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Anti-slavery bugle. (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, February 09, 1856, Image 1

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m Aiucs n. liomxsox, editor.
" NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS."
A XX r EAR SOX, rUllLlSIIfXO AG EXT.
VOL. 11. NO. 26.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, FKimUAUY 9, 185(3.
"WHOLE NO. 640
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
From the A. S. Standard.
EXAMPLE NULLIFYING PRECEPT.
Though an Apostlo gave us the fitlmonition,
"First pure, then pcaeeablo," an long ngo ns t!io
New Testament was written, the clergy nnd the
churches have nut jet begun to incorpurntc this
counsel into their system. Tlio great Catholic
Church, and nil the sce's.great nnd little, thnt hnvo
branched off from it, ngrco in their habit of rcliu-1
quishiug purity when it can he kept only nt the oust
of division or continual disquiet. There is no such
written rulo among the clergy ns was formerly al
leged to exist among the iimsoi 8, that a brother is
to bo sustained in lux course "rijilit or w rong." and
probably few clergymen would give a formal assent
to Hubbard Winsluw's restriction of freedom, in
peaking and printing, to such sentiments only!
At "the brotherhood will nllow and protect." But
in no body ie the esprit du corps m ro marked i in
no association ! there a stronger tcmloney or a;
mora constant custom to !.'"ng together and sustain
the reputation of the order, even at t''0 sacrifice of
that very purity w hich the order was institute"!
to guard, than in the clergy; nnd from this habit:
(combined with one other cause) it comes to prss
that the few clergymen who havo been aroused by
the Abolitionists to commence any manner or do-1
gree of protestation ngninst slavery continue to
counteract their own efforts, and to stultify Ihoin-
elves, by tho most ample ncknowlcdgcmcntof pro-1
slavery persons of their own order us Christians
and as Ministers of the Gospel.
Instances of this sort abound on every side.
But for the sake of the many who, having eyes and
ears, neither see nor hear such tilings without a
special call upon their attention, we will specify
some of the more noteworthy instancos of recent
occurrence.
Hvery one has heard moro or less of tho strong,
statements which Henry Ward Beechcr has made
gainst slavery. It is scarcely two months since
iu his own pulpit, he denounced those who quote!
the Bible to support slavery as "pious, orthodox!
infidels," and said that if he should find one ofi
them instilling his poison into the mind of At son,
ne would turn him out of doors as ho would a ra
vening beast.
This is Btrong, but thoroughly just and appro
priate language. It is denunciation but by nj
means abuso. As Mrs. Drowning says, it is "very
alt, and bitter.and goud." If efficient care should
be used in behalf of one's child against a wolf
who tears, or a ruffian who stabs the body, much
more against the person who corrupts his mind
and depraves his soul; who gives him r- deformed
monster to worship in the place of God, and
bids him labor to change himself into the likeness
of that deformity. The proper care of one's chil
dren in our state of society, sometimes demands
just such plain speaking and decisive notion as
that.
But Mr. Bcecher has also ttpiiitual children to
care for, whose souls are as precious, whose ne
cessities as urgent, whoso dangers as imminent, as
are those of his children according to tho Hesh.
having accepted the pastoral charge of a large
church and congregation, nnd seeing a vast throng
of other persons constantly pressing to hoar bi
instructions, is he not bound, at least, to provide
that the poisonet whom he would ignouwiously expel
from hia own threshold shall not, by hit authentica
tion, have access to them? lie has any right to
introduce the poisoner into his pulpit, nnd leave
bis church to the natural inference that he re
gards him as a minister of the Gospel' lias he
any right, after driving the poisoner from his
private dwelling as a corrupter of youth, to hand
him a letter of recommendation to dwellings nnd
churches in general, atol to say, 'Understand
brother Blagden or brother Winslow that, though
a needful care for my Bon's welftro has compelled
luo to treat you thus unceremoniously in private
yet everywhere else I fully endorse you as Chris
tians and Christian ministers?" But what less
significance than this has Mr. Deocher's recent co
operation with 'Jubbard Winslow and George W.
Blagden (two of the most eminent perverters of
O . m .1. I- I . . V . , . I
unpiure w me support oi slavery ) in me instal
lation of a minister in Brooklyn? Would ho have
Buffered any other sort of inline, any defender
of robbery and adultery on & small scale, to join
him, unquestioned, in the public transaction of
ecclesiastical business?
Take another instance,
It is well known that the Rev. Nchomiah Adams
published, about a year ngn, a "South-sida View
of Slavery." He spnt three months at the South,
saw slavery for the first time, mado a business of
examining it, liked it, npproved it, quoted Scrip
ture in its defence, wished he coutd have it at the
North, urged the Northern peoplo not to disturb
it, suggested to the Southern people that it
might be well to re-establish the African Slave
Trade, and, 1o give effect to all this, falsely rep
resented himself as having previously been oppos
ed to slavery and unjust to his (white) Southern
bretheren, and as- having been convicted of this
ein and converted to slavery by his residence at the
South.
