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Anti-slavery bugle. (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, February 23, 1856, Image 1

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TIT
M ARIL'S It. ROBLS'SOX, EDITOR.
"NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS."
AKX PEARSON, PUBUSHIKQ AQKXJ.
VOL. 11. NO. 28.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, FEBKUAKY 23, 1S5G.
WHOLE NO v 542,
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
From the Liberator.
SPEECH OF WENDELL PHILLIPS.
AT THE
Annual Meeting of the Massachusetts A. S. Society,
Friday Evening, Jan. 25, 1856.
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen :
I entirely Record with tho sentiment of that last
resolution (the 10th). I think nil vre have to do
it to prepare the pulitia mind, by the daily nnd
i ,"L r ..e ta- .:. . .
xiouny presentation 01 me uocirmv ui irisuuion ;
rents, which, fortunately fur u, the Oorarnment
itself, nnd other parties, nro producing with unex
ampled rapidity, are our best aid. I agree entirely
Villi the remarks of Mr. Foster, which he made
from his seat to-night. The most mischievous
ding in the world is n good man in a false posi
ftion; the better ho is, the more dangerous he is.
Th whole difficulty with men who call themselves
anti-slaveiy, In this community, in, they are not
Willing tO SRCrince any UllDg wr meir umi-nmvKrjr.
The "rest mission of the Abolitionist is, to go
about and iwk his fellow-citizens, not whether they
are anti-slaverv for there is hardly nny body in
decent enough to confess he is pro-slavery but
what they will sacrifice for their anti-slavery. I
do not care how broadly or emphatically a man
rents his hatred of slavery the only man of nny
use is ene who has a clear sight, and ndds to that
willingness to sacrifice something for what ho
ees. The difficulty wish the community is, they
are not willing to sacrifice any thing for their anli
elavery professions. There is anti-slavery enough
in Mass-' ahusetts, judged by its words. Men trust
too raucn to the present political excitement. We
had as much in 1819 and '20. At the time of the
Missouri Compromise, things were even better
than now. We do not carry Congress by making
the great men of the old parties our vassals. We
have carried it by crowding out the Everetts and
the Winthrops, and putting in young men, politi
cally speaking. In 1819, Otis was the mouth-piece
of the Anti-Slavery party of Massachusetts him
tlf the idol of the Whig party, which owned the
State. Massachusetts wus not 'a house divided
against itself,' it was a Commonwealth speaking
by the lips of its own idolized son. Nothiug came
of it. Why not? Beuausc, behind all that, there
was no firm, religious, radical principle, that un
derstood itso'.f. If there had been, the Missouri
Compromise would not be a lump of gold on a bar
ren soil, a single noble struggle, with no root to
it, and no fruit. Look at the record of that dny !
Tho speeches and pamphlets are as full, as hold,
as decided, as to-day. One of the Representatives
from a Northern State, on that occasion, after fin
ishing hit speech, was addressed by a gentleman
from one of the Southern States, who said to him
'Why. sir. if vour nrinciylos wore carried out,
very slave would cut his master's throat.' And
the Northerner, who had just taken his seat, turn-
ed his laxy head over his shoulder, ana saiu- n ny,
in Ood's name, should they not!' Aud that is as
bold a speech as we hae had in Congress this
year, lie did not even cendeseond to stand up
and take any notice of so idle a threat; he merely
threw the remark over his shoulder.
It seems to me that what the Misrouri struggle
wanted was, meetings just like ours, with no roof
to thein. mat is the way in wnicn a snoum in
scribe a regular anti-slavery meeting. The politi
cal meeting is roofed in by tho hopes of Wilson
and the dancers of Sumner. Tho religious meet
ing is roofed in by the credulity of Adams and the
'sleepless pillow' ot Winslow. Jiut we pave got a
roofless uieetinir. where there is no Union to save,
and where you may denounce the State and tlto
Church itsolt, il you choose, mat is a great gam.
When the men who organize to ovorthrow slavery
say 'This is so vital and important a question,
that we may call up every thiug in the country,
sacred or profane, and take it all to task, and sac
rifice it all, if necessary, to got rid of this evil'
then they understand tho depth and power of sla
very. When a man savs he is an anti-slavery man
I want to ask him what he knows of slavery. Do
you know its character, its influence, the value oi
tho rights it places' in jeopardy T If so, then you
know that the Union itso'.f, Church organizations,
undav schools. Tract Societies. Biblo Societies,
are but dust in the ballance compared with, the
benefit of ircttintr rid of it. That is the argument
which the Anti-Slavery Societies prescut to the
people, and that is the background ot sentiment
and intellectual conviction which alono can mate
the present political struirele worth any thing.
