentlemen who
are anion, the most respectable and dignified of
the "solid men of Uoston, who were discussing
the lecture with considerable earnestness. They
did not eeein to relish all the sentiments expressed
but remarked to each other finally that "Mr. Par-
(Br was about right after all." We take from the
Atlas tho following outline of the lecture: '
"In beginning, he denounced the institution as
hostile to all the industrial, political, and religious
interests of tho country. It banishes from the
cabin of she slave the six and twenty apostles of
religion the alphabet aud gives bun the mythol
ogy only, and not tho religion of Christianity, The
slaveholder impresses religion into his service as
an aid to tho driver's whip, and puts the devil on
the track of the runaway, because he is more ser
viceable than a bloodhound.
Slavery ho declared to be a federal institution.
which for 35 years has ruled the government, and
contended that it was not the borderers of Missou
ri who try to drive slavery into Kansas, but the
Executive at Washington, in proof of which he re
ferred to tho President's Message, blurted out be
fore Congross was willing to hear it. Hostilo to
wards the slaves, tho slave states, tbe free States.
and all humanity, slavery has rievir:heless con
trived to control the country. The great capital
ists at the North are controlled by the products of
slave labor, the great commercial capitalists,
through tho capitalists, all the wealthy pulpits
follow as a matter of course. Tho Senato always
goes in the wake of the market and the meeting
house, and the leading political parties have been
suly'ugatcd to slavery for years. The Democrats
and tho Straight Whigs denounced fusion in Mas
sachusetts, but iu Maino they have thoroughly
Tho lecturer next showed from statistics that in
all the departments of government tho slave pow
er has always boon in the ascendant. Tho South
has, at the present moment, zl misreprosoutativcs
of slaves in Congress, and it is they who prevent
an organization. Thus, having control over the
capitalists, tho commercial cities, the church uud
the government, ot course slavery controls the
press to a great degree. Yet all the circumstances
considered, he regardod tho American press as the
most servile in the world.
Tho next topic was the progress of slavery since
tlio formation of the government. In 177o it oc
cupied the Atlantic belt, not exceeding 300 miles
inland, and numbered not more than halt a million
victims. New there are between three and four
millions of slaves, nnd the institution covers all
tho laud. Then it appeared in the guise of a beg
gar, pleading to bo spared a little longer; now the
beggar is ou horseback, and claims that slavery
shall exist and expand by inherent right. It has
corrupted all our institutions. Democracy has be
come Satanic, and falsifies its name. It is uphold
by men of all elates, including always tho Ameri
can snob.
Three measures have been devised by the slave
ouwer and its coadjutors, the Satauio or false De
mocracy and tho snobs, to extend nnd perpetuate
the institution. The first of these is the extension
of slavery in all the North. The fugitive slave
law was dovised to forward this sohoino. The
slaveholder lives at the South, the slave hunter os
oilliatet between the North and tho South, and the
slavehunter's dogs are those self-styled Lmon sa
vers, who live wholly at the North. The fugitive
slave bill is the Blavo hunter's dog call. The next
step towards this measure ie to allow the slave
holder tu take his slaves into any free State and
work them there. Judge Kane's decision tends to
wards this, and it is rumored that his decision was
made on the advice of the Cabinet. The second
of those measures of tho slave power, is the acqui
sition of new territories tor the extension ot sla
very, and honce the various filibuster movements
aided or permittod by tho Executive, against Cu
ba, llavti. Nicaragua. Central America, soutn
America, and tbe rest of mankind generally. The
third of these measures would be the restoration
of the African slave trade. If these measures suo
ceo4, and there is great danger of it, tbe country
will be ruined and the Worth win Deoome use oiu
er conquered liberal States.
Either slavery or freedom must perish. Now
the ouestion is. whethor slavery or freedom shall
oecunv the Sneaker's chair: next year it will be,
which shall have the Presidential chair; and before
long it may be, whether freedom shall have a place
anywhere. No nation on earth stands in greater
peril. Nevertheless, he believed that freedom is
destined to put slavery down, peaceably It it oan
and it can peaceably, now; forcibly if it must; but
put slavery down ! He held this faith, beoauie it
is the 19th, and not tbe 9th century, and because
J thin it the Angle axon rc, wbicn lien tne mv:i
of Hsngist and Horsa, of Luther and Latiiner,arVd
ui me Driiisii reioriuern.