Of court e, a book so impudent in its profligacy
was laithfully exposed by tho Abolitionists. It
also provoked indignant comments from somo "se
cular" and some "religious" newspapers among
others, the Independent. But since that time the
prolessors, lay and clerical, of the popular relig
ion have seemed to take especial pains to fraternize
with Dr. Adams, and to publish to the wurld theii
undiminished confidence in him as a Christian
minister. Thus, he has been chosen pne of the
Executive Cummitteo of tho American Tract Soci
ety; whose function includes the examination of
books and tracts proposed fur publication, each
member having the absolute power of prohibition:
he has preached the annual sornion beforo that
great representative of Orthodoxy, the American
Board ot Commissioners for Foreign Missions; he
presided at the opening se.sion of 'hut morning
prayer-and-conference-meeting, formed by tho com
bined "Evangelical" churches of Boston, which
filled Winter street Church every morning of 'An
niversary weok;" he preached the sermon (a sort
f anti-slavery minister performing part of the
'exercises) at an installation at l'rovidcnce. 11. 1.; he
'was chosen to make a dedicatory prayer at the
.opening of the new and beautiful rooms of the
Mercantile Library Association in Boston; nnd
lust, not least, he was suggested by tho editors of
lbe Independent (in their paperof lec. 20th,) as a
-aatufavtory person to write a tract upjn Sluvory
for the American Tiact Socioty, and thus remove
from that body the reproach, which has become
aomewhat burdensome of Into, thut they have never
issued a tract upon that subject. The Independent
was so considerate as to suggest to Dr. Adums
that such a tract need not "meddle with the vexed
question of abolition," and so mindful of the
credit of its clerical brother as to assure its read
ers that they might expect to find such a tract
"clear, dispassionate, earnest, full of a holy unction."
From the Boston Telegraph,
"THE YOUNG SOUTH."
Since Hon. Edward Everett proposed to intro
duce "Youug America" to the solid and respec
table Old Fogies of Boston, that interesting young
rowdy bus made but little noise in the world.
There has been a cessation of some of those hide
ous noises with which he had disturbed the public
quiet. Some people supposed that ho had subsid
ed entirely; but various circumstances threw doubt
00 bit supposition. It now appears that, dis
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gusted with the nttempt to introduco him into ic
spectablo society, nnd at the fortunes that have
befallen him in various places, he has changed his
name and issued a now programmo of operations.
In n Into number of tho New Orleans Delta (a
pnpir which lias recently given frightful accounts
of the ascendancy of rowdies and murderers in
Now Orleans.) we find this blustering rowdy an
nounced n - i lie i ouiig ."Ninth. ' Ills (loterniuia-1
lion to conquer Ilavti, Cuba, nnd the other West;
India Islands, and "keep tlio negroes there nt,
work under white ropuhlieiiu master," appears toj
be stronger than ever. Tho Delta publishes his;
programme, from which we take tlio following:
"The faith of the Young South can ho cn-dlvj
summed up. Its articles aro clear and brief. If
holds:
1. That John C. Calhoun's theory rf tho equili-l
brinm of the L'nioti should be reduced to practise :
Cuba should lia'ntirp Calilornia.
2. That the expansion of the slave Slates should
bo limited only by three points of tho compass
the East, the West and the Smith the North alone
being liibomd.
3. That the Sierra Madro would be as natural n
boundary for Texas as the llio Grande, and that
more fetidiilmism nnd eeclcsinstieini cannot con
tinue to I'.uur!;! in the iinine.lintalej neighbor
hood and on the very 11. ink of a powerful rational
republic.
1. That the connection between the great export
ing point of the- Southern States nnd the gato ofi
entry ol the undeveloped glories of Central Amer
ica between New Oilcans and San Juan do Nic
aragua should be constant and perfect in every
partic ular, commercially and politically, and that
the Sooth should claim its predestined dominion
in the land of the Mosquitoes, as well us in that of
the Huguenots and Cavaliers."
The remaining articles of this creed propose
too "litter exlripation of Puritanism," that "the
"South should be Southern," nnd tho utter anni
hilation of Woman's flights, Maine Laws, and "all
other extravagances that accompany abolition
ism." Wo are nlso informed by the Dcltn.that the
"Young South" will ''leave its mnrk on this gen
eration nnd all other generations nnd all future
eras until the dreams of the Milleritcs nre fulfill
ed." Special attention is called to the announce
ment that its programme is "inimitable." This
remarkable youth also gives notice of his intention
to "s'.rctch;" and we learn that tho stretching is
to be done, "gloriously towards the Pacific after
having interpreted its meaning in the Gulf
widening with the progress of time and missing
by the Hawaii Islands nnd flinging a burst of
radiance on the mysterious shores of Cathay;"
and ho rejoices in many things, but "moro than
all in the practical action which i rapidly re
moving nil impediments from those outlets nnd
CHcapo valves, thoso Nicaragua and Culms
and Mexicos, through which the Biirplus energy
and intellect of the South must find a road to em
pi ro and fame." The Delta adds the following in
formation: "Tho Young South is not yet a party; it is
simply a principle. It is an idea to this, but
an idea which will assume a practical shape and
development before long. We ask not where it
aroso whether its birth took placo in Yirginia,
South Carolina, Georgia or Mississippi, for we arc
content to know that it is throbbing in the mind of
all the Nmtbern states and lias nothing sectional
or selh-li in its original composition. It is ns
broad and generous and catholic as the Declaration
of Independence, as sound and true as the Consti
tution of the United States, and ns immortal ns
the memory of the Revolution. But though the
Young South is not literally a party', it has a creed,
a ritual, nnd nn evangel of its nwn. It feels that
liod has given it a splendid destiny, but it under
stands the great truth that it must not expect
l'rovidcnce to do all tho work w hich it is fairly
responsible for itself. 'God will help us,' said
the simple nnd trusting Scotchman, w hose philos
ophy was the grand ono ot laith. W eel, Don
ald, my nion, we maun help God to help us,' said
bin qually worthy companion, and tho Young
South agrees with both.