The fault 1 find with the Free Soil leaders is not
what thev are doinir. they ore doing, I suppose,
all they see to be possible. The injury they do is
this, that m the course ot doing this second-rate
work, they are placing at hazard that radical nnti
lavery sentiment which is necessary to save them
when they fail, as they will fail, in their political
efforts. When Kansas is admitted, Cuba annexed,
the Fugitive Slave Law confirmed, when Caleb
Cushing, with his hands full of money and his
heart lull of lies, has purchased those ten men he
boasts were never wanting to carry an Administra
tion measure, when all this is done, and all the
good efforts of gallant and honest men in Congress
have proved to be in vain, what is beyond ? They
have prepared nothing. They come down to the
people aud say 'We have got this account to ren
der: we have done nothing; wo are defeated.' What
is the popular sentimont thoy have prepared f
Where is the public opinion awaiting them when
they come home, aud ready to say 'Gentlemen,
now we have done the best we could inside tho
Constitution. Let us go outside of it '? It seems
to me that is the publio sentiment they ought to
Lave prepared, or at least countenanced and aided
as in preparing. At our very last meeting, we
aw one of the most fatal and melancholy instan
ces of the potency of tho Slave Power. It was
John Pierpont, a man, bis brow of sixty years
carred in many a gallant fight, his name the
loved watchword of many a noble battle
field, his character, not won in one, nor ten, but in
many contests for justice, Freedom, Temperance,
we saw even him, tempted beyond his strength by
that publfV: opinion, through which the Slave Pow
.er makes anti-sJrery sentiment, radically uttered,
tarvation. martyrdom. You see it every where
Jou go. I take his name, because the strongest,
could take Longfollow, his wido-sprcud pinions,
borne aloft on a world's applause, gathering fame
from foreign and Indian song, ablo lu look down
jupon th prejudices of Amorica, floating m tho
olear blue of tho poet, yet he bus trailed his
wings in the dust, consenting to strike out every
anti-slavery sentiment from the costliest odition of
hit poems I But Longfullow, ho is a boy. i trifle
a. atraw. oomnared with the array-crowned head of
iiortiout. brought down to the dust before Sla
very.
When ynu so throuch literary and political
ranks, and find slavery gaining uoh trophies.what
ao you mane ot itr
(A Voice 'What did Pierpont do ?')
Mr. Phillips. lie published an edition of his
First Class Book, the idol of many a school boy,
the cornerstone of his fame, which, rightly viewed
had run its coiji'M and' slept in blessings, wid left
out every anti-slavery hint and line; yes, and dated
the preface, when the heart of New England was
eating iuelf with indignation, the day or the day
after Anthony Bourns walked down Stato street!
Anq tnen, ou una piw.uifuv, muuiup,
defended the aot I
1 say, that any man, who is thoroughly penetra
ted with the conviction of the importance of such
a fact as this, knows that slavery is so potent and
important aud vital, so dopty spread and secuHy
I
anchored, that you must have something stronger
than politics to grapplo with it. Ana while 1
would not put a straw in the path of those men
who are doing their duty in Congress, the fault
I find with thorn is, they have prepared nothing
asarciugc, niter cUorts which all men see must
fail. If they had said to religious and political
socio. ies, ou on i puiuown this love ol the Union
lorever; make tho peoplo sny there is something
better than tho Constitution, yes, the liberty and
justice which it was mude to Bccure, while we go
out and try to do what we can, within the circle
and fetter cf the Constitution,'! should have
been content.
Correct perspective, elenr-sighted appreciation
of the rehuivo vnlue of things, is what we lack.
Many a man pulls down with one hand as much
as ho builds with the other. Weigh Ward Bcech
er, with his pulpit, his eloquence, his name, ready
to crowd the lurgost halls with applauding thou
sands, of all sects and parties, to welcome him to
tho banks of tho Mississippi or tho Penobscot,
against his countenance, in the Independent, of
calumnious attacks upon one who has done more
than himself to save the slave in the Carolinas
Parker Pillsbury. (Cheers.) I would give the
Beechcrs, one and all, tho most unm'xed praise for
all they have done and ore doing, if they would
only set up tho scales, and tell tho world, in un
mistakable tones, which weighs the most, in their
opinion, the American Church, or the rights ot the
slave. While that word remains unspoken, I
tremble even at every noble deed they do for the
slave, remembering that coward and venal priests
will lay it ns an opiate on the conscience of a
Christless church. Yes; that is the great balance
which the Acti-Slavery Society, ns in Milton's
story, holds up always before the eye of the na
tion. Unions, churches, parties, legislatures, kick
the beam before the God-given rights of the Amer
ican slavo in the other scale. Whoever docs one
single net which even seems to uphold the Ameri
can Union, without flaring this other testimony ev
er in the face of nil men, is an enemy to the slave,
and It is our duty to ciiticise him.