The great questions havo come beforo the Anglls
saxon peoplo, in successive centuries, lhoy were
decided by the Church revolution in the 10th cen
tury, when religious freedom was founded; the
State revolution in the 17th century, when civil
liberty was established, with much bloodshed; and
the American revolution, in the 18th century, when
the questions adjourned from the old world strug
gle found a settlement here. The fourth question
is now raised shall American democracy bold
property in man, s part of a republican form of
Government? It is only the old claim of the Di
vine right of capital against lnbr, the strong
against the weak, the tyrant against mankind. The
question must bo met at once, or it can only be set
tled by the best blood of the land.
There are only two ways to resist slavery aggres
sion with any prospect of succesc. A dissolution
of tho Union, leaving the South to settlo its own
difficulty, is urged bv ninny, but this the lecturer
regarded as neither practical nor just. It might
coino to that, however, in the end. Slavery is the'
U. L- V I. I C.....U 'PL
true men of the North try to pull it on, but Pierce,
and tho Democratic party, and the Staight Whigs
and tho American party, continually strike it, and
1 uiuy su i&e it mucii jougur, u w 11. apiifc us asun
der. The other way, which he regarded as more
feasible and proper was to use tho present local
auu iiimouui lugismuoii tor uuuiisuiij slavery.
He then recounted the various measures which
should be adopted by the State Legislatures and
Congress, and concluded with an eluqueut appeal
to the in ou of the North to be united and earnest
for freedom, as tho South ir for slavory."
Next Thursday evening Mr. Campbell of Ohio,
will lecture, if he ci.n leave Congress, and on
Tliuisday following, Mr. HUliard of Alabama, has
promised to deliver his lecture.
From the Richmond Examiner, Dec. 23,
We have got to hating everything with the prefix
free from free negroes down and up, through the
wnoie catalogue ot abomination, demagoguenes,
lusts, philosophies, fanaticism and follies. tree farms.
free labor, free niggers, free society, free will, free
vuinaing, iroe love.iree wives.treo children and tree
schools, all belonging to the same brood of damna
ble isms whoso mother is Sin aud whose daddy Is
the Devil aro all the progeny of that prolific
monster which greeted Satan on his arrival at the
gates of hell, which,
Swmfd woniHD to th wnlat, mnd fair.
But oUtl foul in many sacaly fold
Yoluminoua aod vast, a twrpeut arui'a
With mortal tioff: about ber mUdle round '
A cry of ball-houDila Dover coaling bark'd
With wide Cerberuun atouUli full loud, and laaay
A bldeoua peel : yet when tbey lint would creep.
If aught disturbed their noina. tntoher womfc,
And kennel there ; jet then aUU barked and. hew 14 .
within unseen.
But the worst of these abominations because,
when once installed, it becomes the hot-bed propa
gator of nil is the modern h vat am at fron o.dwJa
We forget who it is that has charged and proved
that the New-England system of free schools has
been the cause and prolific source of all the legion j
ui uornuio inuuemies anu treasons turn bava turn.
ed her cities into Sodoms and Gomorrahs, and her
lair land into the common nestung-lace of howling
bedlnmities. Wo abominate tbe system becaute
tho schools are free, and because tbey make that
which ought to be the reward of toil, and earnest,
ardent, and almost super-human individual effort,
cheap, commonplace, prizeless and uninviting. As
there is no royal road to learning, so there ought
to be no mob road to learning.
A "little learning" is a damroroua thino- in th
individual, to society, to learning itself, to all con
servatism of thought aud oil stability iu general
affairs. The sole functiou of the free school is to
supply that "little learnicg :" and thus it is charr
ed to the brim with incendiarisms, hercsies.and all
the explosivo elements which uproot and rend and
desolate society.
Free schools nre only another name for Govern
ment schools ; and both natural and revealed law
mako it the duty of the parent to educate his chil
dren, and not the duty of Government. It is as
much the business of the futher to instruct the
mind of the child as to fill its belly ; and it is no
more tbe duty of Government to furnish free ed
ucation for children than free soup, free buttermilk
or free bonnyclabber no more its duty to furnish
governesses and pedagogues, than grannies, wet
nurses and baby-jumpers. It is theduty of parents
to support aud nurture their children ; and if the
task is a burden to thorn they are apt to forego the
having of childran at all which is much better
than having children to be bundled off upon the
cold charities of the public for nurture and instruc
tion. It is alike their duty to educate their chil
dren in the rudiments of knowledge, and if they
feel themselves unequal to the burden, in this case
too tbey will be apt to forego the having of chil
dren. This responsibility of parents for their
children is the well-spring of parental bappinoss.