It will be noticed that this "Y'oung South" is
nothing l:ke the intelligent honest, and patriotic
citizen who stays at home nnd makes the most of
his own sountry by developing its resources, in
creasing tho amount of its industrial activity, nnd
diffusing the knowledge, skill nnd industrial en
terprise necessary to the highest prosperity. No;
ho is merely a rowdy, too lazy to work or learn
and too ignorant to comprehend his relation to
tho rest of mankind merely a givueless scamp,
ambitious to distinguish himself as a brigand.
His conception of republicanism begins and ends
with tho notion that "negroes must bo kept nt
work undor white republican masters." A druuk
cn, swaggering, theiving, murdering filibuster,
constitutes his ideal of exalted manhood.
This is not that "Young South" which tho pres
enent condition of tho Southern States so urgent
ly demands, nnd whoso advont has been earnestly
though blindly called for at various Southern Con
ventions held to confess the lack of intornal pros
perity and discuss the best means of securing it.
Most of tho Southern States are exceedingly rich
in tho natural resources of wealth nnd pnmperty.
They have room for a vast population, and uses
for nil tho industrial energy and skill possible
to such a population under the best disivpline of
industry and science. A "Young South" which
does not fully comprehend this fact, and bravely
endeavor to realise that destiny which it makes
possible to the Southern States, is n niiserablo pro
tender; and its talk about "flinging radiance on
the mysterious shores of Cathay," whilo so unlit
for nny decent work at home, is tho poorest kind
of twaddle
The "surplus energy nnd intellect of the South''
is a very questionable matter. That kind of ener
gy and intellect which is adapted to nothing but
the brigandage of tho lillibustorers, is very poor
stuff nnd is nowiso likely to get up a radianco any
where. Can "the surplus energy and intellect of
the South" do anything t ) distinguish itself in tho
mechanic arts ? Can it constructs the various ma
chines nnd utensils which industry roquires to
wurk mines, carry on manufactures, draw wealth
from the soil, nnd do w hatever may bo necessary
to work out a great destiny for tho Southern States?
It. has no qualification for work of this kind, and
no disposition to undertake it; and it would liud
itself just as incompetent ou "the mysterious
shores of Cathay" where i' proposes to get up that
"hurst of indianre. It is nowiso likely to be
qunlitied for such work, until ic censes to regard
free schools as an abomination, nnd fully coui re
heiids the fact thnt slavery makes-the highest style
nr.d greatest achievements of industry impossible.
When shall we havo that "Young South" whose
advent is so much needed ?
GOVERNOR REEDER IN REPLY TO THE
PRESIDENT.
To Editor of the N. Y. Tribune.
Sir: The Special Message of the Prosidcnt of the
United States, communicated yesterday to Con
gress, assuila not only myself personally, but also
my constituents, whom inclination as well ns duty
imperiously demands of me to justify and protoct.
Entirely satisfied us I am w ith the course adopted,
up to this timo, by the peoplo of Kansas con
vinced that it lias been dictated by a desire to
preserve the poace, the reputation and the glory of
our country knowing uiai it ntu, m overy iag,
been characterized by the most conservative moder
ation and lnudahlo rceard for the rights of others-
having eecn at every step tho pluinost manifesta
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tion of the anxious desire to avoid even tho sem
blance of encroachment or aggression, I shoiil I be
Inlso to every manly impulso and every senso of
duty, if 1 allowed the aspersions of the Mcssago to
pass unnoticed.
Cnless the Message shall incito nnd stimulate
now invasions of our Territory nnd fresh outrages
upon our citizens, it will produce to us no regret,
its it has caused no surprise. After h.uing seen
our peoplo trampled on, oppressed and robbed, on
tlio ono tiniiil iy (lie the invitoers oi tneir sou, ami
on the other by tho influence, tho authority, and
the officers of tho present Administration; after
hnvine witnessed the cold-blooded murder of nn
unarmed nnd unoffendini' citizen by nn officer of
the Aomiiiistration, w ho is not only unmolested by
tho laws nml unrebuked by tho l'resi .lent who
appointed him, but. who has, perhaps, strenghtened
his official tenant and enhanced his chan.-es of pro
motion bv the net: it is not, at all surnrising that
we should, by the head of that Administration, be
misrepresented and perverted. After having seen
tho Chief Magistrate, during five organized inva
sions of our Territory, unmoved by a single sym
pathy in favor uf an unoffending people, innocent
of nil wrong, and laboring only to carry out faith
fully lor themselves the doctrine of self-go'Tcrn-ment,
and build up and extend the greatness of
our country after having seen our ii.vaders com
ing upon us nrmcd (without reproof if not with
official permission,) from tho contents of tho Ar
senals of the Un'ted States, establishing a system
of martial law over life nml property, regulated
only by the uncontrolled will of vindictive and ir
responsible men a system under which life was
taken and property destroyed: the highways ob
structed; traveler seized, searched nnd detained;
all the pursuits uf life parnlyzcd, nnd tho destruc
tion nnd extermination of whole scttlemcntsthrcat
ened and evidently intended backed up Vy the
sanction nnd authority of the Federal ofliccrs, who
pledged publicly the co-operation of the i'resident.
and all bused upon the fact that a man encouraged,
perhaps aided, by his friends, had made bis es
cape from an arrest on a constable's peace warrant.