Stephen Foster can do a better duty than organ
ize a political party; it is, to stand like Mordecai
in the gates of Charles Sumner's Senatorship, and
say 'Do not trust him 1 That his heart is true,
only trebles the mischief of his position.' That
is a hard word to say; but next December, ho will
owe us thanks if he is saved in the Senatorial chair,
and not tricked out of it by the Jesuit Governor,
who means to make himself Senator in the place
of Sumner; and nothing but an anti-slavery senti
ment that will trample Know Nothing lodges in
dignantly under its feet, radical as we can make
it, wi 1 save" even Charles Sumner. If there is
any man hero who loves the Free Soil party, let
mm welcome such meetings as these, the game
I have indicated is the one which is to be plaved.
and the Republican party cannot fight that battle
with any mere political organization; they cannot
meet those secret lodges, break that banded and
marshalled host arrayed against them. Every
man, oil the pavement ol Boston, believes Uov.
Gardner. You may think it impossible, but I as
sure you it is so. They do believe that he tells
the truth 1 You who stay at borne, do not esteem
this a traveller's lie. Off the pavement, he is be
lieved; nnd, unless something more radical than
any anti-slavery which tho present Kepublieon or
ganization preaches be taught, unless the necessi
ty of putting men of truth and honor on that floor
in order that the experiment be tried out under the
best auspices, be put frankly and fairly beforo the
people, and with it, that other conclusion, that
when it has been tried, under such auspices, with
such tidolity, and failed, there is no remedy except
dissolution unless that sentiment to created, you
will not have your Senator to boast of.
The world takes a long time to move. We shall
all go to our graves, perhaps, before Massachusetts
swings out of the Union. We cannot expect so
great nnd radical a change, even in a generation.
We have done a great deal. Why, Bostcu's pet
iniquity, the Colored School, we have beaten to
pieces. (Applause.) The Whig party left it a
legacy to the wealth of Boston. I did not expect
to live to see the day when the pride and wealth
of Boston would yield the Colored School; but tho
love of equality and justice, tho humane senti
ments of Massachusetts, have prevailed. It is a
great gnio. Vnd second to that is the publio sen
timont of the country counties, which is ready to
throw off their vassalage to the city.
M. Foster thought Mr. Banks might be hypo
critical in his declaration, that, under certain cir
cumstances, ho would 'let the Union slide.' Per
haps he is so; but the hypocrite is usually a saga
cious man; and when a sagacious worldling finds
it his interest to put on the guise of tho Abolition
ist, that is proof of progress, is it not ? It is proof
ot a great chnngo when a young, aspiring man
like Banks, puts" on tho cowl of anti-slavery, and
stands before twenty millions of peoplo, declaring
that, under any conceivable circumstances, he will
'let the Uniou slide.' What political aspirant, wiih
ollico waiting, ns he thought, on his words, ever
beforo this ventured as much ? Such meetings as
these may claim that they hnvemado such courago
and frank cess possible, without risk of ruin.
I listened w ith the irreatcst interest to our young
friend from Maryland (Miss F. E. Watkins:) and it
was a sad question to ask, if thcro was no hill, no
forest, no glen in Massachusetts whero we could
shelter a slave? I do not feel like calling myself
very boldly a successful nntwlavery man, while
this is true in Massacusetts. We all know it. The
saddest moment of my life was when I looked into
the teiirtul eyes ot Anthony liurns, and lie asked
me the question 'Is there nothing you can do for
me?' and I went down into the recess of my own
heart, I ealled up in my mind judges, jurors, gov
ernment, statutes, churches, the wealth of old civ
ilization, bunored State names one after another
they sank beneath me, and I could only answer
him 'No, there is no hope for you in the city of
Boston, nor the Commonwealth of Massachusetts;
there is no thread of law to hang a hope upon.'
went out of his cell with the conviction of what
waste and failure civilization had Veen in our
own loved Commonwealth. There was a man,
doubly entitled to freedom, for he was not only
born tree, but be baa nclucvea it Dy ins own ngni
hand, he sat there before me, and often as I had
boasted of BostoD and Massachusetts, there was
not a shred of protection to offer him. The noblest
function of the State, the protection of the inno
cent man. was wanting; and 1 swore by the Living
God, tht I would lay no such flattering unction to
my soul nguin; that 1 had made it possible in the
streets of Boston for any man to tell his name.