and every effort to divest them of it dries up the
home auections, undermines the institution ot the
family, fills society with reprobate ruffians, aud
approximates the uaturo of the hutnau species to
that of the brutal and cullous crocodile, which de
posits its eggs uppon the sand, leavos them to be
hatched by the sun and tho brood to be reared by
the tender mercies of the elements. Care ana
anxiety are the sources of affection : and as you
divest parents of tlieso for their children, you cut
the tie by which God hns bound together the home
circle. It is the duty of the parcut to nurture and
instruct his children, and it is the duty of tbe Gov
ernment to make the parent do this, as much for
the parent's as the children's good. When you
destroy the reoollcctions of the child, the youth or
the man, for mother aud for father, upon what an
awful abyss of licenciousness and crime do you
not launch him f Shall the State, in the name of
benevolence or any other name under heaven, with
iron grasp, tear the infant from huuu, father and
mother, without incurring the vengeance of outraged
nature r ivnoiuiioa has joined together let no
man put asunder,
Our Virginia fatbeia established tho best systom
of government which ever the wit of men conceiv
ed', and every departure from their system has in-
vulvod us in laybriuths ol trouble. J hey handed
down to us three institutions as distinct as the
Godhead, and each alike essentiul to the well-being
of society. They hedged each of these institutions
around with strong barneis, to prevent their mu
tual interference or entanglement, and in every in
stance in which modern "reform" has leveled one
of these barriers, have we had deep aud lasting
reason to repent the vandal impiety and folly.
ibese :nstitutions are: 1.1 lie General Govern'
ment, oharged with the entire and exclusive man'
agemeut of national affairs; 2. The State Gov
ornment, charged with the entire and evclusive
eontrol of municipal affairs; 3. The domestis of
plantation government, charged with the entire
and exclusive management of domestio affairs.
Those threo institutions the Confederation, the
State aud the family our fathers planted as dis
tinot, independent, sovereign and sacred institu
tions. Iu proportion as we have restricted
each within its sphere at the South havo we enjoy
ed the blessings of peace, quiet, stability and con
servatism. To the respect we have paid them at
the South do we owe all that favorable conditions
in our society which have distinguished our lot
trom tntt ot the auiioted, beleaguted and bedeviled
To the fact tbst the. North hT not uppre
ciutod or upheld the family institution: but allow
the State to invade it with Free School, Anti
Liquor Laws, Incorporated Factories, and a thou
sand and one "attociuliont," ot males and of fe
males, fur a thousand aild one specioas tmd absurd
purposes are attributable all the social dinrgani
xation and demoralization which havo blighted as
a moral Sirocco every square mile of its surface.
Terrible are the ravages and ruthless the in
roads oommitted upon "Tho Family" by the im
provements and empyricismsof the Northern States.
Children look elsewhere that) to their parents for
the right of instruction, and sustain tu them but
the animal relation of pups to the bitch that baa
weaned them. Tho trades take off the boy to be
reared by t he tankmnster mechanic, or to 'become
nn apprentice of the factory and a champion of the
machine. The factory entfets away the girl from
a genial and virtuous home, to become a stranger,
a hireling, a sinner; and nn outcast. Who can tell
what the end of these things shall be? We trust
ine south will lortily the funulv with ramparts ten
fold thicker than the walls of Sevastopol
From the Wesleyan.
There was once a Roman Emperor w ho had 1
' ",Tor"e horse which he named Inoitivtus. Tin
1 '-uipcror was a very cruel nmn.und withal a' strag
old fellow who did many curious thino-s. Am one
other strange fieaks, ho usod to have Incitatus
brought to table where he with his family, and hi
... Iw,! . . -. L .1 , J
Here he fed him with gilded oats, and in him
costly wino to drink, from a jewelled drinking ves
sel. He commanded his subjects to salute him
with the greatest respect, just as they would any
great man. At last In his folly, he was going to
make his horse a consul. A consul was a man who.
held high office in the Roman government. H
was going to have Am hoi st declined consul of tho
itoman people nnd duly installed into the office.
But the poor horse died before ha re&chtit th.
Now suppose the old Emperor had made a regu
lar deoreo or law that his horse, Incitatus.
should be the consul of the Roman people, and
should be honored and treated as a consul. Would
that have made th? horse a consul t Nor rbr'it
was not in his nature to he a consul1, and atl th
decrees and statutes in the world could not make
him one. lor when the law said that the horse.
was a consel, and ought to be treated as a consul,
it told a lie, and so could not be a law. We hare
no laws now-a-days, which tell the absurd lie, that
horses are men and must be treated as men.iut we
have what are called laws, that tell a meanrr li
tie than that. For they say that a wan shall1 fee
piece of property, like a horse, shall be bred,
bought, sold, worked and whipped like a bene.