After having thus seen our natural and legal pro
tectors joining in tho most atrocious measures of
oppression and wrong, it is no matter of surprise
to see misrepresentation of our position and our
objects emanating from the samo source.
This is not the mode nor the time in which to
discuss tho themes ot this Message. Expecting,
a I havo a right to expect from the clearness of
the exclusive titio I am prepared to show, that I
shall enjoy a seat and a voice on the lloor of the
House, 1 urn willing patiently "to bide my time."
At tho proper time nnd place, however, I pledge
myself to meet nnd expose tho misstatements of
facts nnd tho errors of law and logic which it
contains. 1 will show that there is nothing but
cold cruelty nnd insult in tho request of nn appro
priation to pay nn nrniy or a pmse to prevent the
icojile of Kansas from tho commission of outrage
and treason. I will show that tho movement for a
State Government is misstated as to the facts of its
origin and progress, and that all wo have done in
this direction has been under the sanction of the
precepts nnd examples of all tho great men of the
country for the last fifty years of the legislation of
Congress and tho action otthe j-.xecutive in repeat
ed and well-considered cases, ami of the deliberate
opinion of a high nnd distinguished Attorney-General
of the United States, nnd w hich, ns it is a part
of tho archives of the Executive Department, as ii is
to be regretted tho President did not consult before
the delivery of tho Message. If it is illegality
and incipient treason for a new State to bo foruif d
without nn enabling Act of Congress, I w iil show
that fourteen Senators of the United States hold
thoir seals, and seven States stand in this Unio.i
by virtue of illegal and treasonable proceedings
that Congress has sanctioned revolution, illegality
and treason, ngain nnd again; nnd that tho rank
nnd noxious weed has even nourished in the
White House and Executive Department; ami,
having vindicated my people, I will also, with
tho utmost confidence of success, proceed to tho
miner and secondary task of vindicating myself in
sir.'ti a manner, I trust, ns to show the attack to
have been ill-advised and unfortunate.
As to the discussion in the Message of the points
involved in the contested sent, I shall meet them
when the case is heard; and as thellouso is the sole
constitutional judge of tho qualifications o'' its own
Members, I trust that the minds of Members may
be kept open and unprejudiced until they shall
hear tho law nnd tho facts of the case, and that
whether the discussion by the Executive of some
of tho points involved has been made because
they wore indentical to another subject, or aimed
ami intended to prejudice my claim, I hope in
either case that both sides may be heard before n
decision
This hasty note has swelled to an- unpremedita
ted length. Its object is only to solicit from the
House and the public suspension of judgement ns
to the position nnd action of our people as to my
right to n scat, and as to the charges agaimt tue iu
tho Message, until 1 can be heard.
Yery respectfully, yours,
A. H. REEDER,
A. H. REEDER, Washington City, Jan. 25. 1856.
From the Independent Press and Reformer.
MR. GARRISON AND THE INDEPENDENT.
It was with great regret nnd surprise that we
notice tho use made of Mr. Garrison's name in a
recent criticism of Prof. Hare's work, in the Inde
pendent. Of Mr. Iaro we know nothing, save his
reputation as a chemist of considerable distincti in,
in ono of our most prominent schools of science.
If his character would justify tho description
given by tho Independent, we cau only say we nre
sorry lur it. Jiut air. tiarnson we uo Know, nnu
scarcely nny man has tilled a wider space or more
UOllP.pil.UWUn 111 lllu HlirnvJW .... Hi.
.a ... , ia m.ivii.. art rx ti.A i.iiti,
o years.
He is known ou both sides of the Atlantic, and his
fame belongs tu the worm, a springing irom on
earnest consecration of his life to the most sacred
cause of philanthropy on earth.
If linking ouo's sell to interosts dearest to God
anu nunianuy u Burntiing irpiunL-n uuu um ""k
b.iu iiiwnv iiii.. ..)..w.v.u..t w. .
ltseii, wnen uie cowaruiy anu seiusu uou uonoci
vativo stood afar off, and saw "truth fallen in tho
streots," and justice and mercy crying in vain for
help, beany evidence of Christian fidelity, and in
tegrity before God then we pronounco tho criti
cism of the Independent most grossly untrue and
a most unwarrantable attempt to strike down a true
man.
To what has Mr. Garrison proved himself Infidel,
that he should be associated with names that wake
a senso of publio horror? Has he been guilty of
blaspheming, has he in privato life violated the
laws of domestic virtue, or in public dishonored
the claims of publio morals, or stricken nt the
foundations of social order and natural justice?
Of none of these crimes, will it be pretended by
the Independent, has Mr. Garrison been guilty.
Does our defence of tho rights of humanity, does
our sacrifice for tho good of othcrs.afford any proof
of our love to God, and an unfaltering faith iu tho
toachings of Josus Christ, entitle a man to any
claim of love to God, we think Mr. G. has made
good his title.
We know not what Mr.Garrison's peculiar views
may be, in regard to religious formulas of doc
trine ; one thing we do know, that while the relig
ious world wero busy in subscribing to, and defen
ding conflicting creeds, that whilo they were pur
suing useless dogmas, and battering out the brains
of ono another, because they would not subscribe
to them, that while they were "ty thing mint and
cummiu," and crucifying tho slave between theiv
ish christians and plundering politicians, Wot.
Lloyd Garri-Mn was led through the streets of Bos
ton with n hulter about bis neck, for crying out
ndaiiiRt tho guilt nnd omrmity of the crime. 11
this is infidelity, thru is Mr. Garrison nn infidel.