(Applauso ) Imeantokeop that oath, if before
it Church and State go down alike. I mean to
keep it at the sacrifice oi the most honored 'names
that any party can offer. What 1 demand of the
Free Soil leaders and of the pulpit is, not that they
shall carry freedom to Kansas, or prevent the an
nexation ot Cuba, but, while they ao tneir own
work, that they shall labor with m'e to create such
a publio seittiinent in Massachusetts that we can
save the old Commonweath at last, as tho r.efuge
pluce of any who wishes to fet bis foot upon its
soil.
I believe that the settlement of tint question is
to come at last, State by State. We cannot ex
nect to take un aeollostal Union of twenty millions
of people and four millions of slaves, valued ut two
hundred millions ol Uoliare, aou uusiruj n u
blow. That is not the way those questions are set
tled. We shall clutch them off State by State.
Wisconsin in almost ready for it. I asked the
Chief Justice of that fclaU what he would do if
Judge McLean had been there aud arrestea Mr.
Booth and put him in jail. 'Sir,' .aid he, 'I would
have put Judge McLean there by bis sido. Let
mo see such a fpiof Jnttico in Maseachusotta,
'
and I find a place for Massachusetts law to rest
upon; and let no judge, no authority of tho Union
presume to say that a law sealed by the Common
wealth of Massachusetts is not the law, as cur
Court now decides. Yes, Wisconsin is ready
lor tho dissoiutivn of the Union, on the precise
point upon which will come the conflict the Judi
ciary. There is more danger in iudnes than in
Congress. Here sits upon our platform Miss
Dona Webster, who has touna what tt) Judiciary
of Kentucky really is. Her freedom was sacri
ficed, her property wrested from her; and the Judge
who signed the warrant to commit her to prison
immediately before quitting his seat wrote his
resignation, knowing well he haa been the tool oi
wealth nnd malice; nnd when he who succeeded
the official by whose authority she was imprisoned
signed the warrant by which she was released, he
was told that he would be turned out ot omce be
fore a twelvemonth, and he was. What more
monstrous prostitution of judicial office can be
found in the record of the Jameses and Charlesos
than that?
Slavery knows the power and influence of the
Judiciary ; knows that if it can fasten on the
neck of the people the idea of the eacredness of
law, it can keep thein quiet tor halt a century.
We have two means by which to fight them , one
is, to put on those benches men like the Chief Jus
tice of Wisconsin ; and the second is, to educate
the people into the conviction -that a bad law is
better broken than obeyed. (Applause.) That
parchment is not law which issues from a drunken
House of Representatives at Washington, and is
not to be obeyed. Open the doors of Congress, and
while Doctors of Divinity, like Sharp, kneel down
and kiss the wine-bespattered lintels of tho doors
of the House of Representatives at Washington,
and sny of their votes 'These are the enactments
of the most High God ; obey them, Christians !
whether you think them right or wrong !' let us
teach the nntion to say to those drunken and riot
ous men 'This bloody parchment is not law, and
we will not obey it I'
We are to judge all things in virtue of the sov
ereignty of the individual abolition conscience. Il
slavery is not so very bad, hug the Union, lovo it,
spare it 1 If you like servile priests like Adams,
venal poets like Longfellow, old men grown gray
in the servico of freedom brought at last to the
gruund, sacrificed before the altar of Slavery, like
that honored head ot .Pierpont ; it you like n his
tory such as ours, written all over with servility ;
if you like men dug up from the depths of pub
lic contempt, and elevated to high official positions,
like Caleb Cushing, who is doing moro to fix the
fate of this Union limn nny single man has done
for twenty-five years, if you like such things, have
them ! But if in nil this you recognise tho influ
ence cf a system so powerful, so dangerous, so
deadly, that it is worth while to risk any thing to
got lid of it, then bo an Abolitionist; make it
your business, no matter what shall be tho conse
quences! .1 would trample altar, Constitution, the
Union myself under my.icet, if by no other means
I could reach the slave. (Loud applause.) For
what man makes is dust, weighed against man
himself. God's own creation.