Bui are they really laws any more than the old
Emperor's decree f Did the one tell any bigger
lie than the other 1 What do you say, boys and
girls T They have the form of laws, to be sure.
but does that make them laws t If it does, then
any lie, that is mode up into a statute, is a few,
and men onght to believe and obey it.
The Boston correspondent of the Erenfno- P,.i
furnishes us with an edifying piece of information
as follows i
"It is said two ditlincrnished Whis. ffentlemen
of distinguished talents, and who have held vari
ous high public stations, refused to attend the late
ceiem-atton at Plymouth, because VV endell Phillip
was among the invited guests. Another gentle
man, also an out-and-out Whig, who was present,
sat with his face covered with his right band all
the time that that terrible Abolitionist was speak
ing. I wonder he did not stick his sogers into
his ears, to keep out the noise of the Union falling
to pieces, for surely that political edifice never
oould have survived so doleful an occurrence. Mr.
Shorter ought to take advantage of these fucts to
aid him in carrying out his chivalrous design of
expeuin; xiiBDiassacnuseiis delegation lrom con
gress. The gentlemen I refer to have a right to
stay away from celebrations if they please, bat to
do so Docause another gentleman is invited as well
as themselves, does not, to say the least, indicate
in them any superfluous amount of greatness of
soul. Tbe loss was theirs, as Mr. Phillips made a
fine speech, which was much admired bv men who
have never been accused of Abolitionism.
Evorott nnd Choate ore probably the two sulkt
Whigs here alluded to. Hard times, it must be
confessed, for Webster Iiunkerism in old Massa
chusetts t
Negro Schools Vctoed. Mayor English, of Sa
cramento, has vetoed an act passed by the Common
Uounoil ot that city providing for the establishment
of free schools for negro children. He says :
"V bust 1 fully admit the necessity ot educating
the youthful portion of our population, in order to
qualify them for the duties of life, and to prevent
them from becoming hereafter a burden upon the
community, I cannot overlook tbe fact that the ap
propriation of any portion of the taxes levied upon
them, to the education ot colored children, would
be particularly obnoxious to those of our citixeni
who have emigrated from Southern States."
Ihe Jactfic says: "We can but regard this as a
pusillanimous act, and trust that the council of the
oily will pass their ordinance over tbe veto."
DiGNiriin and Scatuixq ! The Geologist of
Alabama has made a report upon the minerals and
rocks of that Stato. A joint resolution was offered
in its Legislature last month, to send copies there
of to all the Stntos in the Union. It was adopted
with the amendment, that abolition Massachusetta
be excepted ! Albany Journal.
"Abolition Massachusetts" will live through it
all. Though Bhe sannot learn of the rocks of Ala
bama, every child she has, is familiar with the
rock of Plymouth, and tbe granite of old Bunker'
towering shaft. The commonwealth which holds
within its bosom tbe foundations strata of a Revo
lution, need not trouble herself about the slave-
trodden rock of a sister State. Cayuga Chief,
Proposed Cuano! or Bound art. A Nebraska
correspondent of the N. V. Time states that a
movement is bn foot to meinoralise Congress to re
move the present boundary line of Kan' ;i north
ward to th I latte Uiver, and include th tame in
Kansas, thereby gmnz an addition of actual and
bona JtVie settlers to Kansas of 3,100, of wham 000
are voters. Nine-tenths of this population are in
favor of freedom to Kansas.and henoe th principal
object to make Kama deeidedlu a free itatt. Th
subject is to be presented to the ISebraexa .territo
rial Legislature. A. S. Standard.
During the last two yean tbe Virginia Colonisa
tion Society hat transported to Liberia, 916 colored
persons. Under th law of 1850, levying a tax
upon free negroet.in aid of th Colonisation funds,
the sum of $60,000 has accumulated, and, owing
to legislative restrictions, remains unexpended.
Hicn Tiiicr ro Negroes. Th Montgomery
Journal learns that at an estate sale, a few day
since, of the late Mr. Sillei, of Pike County, Ala.,
ninety negroes sold at $64,000 an averag of
about 4700. These, it it stated, also were inferior
' oegrcesthe refus of itock of hands.

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