This uhargo comes with poor grace from men
thnt, even now, with tho monstrous crime staring
them in the face, are hand in hand w ith men who
breed human beings for tlio markets, and sell
women for prostitution I
As in m li as wo differ from Mr. Garrison, on the
modes of ouroperatioii, w e must ever honor
ever honor him
for his fidelity to the cause of God and humanity
nnd I feel it a duty thus to protest against this re
peated n .tempt to raisi again this "mad dog" cry
of "int'n'elity," by men that do not even demand
that the Tract Society shall proclaim the relation
"between master nnd slave a sinful one or sioful
perse. W. STICKXEY.
PETITION IN ALABAMA AGAINST SLAVES
HIRING THEIR OWN TIME.
Tliere la tt-A tirn !iif.i, niA.! miini..rii t tun-
fnmb.f il.n .Intnl.. ,.f iIib Smin M.li.iinir
cities nnd towns,) allowing the owners of slaves
city to permit them to hirethcir own time, and,
by necessary consequence, to carry ou business on
their own account. Many persons lelicvo that
eciious evns result from tins license ; anil a peti-
lion, numerously siirned. is nendins beforo the
City Council, asking a repeal of the oidinancc. It
is u-ged, first, that too system in its tendencies is
agaiust that perfect subordination of the inferior
to the superior class, which it is desirable always
to maintain. Wo think that proposition is almost
self-evident. It is urged, secondly, that the com
parative ireedom thus granted to particular slaves,
results most frequently to tho demoralization of
the favored class, and breeds more or less dissatis
faction among their fellows not so favored. That
looks reasonable. We know that negroes not sub
jected hi a steady supervision are apt to fall into
bad habits of drinking, gaming, Ac. Again, third
ly, it is insisted that, as between tho di.-interested
public and the owners of the favored class of slaves
it releases tho latter too mui'li from tho responsi
bilities which should properly attach to the owner
ship uf slaves. Tim slavehoblei s'iouM.
by himself or his agent, be cfustantly responsible
tn a great degree for tho act of his negroes. No
law which, in effect, releases hint from that proper
care and watchfulness which naturally attach to
the relations of master and servant, can ho right
It is for theso and other nnalagous reasons that
the Stato or general law inhibits the hiring of their
own time by slaves. That law, however, leaves
municipal corporations free to regulate the matter
in their own jurisdictions. If there nre reasons
against the practice in tho country, thoso reasons
are infinitely multiplied In a town, where eay
neves to intoxicating liqujrs, the facility uf hold
ing unlawful assemblages, tho constant opportu
nities for and temptation to tin f', and tho contact
with a greater or less amount of unprincipled and
untrustworthy w hitu population, are over gaping
traps for tho negro c uitroUing his own time. From
a consideration of the premises, we ara in favor of
the petition, and believe that aflinnatorv action on
it would prove a bloisin to Montgomery. Mont-
gomtry Aiatl.
POSTERITY OF THE SOUTH.
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As a commentary on tho over-truthful roply
.Mr. (jalloway, ot Ulno, to the taunt of one oi toe
Southern representatives in Congress, wo copy the
follow ing from the Petersburg (Ya.) Express of the
litli instant.
ATTEiintn Escape or Slaves. The Staunton
Spectator of Wednesday says, that on the morning
ot Sunday, J'ecembcr .'(I, two very bright mulatto
girls, one belonging to Mr. John Churchman, and
tho other td tho estate of Col. James Crawford,
deceased, took the oars at Staunton, and made
their way successfully to Baltimore, ei route for
Iree State. At Baltimore they were detected just
as they were about to take the train for Philadel
phia, and information of their arrest was immedi
ately forwarded to Dr. Churchman, of this place.
On Friday evening the young ladies arrived nt
Staunton, having enjoyed, we presume, a very
pleasant holiday trip. Theij were so nearly ichite
that thoir success in imposing ution the conductors
of the cars is not astonishing, and the only wonder
is that they were detected at all.
Some are disposed to think that their plan of
escapo was concocted by sunie abolition emissary
in our midst, but we do not think this piobablo.
Ladies of their complexion, and npntid inlclliijence
might well make such a venture "on their own
hook without resorting to "underground rail
roads," and without the assistance of anybody.
Their attempt was a bold ono, "but tho best laid
schemes of miee nnd meu'ns well as colored ladies
"gang-af't-a-ley."
Since their return, tho negro girls have been
said Mr. Churchman's for 31,050, and the other
for 950. Mr. Churchman, also disposed of four
negro men for tho aggregate of $l,lL'5.
Theso unfortunate girls, "in nearly while" that
"tho only wonder, is that they were detected at all"
were the daughters, not improbably of said "Mr.
Churchman" and "Col. Crawford," yettho Yirginia
nowspaper, habituated to such enormities, chuckle
over their re-capturo and sale to other masters
to he prostituted, perhaps, to the brutal lust of
their now purchaser.;.
Surely none not even the meanest Northern
licksnittlo and doughfuco will call this an aboli
tion lie. It is a picture of slavery, given by its
own painters. Horrible as it seoms, it is not an
approach to tho stupendous wickedness which the
system embodies. Women so white as scarcely to
be recognized as of African admixture "w ith blue
eyes and light hair" the inheritors of tho proud
est blood ol "the chivalry" are bought and sold
t oppression, crueltv nnd prostitution, freely and
frequently, in that Southern Sodom; and yet the
Richmond (Ya.) Examiner, in condemning the
Free School system, w hich Tyrauuy all over tho
South abhors, darea to say that tho morals of tho
-orin nro so pollute.! oy mat r roe -nooi system
wiuviii ui Vitus ua very iiiuuiiuu ui luu couiu.