No Free Soil party shall ever hear a word of
criticism from me, if they will have a preamble to
their piattorm like this: 'slavery is the worst
thing on American soil. Man is tho only thins
sacred. If we can lift him up from Carolina soil
in no other way, we will put the State and Church
down there, and crowd him up 1' After they have
given the outside world to understand this ns their
farst principle, lot them sny 'Jn the mean time,
we think it possible we can save Kansas, keep Cu
ba out, repeal the Fugitive Slave Bill, utter a
thousand glorious orations in Congress, and there
fore mean, as a priliminory step, to do it, or, at
least, try. Bu,, in the mean time, understand,
you men nnd women who stay at home and educate
the children, who create the public opinion, and
save us when we fail, understand, that when you
raise the long and universal cry, " Down with the
flag itself! if in no other way we can reach the
slave, you shall have Jiiari.es si-uner as the hrst
mate of that ship.' (I must put Garrison as cap
tain.) (Cheers.)
luu see, the dimculty is, to get this public senti
ment behind the politicians. We cannot afford a
generation of failures; we have had enough. I"
there had been a Garrison alive in loia, we shouia
have saved Daniel Webster. I think Daniel Webs
ter was us good as Charles Sumner, in the main, if
you had taken him early ; and 1 am not certain that
Franklin Pierce might not have been made into
something decent, if he had been taken early.
(Laughter.) If there had been behind the Missouri
Compromise a religious sentiment ; if, when Jona
than Mason hud come home after his vote, no man
had taken him bv the hand, wc should have had no
more traitors in Massachusetts. 1 remember that
ono day, while he was on the Common, I joined
with other boys in hissing him, near tho Frog
Pond, and that hiss was tho glory of my boyhood.
John Qui ncj Adams camo home and walked round
Boston Common, and there was but one man in the
city who shook hands with him. Ha hal voted
against State street! But Jonathan Mason came
home, and every body played whist with him; he
could go anywhere but into politics, mere was
no religious sentiment at bottom lo principle; it
was a mere matter of dollars and cents a political
struggle, which had no roots in the hearts of the
people,
Mr. 1
Banks says we shall have twenty States
from Mexico, if u Slavery Administration comes
into power next time. Then where is Congress?
The Union, then, is a mockery and a sham. And
yet, in the judgmont of a man better competent to
decide than perhaps any man just now, that is to
be the result of the election of a man like Pierce.
Yet I was assured in Illinois, a month ago, that
Douglas could carry the State. And then, if Penn
sylvania goes too, where are we ?
My argument shall always be to Abolitionists
I du not ask you to go against the Union, unless I
can show vou a cause worthy of it. If the ortho
dox demonstration it worth more than the princi
ple which called it into being, cling to it! it the
Union is worth more than individual and public
honor, and the sacred rights of man, then cling tD
itl But if individual servility, national disgrace,
and monstrous injustice, are not to be prevented
but by getting rid of the Union, and even of the
Church, in order to reach the slave, then make up
your minds which you will choose.
My friend Foster is for hurrying convictions into
action before they are ready to follow him. We
warn utese meeuugs, eiuau ur uiro. j u tcij
fact that they are held is something. Congress
has not said or done much for six weeks past, but
it is a perpetual blister. It is drawing the atten
tion of the whole country, doing nothiug. I wish
it may go on doing nothing. The fact that a Dis
union meeting is actually held in Boston is a great
thing to me. The fact that it is held here is the
reason a Southerner condescends to come to Boston
to lecture on slavery. When the slaveholder comes
down from that position which Calhoun and Clay
occupied, and soys 'I am willing to look two
thousand Massachusetts men in the face, and tell
them why I think slavery is a good institution, he
has got a good deal lower than fifteen years ago.'
Aud do you remember where we drifted from ?
Webster made it his boast that lie had never dis
cussed slavery in the Sonate. Benton did the
same; and Clay, in 1839, proclaimed that it would
be inorul treason to discuss slavery. And now, we
have half a dozen gentlemen, to, not gentlemen,
(applause,) sonding buck answers to a Boston
Committee, giving reasons why they will or will
not tell Massachusetts why slavery is a good insti
tution. Thit is a very great change. The discus-
siuu on the floor of Cou gross it to be, bow we shall
separate, and what shall he the arrangement t and
I
you will not live many years beforo you will see
tnni nnppeu, it we nave n judge ns bold as the one
in Wisconsin, n mnn who shall dnre to put Judge
Curtis in jail, if he should undertake to set aside
the laws of the Commonwealth. Remodel your
Supremo Court, put John A. Andrew in tho place
of Judge Shaw, and you will see tho Personal Lib
erty Bill executed in Massachusetts. When we
shall see Ilockwoud Hoar or John A. Andrew in
that place, that will be tho best Personal Liberty
Bill. We do not need new laws, we need now
judges
You will ticver see. this side the Mississippi, the
bayonets of freo and slave States marshalled oppo-
I..,. . . ... .... r . I. X- '
sito encu oincr. it is not the lunction oi me inn
kee nation. But vou may see two
like those of Now'York nnd tho U
airainst each nllipr nnA Mipcltmntintr
nicnt; and when itcomes.it is the first toscin ot
Disunion ; the first blow of the god Thor's hammer
which is to break the Union asunder.
I think it probable this Question is to be fouirht
at Hit hy tho Judiciary. After all this political
discussion, I want something that will maintain
your courts ; that will keep on the right side the
young men of the legal profession, (most of them
right now,) that are to come into prominent life
soon. Get me such a feeling here in State street,
and in Massachusetts, ns will undertake to carry
out that Personal Liberty Bill, in defiance of the
United Slates Court, nnd the Government will dread
it moro than the rebellion at Syracuse. Maintain
that bill if you can j but a far more important
thing is, to put judges on the bench, who will car
ry it in their heatts, whether it is in the statute
book or not. That is the best anti-slavery I
know.
I do not believe much in common politics; that
it is possiblo to send men to the Massachueetts
Legislature, or to Washington, who will, some of
them, not be bought. When I hear the boast of
that arrant traitor, Caleb Cushing, with thirty or
millions of dollars to spend, (that lie can al-
ways find or buy ten men to support an Adminis-I
tration measure,) I do not believe there is any po-!
litical virtue capable of withstanding it. Put three
hundred men into a house, and let forty millions of
dollars llow in at the window, iniquity will come
out at the door. (Laughter and applause.) Charles
Sumner is a good man, and he cannot be bought,
and Wilson also ; hut they are not the majority.
There are always little clever average men, whose
ciaim to votes has been, they never otienaea nny
body by having opinions, and they can always be
bought ; and they count just as much as Sumner.
In politics, there is always trnde. Trade lies at
the bottou of it. The party has got to trade. Our
only hope is not in a party, tho very first act of
which would be to accept a platform built by
Stephen Foster, and sweep it off immediately for
one an inch lowor ; and by the time tho party had
been in existence a twelvemonth, the platform
would he so chsnged ho would not know it.- My
friend Foster would start with a platform that
every good man would kiss ; but before n twelve
month is over, suppose the Commonwealth con
vulsed with the discovery of Gardner's plot to
throw cumner overboard and make lumseit sena
tor, how many of our friend'a new party would
cling to him, for the magnanimous purpose of
being counted merely, when such an issuo trem
bled liwhe bnlanco, nnd they thought their votes
would help the honest Bide 7 In my opinion, our
friend Foster's whole party would go over. No, I
do not believe in such machinery , but I do believe
111 '.his, in a public sentiment like that which met
Judge Kane when he put Pussmore Williamson in
to tail; a public sentiment that is easily aroused
to deferd tho highest legal principles ; a public
sentiment which has already converted half, if not
two-thirds, of the young talent of the bar in the
Northern States.and haB on its side the ablest men
who will stand before juries ten years hence.
Only give me judges that will array Massachusetts
against tho Union, nnd she will pluck herself out.
Checkmate this government in the matter of fugi
tive slaves, and it would be the first stunning blow
that would call th Southern States to the necessity
of discussing a dissolution of the Union, or set
tling the whole question in some way. That is a
question more easily managed than politics.
I have not talked half as much on this question
as my heart dictates, for 1 incline to the opinon, that
when the fight shall finally come, on the question
of Slavery or Liberty, it will be settled by the
Judges, not by Congress. We never shall couqucr
there. We shall be defeated there on the Kansas
question on the Cuban question on the Mexican
question in the Presidential election, beyond a
doubt. When it is done, then I think the way to
tight is tn come homo to Massachusetts. Charles
Sumner would be four limes the use to this Com
monwealth as its Chief Justice that he is as its
Senator. Take all those Free Soilors home from
Washington and cabin them up in tho Common
wealth of Massachusetts, and they will be of great
service.
A Voice 'How are you going to get Charles
Sumner to the bench ?'
Mr. Phillips Just as you got him into the Sen
ate, by voting. By the same public opinion that
floated up Gen. Wilson to. a seat in the Senate of
the United States. It is not votes, however, that
will dctermino this question that will bring Mas
sachusetts out of the Union.
I am looking at this question ns a practical one.
When my friend Foster has got fif'y thousand
voters in Massachusetts, nnd Fruncis Jackson and
Edmund Qnincy as candidates, and has elected
them, what are they to do ? They are to march to
the State House and say 'Mr. Clerk or President,
am chosen from the county of Middlenex a Sen
ator ;' and he wiil hold up the Constitution and
say, 'Will you take that oath ?' 'No, sir,' the
answer will be. 'Then you may go home.' .
' Mr. Foster They would not be obliged to take
that oath.