From the Boston Telegraph.
THE BOSTON LECTURES ON SLAVERY.
Iho national Inielliyencer, in its customary
grave onu weighty style, expresses tho following
opinion in relation to the propriety of instituting
course of lectures ou slavery :
"Wo submit then, wita deferencOi that no ben
efit will accrue from the proposed lectures. As
an abstract subject of inquiry.the system of South
ern slavory, in all its forms and degrees, has - been
fully elucidated, and those who wjsh for light can
readily find it. As to llie idea of a labored defence
and illustration of this topic beforo a Boston audi
ence for any real practical object, it would be
enough to say that the institution lies beyond the
line of any tangible interference Let slavery be
an evil how ever great, they cannot remedy it. All
they can do, in a matter w hich concerns them con
stitutionally no more than does serfdom in Russia,
is to injure aud retard tho cause which they profess
to have at heart, and which multitudes among them
doubtless have at heart most sincerely."
Wo submit, with great deferoneo to the vener
able nnd most respectable authority above quoted,
that the question of American Slavory is not quite
so remote and uuiuiporlaut to us as tho question of
Russian serfdom. A parallel case may be made
w hen tho influence of Russia in this country be
comes powerful enough to introduce into the free
i
u. .. . .1. . r . . - . . 1 I. .1 ... ,1. A Vlk,a.!
.71HIUS low sen iein, ur o un nn unn hibhi'ihi-
ern constitutions nnd laws which secure personal
liberty to tho laboring man. Then, at least we
opino that n courso of lectures on tho subject
if ll.ussian serfdom would not ho nn interference
with what is nono of our business. The penrdo of
the North have nuecrtained, within the last lew
years, by many costly experiment, that slavery ex
ercises n very "tangible interference" with them:
with their intorests, thoir credit, and their honor
anil that it iurnisnes one oi tno niosi pn.rucui buu-,
mid that it furnishes one of tho i
jeets to which they enn devoto their attention.
to their attention.
ASSAULT UPON MR. GREELEY
J" "" roincnvbcr thai any ntim ever sortuusly at
this I tucked me till now.
1 wn conversing with two gentlemen on my
i wnJ J,,A'U n"" t!l Capitol, after the adjournment
of
a
Mr. Greeley gives tho following account of Rust'
nn him, in tho editorial correspondence of
the N. Y. Tribune : .
V.u.,.v-nT. T,.-.la. .T,.n "0t I,,,,,'
since 1 came here a good deal of tho personal vio
Icuco to which I was exposed, but only one man
has offered to attack mo till to-day, and he wns bo
drutik that bo tnado a poor fist of it. In fact, I
"' l" "lUM """" "'"s'
tpiested a word
IV L I U C. A aLl'lllllTU. Ill I 111V
1 he stranger, who appeared ii.
friends went on
.1... ....;. ,.r in. r..... i.;l. ,,.l t ,
i. in .. i ... nt. .... I,.,nv,,.l ,,, l.n.r.in
"Is your name Greeley ?"
"Yes." 3
"Arc you a non-combatnnt?"
''That is according to circumstances.'
Tho words were hardly out of my mouth, when
he struck me n stunning blow on tho right side .f
my head, and followed it bv two or three moie. as
rapidly ns possible. My liands were still in inv
irre.it coat nockets. for 1 had no idea that he wa's
about to strike. He starred me n-ainst the fence
of the walk from the Capitol to the avenue, but
d'.d not get tno down. I rallied as soon as possi
ble, and saw him standing several feet from tno,
with several persons standing or rushing in be
tween us. Tnsked. "Who is this man ? I don't
know him," and understood him to answer, with
an imprecation, 1 ou II know uio soon enough,
or "You'll know mo hereafter," when ho turned,
and went down towards tho street. No ono an
swered my inquiry directly, hut somo friends soon
came up, who told mo that my assailant was Al
bert Ilust, M. C, from Arkansas, lie gavo no
hint of any cause or pretext he may have had f. r
this assault, but I m st infer that it is to be found
in my strictures in Monday's Tribune (letter of
Thursday evening last) on bis attempt to drive Mr.
Banks out of the field as a candidate for Spoaker
by pnssing a resolution inviting all the present
candidates to withdraw. I thought that a mean
trick, and said so most decidedly; I certainly think
no better of it, now that I havo made the acquain
tance of its author.
The bully turned and walked down alone; I fol
lowed, conversing with two friends. Crossing
Four-and-a-half street, they dropped behind to
speak to acquaintances, and I, walking along to
ward the National Hotel, soon fouud myself in the
midst of a huddle of (strangers. One of these
turned short upon me I saw it was my former
assailant and said, "Do you know me now 1" I
answered, "Yes; you are Bust of Arkansas." He
said something of w hat he would do if 1 was a
combatant, and I replied that I claimed no exemp
tion nn that account. He now drew a heavy cane
which I had not seen before, nnd struck a pretty
heavy blow nt my head, which I caught on my let,
arm, with no other damage than a rather severe
bruise. He was trying to strike again, and I was
endeavoring to close with him, when several per
sons rushed between and separated us. I did not
strike him at all, nor lay a finger on him; but it
certainly would have been a pleasure to me, had I
been able, to perform the publio duty of knocking
him dow n. I cannot mistake the movement of
his hand on tho Avenue, aud am sure it must have
been towaid a pistol iu his belt. And the crowd
which surrounded us was nearly all Southern, as
lie doubtless knew before he renewed his attack
on inc.