Mr. Phillips No executive or judicial officer
can aesuino office, even State office, without an
oath to support the Constitution of the United
States. Now, if I thought even one man could be
put inside that Stato House, by my vote as a Dis
unionist, to argue Disunion there, I would go
forward aud vote for him, if I conscientiously
cculd. Then I should ask him, the first thing be
did, to propose a Convention of the old Common
wealth, whose object should be to get us out of the
Union. But I cannot get him in. 1 cannot pro
duce that Disunion action through the Legislature.
Last year, we had to convince them that the Per
sonal Liberty Bill was constitutional before they
would pass it. Mark you ! I can put a Judge on
the bench, and in the exercise of hit judicial func
tion, he can checkmate the United States Court
by the very machinery which the present Govern
ment has sot up. If I could got the Free Soil party
to swear that the first act they would dp when they
got into the Legislature would be tocnll a Conven
tion to take into consideration Disunion, I would
suy amen to their election, though I could not vote
for them. But that door it sealed against us.
Mr. Foster cannot open it, even with the whole
county of Worcester on hit side. That it the
reason why, as a. Disunion Abolitionist, I look
more to judges to produce the first blow that it to
chrystalize this anti-slavery sentiment into practi
cal life. It seems to me the department from
which it will most naturally come. Wiscousin is
praoiically out of the Union ut this moment. Why
did not Pierce or Cushing send somebody to put
Booth back into jail ? He has no right to be out,
according to the United States legislation. The
United States put him in, the State judges took
him out, and told the United Statot judges to help
themselves if they oould. And there that Court
stands, defied by the young Stato of Wiscousin.aud
the President of the United State dare not at
tempt to execute his own statutes. That it a great
step ; are you aware how great ? Aware that a
this moment the Fugitive Slave Law is iiioperativi
in the State of Wisconsin, purely by the act of tin
judges of that Stato ? We could tske Massachu
setts nut of the Union In that respect in a day.
Only let Judge Shaw say, 'I shnll send to jail any
United States Judge who undertakes to disregard
or override nny State process which shall, under
our ruling, annul the Federal action under the
Fugitive Slave Law.' and the thing is dono. Wis
consin is a new
scorn, nnd desp
nlm.AOn ,.,ta , ti n
n wvvi.. " I
Tl.p miwor iif
c a I
' . . --
x Stato. She laughed the law to
pised it. Let New York andMassa-;
that step. You know power, once
safely defied, touches its downfall
. 1. - 1? t 1 I
est nnd most practical engine oi tyrants, ieu uy
Curtis, bedevilled by Attorney General Cushing,
laurelled with the names of Marshall and Story,
sacred, almost, by the reverence rnew hnglond
It is the
hears to everything that calls itself law
nearest to popular control. e cannot go inside
of tho Government, nnd turn it inside out; we
must attack it outside. Revolution can come only
through the Courts defying each other. Begin to
insinuate our Disunion doctrine into the practice
of the country through the courts ; that is my
advice. What wo want more than Senators and
look at tho law in the light of those great humane
principles which have ever been the source of pop
ular success in Great Britain which will bo eo
here. Save us the Judiciary I Wo cannot safely
attack tho Judge of Probate, while Gov. Gardner
is in office: Danna's Judge,' I must call Mr.
Loring, as, but for his certificate, he would never
have disgraced the bench this year. But tho anti
forty slavery sentiment, though it knows it is of no use
to attack any mnn whilo such a Governor sits in
the chair of Massachusetts, does not forgot nor for-
give. The moment it gets nn nonest man.wun uie
slightest pretense of anti-slavery in his heart, into
tho Governor's chair, it will sweep clean the Pro
hate Court of Boston ; it will vindicate its titlo as
child of that remorseless fate that never forgets!
(Loud cheers.)
But while we cherish these hopes and keep firm
these purposes, let us pray constantly that this
noble disorganization at Washington may never
end. May we ueversto another Speaker or anoth
er House of Representatives ! Like the clear, quick
crack that heralds the avalanche, may this quarrel
of factions usher in the glad sight of States seper
ate und defiant, till Liberty and Justice bless their
Union, and all races, all human beings, find equal
protection under their laws.
Representatives, mors than even Sharp's rifles in
Kansns. is Judzes not ossified, rot fossilized, but
, ' . " , . . , iiir
whose veins now filled with the red.warm blood of
tho present century; men who areAboliiionists.who
SPEECH OF STEPHEN S. FOSTER.
During the progress of the meeting at which
Mr. Phillips delivered tho precceding speech, Mr.