Virginia and the Fucitve Slave Law. Pro)o
scd Retaliation. A seloct committee of the Virgin
ia House of Delegates has reported a bill "to pro
tect James Parsons, jr., of Hampshire,? and other
citizens of the Commonwealth, in the prosecution
and maintainance of their constitutional right."
The said Parsons is now under recognizance to ap
pear bffore the county court of Blair county, Pa.,
to answer to the charge of kidnapping, under the
laws of said State, he having pursued to said coun
ty and endeavored to reclaim a fugitive slave, in
pursuance of the provisions of the act of Congress
known as tin ' fugitive slave law." The bill nro-
hibits the said Parsons, under a penalty of $0000,
from appearing and pleading to the charge afore
said, and provides that the Commonwealth of Vir
ginia shall assume on his behalf all costs, fino, for
feitures, &c, incurred by his non-appearance the
amount to be paid by tho Governor out of the con
tingent fund. The bill further provides that if the
snid Parsons shall hereafter be arrested ani im
prisoned upon the charge aforesaid, the Governor
of Virginia is directod to demand bis immediate
surrender, and in default thereof shall cause the
writ of habeas oomus to be anulied for. Ac. IP his
rcloase be not then effected, the Governor is direc
ted, ten days alter the proclamation, to scire and
imprison all cirixens, and to seize and hold all pro
perty of the State of Pennsylvania and of citizens
thereof, until the release and surrender of said
Parsons. lor the enforcement of the proceedings
contemplated by this proposed law, the Governor
is authorized to call upon and command the servi
ces of all civil and military officers of the State,
and all privato citize'is whatsoever, ie. It i fur
ther provided that the provisions of t'.iis bill shall
bo ritonded to any other citizen of Virginia who
may hereafter bo placed in tt.i situation of a4d
Fucsous, 4c.
Ann?!. Slavi-Lmtino niar Washington.
Our Washington correspondent ives tho following
account ot the annual sale ot the labor of slaves in
that vicinity:
"Last Saturday wsek many of our Eastern men
went across the line into Yirginia to be present at
the annual sale of the labor of negroes for tho year
or in other words, hiring out the u laves to the high
est bidder. At Fairfax Court House the scene was
diversified with many ludicious incidents, and some
too that would havo drawn tears from the most
stolid of men. The negroes are allowed to go
thiough the crowd and request those whom they
would prefer to serve to bid for them. Most of
the slaves do this, so it is no uncommon thing for
a darkoy to givo a list ol his accomplishments, and
procure every recommendation in his favor that be
can obtain. A woman whose children were re
tained by her owner, but who was to be hired out
that year, requosted a near neighbor of that own
er to hire her, so that she could be near her chil
dren. To induce this man to make a higher bid
than his competitors, she offered to pay the differ
ence, in advance from her own pocket. One wish
ed to be hired by the man who had obtained the
services of bis wife, and to bring this about he
showed a recommendation from the master of last
year, and also a license to exhort in the Methodist
Church. 1 he mon were hired nut nt the rate of
from t'J0 to S12o; the women ?30 to $70; and the
boys from f 40 to 80. The cirl wore hired out is
a general thing for their board and clothes.".
Hasten traveller.
From the Pittsburgh Dispatch.
ENGLAND AND VIRGINIA.
J
j
rather than enrich the State Af'er some dUeu
tttnek Ion the Jem tat was ubu ndmed ."
These occurrence) took place in Noveinber.lCd3,
i.:i f - i .i . . .
I
j
.
In Micanlay's new votumef of the History or"
England, I Hud, in volume third, page 3'.)4. the fl-'
lowing remark, in noticing the proceedings ef
I'lirlialnont i "
'It wns proposed thai one hundred thonnd,
pounds should be exacted from the Jews; and Una
.,.-..." ... .. j "
iiouso : nut amicuities arose.
Enlightened politicians couhltnot but perceive that
LiiK'cm taxation, laid on a small class, tchick hat
cns to be rich, unpopular and defenceless, urtut;
I Iu tunfiscntiun, and must ultimately impoverish.
wmio r.ngianu was en;ageu in war wim rrnnce,
French and the dethroned King James II., and,
wero in possession ol thrm-fourths of Irl.nid, and,
William III. wns yet hnrdly firmly established ua
the throne; and yet nn Euglsh House of Commons,
even under such circumstances, refused to pass a
bill uf "special taxation" upon a email class uf
per plo, which happoucd to Le "rich, uupopLur and
defenceless."
How different has "jcen the conJuef f fli "cbif
i. ,.f v. ;!.." ....... ;.i ..u..":. .k.t
-. ..... ' . - . ..
n.ot "r'ch" l,'.mT. "''"POfmhr and defenceless"
nio coioreu peopto i
A tax ol one dollar each is
u,,.-.. ......
n them, llns bhameless imposition.
ol a tax upon a teeble o.ass. which wns unpop
ular" nnd unrepresented, was excused by the un
justifiable pretense that the proceeds were to la
given to the Colonization Societv. Now, even ad
mitting that the chivi.lry really intended to appro-
; V T T . 'V 1 7 V' K
"I'lvohohlers A. 1. C and 1). to impetus a tat ijpon
X '".d ., who had mi voice in chasing those
: rcp'-.csentativcs.nnd perhaps disapprove the object t
Dunng our Involution. Nimucl Johnson
wrote
one of the most ingenious and Jesuitical a guinenti
ever penned, the title of which, "Taxation no
Tyranny,' explained its purpose. This article
would have been very appropriate in tho Virginia
Legislature, w uen ii. iiuposuu us lax upon tno iroe
"mrru rc"", : lea wu" 8Corn '
To perfect tho infamy of the chivalry, in- this
case, it would only be necessary to show that the
tax was not only imposed unjustly nnd in defiance
oi every principle of republicanism, but thnt it
was advocated under a false pretense. This seems
to be clearly established by the facts that the pro
ceeds of the tax, fifty thousand dollars, have never
been paid to the Colonization Socioty. C.
PoI'fl.AR SoVERSIRNTT IS ANCIENT TlJIES A'
Paraphrase, Therefore tho princes said unto the
King. We boseoch thoe, let this man ( Jeremiah)
he put to death; for thus he wcakenetb the hands
of the men of war that remain in this citr. and
the hands of nil tho people, in speaking Bach !
words unto them; for this man seeketh not the wel-"
faro of this people but their hurt. Then Zedekr
nh the king said. Behold he is in your hnnd, for'
the king is not he that can do anything against'
you. Jcr. xxxviii : 4, 5.
PARAPHRASE ON THE ABOVE.
Then Atchison, Stringfallow and Shaanon said :
untu the President, let these Free State we of;
Kansas bo put to death, for they weaken the hands -of
all the people that live by raising children to
sell these Boston fanatics seek not the welfare of
this people (slaveholders alone keiag thb people)
but their hurt. . .
Then the President said, Behold Kansas is in
your hand, for the President is nno that can do
anything against you.
PLAN OF EMANCIPATION.
The subject of negro Slavery is one which ha
asfumed a chnracted of fearful portent to people of
the I'nited States. If we inquire into the origin
of the difficulties attendant upon the legis
lation of onr Government, we are still led back
to the subject of negro Slavery. The controversy
which, five or six years ago, according to the testi
mony of many of our politicians, bo seriously
threatened the pcrniauouce of the I'nion arose en
tirely from tho opposition of interest or opinion ia
relation to this all-absorbing question. The Mis
souri Compromise itself was the fruit of a contest
lietwcen Slavery nnd Freedom, and its recent re
peal was a measure dictated entirely by the slave
holding interest. The present disturbed condition
oi Kansas Territory is the result of an effort on
one side to people that Territory wholly with free
men, and, on the other, to render it the habitation
of slaveholders and slaves. Why are the nsual
nperationsof Congress suspended by the difficulty
of choosing aSpeaker,but because the conflicting in
terests of Slavery and Freedom have arrayed the
opinions and choice of the niemoers in opposition t
each other? Now we may seriously inquire, and the
inquiry is an important one, whether the opposing,
interests, from which such controversies hav
arisen, are real or imngit.ary ? Are the advorates
of universal emancipation actually arrayed against
the interests of slaveholding States ? Does negro
Slavery, where it is established by law, and sup
ported in practice, promote the prosperity of the
peoplo, evn of the magisterial class? Do the slave
bo ldmg States possess, in a higher dogree than the
free ones.any of the elements of greatness, or any of
the ingredients of present and permanent bappincsef
If the presence of Slavery does not increase the
wealth, the peace, the virtue, or the happiness of
the people by whom it is supported, then it is not
the interest of the superior class that the system
should be maintained and perpetuated. Without
attempting an estimate, by actual bbservation,
of the relative tendencies of Freedom and Slavery
to promote tne naipmess oi a nation, we might
justly inquire whether any system which is radi
cally unjust can be productive of permanent pros
perity aud happiness. To this inquiry, but vae an
swer can be given. Experience concur! with the
sacred volume in declaring thnt it i righteoassese
which exalteth a nation. Whatever excuses may
be formed for its continuance, nolarguiceal ran bet
requited to prove that negro Slavery ie founded ;n
violence nnd wrong. We all know that negro Sla
in this country is traced immediately to toe Afri
can slave Made a trade now considered as pirati
cal by the most enlightened nations &f Christendom
including our own. More than thirty years have
passed since the American Government denounced
the punishment of death upon any America citi
zen, or any foreigner employed on h&ard an Ameri
can vessel, engaged in that tr.i'Bc; nnd yet the
essence of the crime to which this awful punish
ment is awarded, consists in redocing the natives
of Africa to Slavery, What, thn, is the retaining
ot them in that condition alter returning our shores
and of their p sterity after them, hut the perpetn
ation of the offence so emphatically condemned t
Suroly, it would be nugatory to inquire whether
system thus originating can be consistent mitb uni
versal righteousness.
If we observe the relative condition of the rre)
and slave States, we Col ample confirmation of the
conclusion to which theory would lead us, in the)
growth and prosperity of ihe our, contrasted with
the poverty and decline of the other. Facts con
firming this view are plentifully exhibited 'by al
moBt every part of the statistics of the I'nited
States. The statistics of other slaveholding com
munities have oonfirmed ths stme conclusion, a
might, if necessary, be easily shown.
From this brief view of the subject, one Introfe
Jfant CflnMueidn evidently mitttt, that whstrrer

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