Foster had advocated his plan of a disunion or
ganization which should cast its votes for officers
of Government of Disunion sentiments. This
proposition met with no favorable response from
any of the meeting. Whenever referred to, it was
in terms of disapproval. In reply to those who
differed with him on this subject, Mr. Foster said :
Mit. Chairman: My positions hare been so re
peatedly misrepresented, that I feel I ought to cor
rect a wrong impro.-sion into which my friend who
has just taken his seat seems to have ft lien. I nm
represented as having spoken discouragingly here.
It seems to me that if there is a man in this house
more full of encouragement and hope than others,
it is myself. There is no necessity for waiting a
century or half a century for the liberation of the
slaves. We may just as well break this accursed
government in pieces in five years as in twenty-five.
1 nm not willing to 'wait on and hope on' as men
toll us to. It may be very well for some persons,
but I am not of that class. I am for meeting the
Slave Power wherever it shows itself, and I will
make war upon it nnd its defenders with all the
vigor that God has given me. I only want to know
who it it that protects the Hogging ot men and the
ravishing of women nt the South, and I know the
work 1 have to do. lhe higher he stands in socie
ty, the greater is his accountability. The nearer
be comes to being an abolitionist, if he does not
actually cross the threshold, the more dangerous
is that man. 1 do not say the more guilty, but the
more dangerous; because the more likely he is to
win our people over to his side, or keep others on
his side. The most dangerous men are thoso who
come the nearest to tho anti-slavery line, but du
not cross it.
This is my rule; There are the slaves in their
chains, held by the government. I ask a man
'Vl ilh which party will you stand, the masters, in
the Union, or tho slaves, outside of it? Answer
me that question, nnd 1 know your character. If
you stand with the slaves, outside this Union, then
here are my heart and hand; but if you stand with
the masters, under the Union, you are my enemy,
and the slave's deadly foe, practically.' I say to
every Free Soiler 'You are the ally of the South
ern slaveholder. You insist on voting money to
pay Marshal Freeman, and B. F. Hallet, and Geo.
T. Curtis, for kidnapping Anthony Burns; end you
are no friend of mine, nor of the slave.'
I say, tho higher a mnn stands, the more dan-
gorous he is. Free Soil is sucking out the heart's
blood of our movement. My proposition is to adopt
a kind of machinery that shall save the converts
wc make, nnd multiply them. I am the last man
to think ot giving up the ship, i nave cot des
paired of tho cause; I have not spokon one despon?
ding word. All I have tried to do is to show that
our machinery is not adequate to carry out our
principles. Mr. Garrison lead the Journal s no
tice of this meeting. We ought to judge of our
position by what our enemies say of us. In what
does the Journal triumph? Not in my making
those statements, but in the fact tbat I had cause
to make them. If I made them, and they were
true, as the Journal believes, then the Journal ro
joices in our weakness. Am I the cause af it)
How could I preveut that fact in which the Jour
nal vrnnipoB f T.nt ua adont the machinery thnt
shall put the masses into our power, instead of in '
to the power oi mese miaerauie politicians; au
then, instead of this chuckling of our enemies'
they will come to us, and ask to be taken in.
Porhans we shall do no better by the new meth
od I propose than we have hitherto, but I, for one,
wien to try; onu u i iau,i auaii uvva mo puuiuiuua
nest of knowing I did not fail without an effort. I
am not willing to Stan a before this community
without a larcer number of men around me. 1
see these twenty millions of people tending with
their feet on the necks of the slavea. 'They muet
take them off. We have got to get thit nation on
our side. When I go out to lecture qr make any
effort, I feel I labor in vain, to long at J cannot
bring the people over to my sicjo. The object of
lecturing is the conversion of the peoplo, and if I
fail to accomplish that purpose, I am convinced
my labors are pot producing such results at they
ought.
I say to my friends, if joq art satisfied with the
machinery, go on 1 Bqt for one, I am nqt satisfied
with our results, and do not like to bear ogr ene
mies triumph over us; but instead o digbapding
and sitting down in dospair, I mean to go on with
renewed vigor, nnd I hope and trust and expect.
that in the coming twelve months I shall be able
to show at least at many or more eonvertt than
during the past year- want ao one to mia-
underatiutd me; I an full of hope.
From Frederick Douglas' Paper.
From Frederick Douglas' Paper. THE BEAUTIES OF SLAVERY--A SLAVE
CHILD KILLED BY ITS MOTHER.
:
: uijuiiiv lout ue una nr UlLie finca vrmilri h. v
' .n1 .1... : i , n .
' mej suouia never return to to
We give elsewhere in our columns, a full- report
of the particulars of the dreadful tragedy in Cio
cinuali, which resulted in the death of a slit child
by the hands of its mother. It seems that aha
one of a party of eight slaves, who had escaped
frum Kentucky. The brave fuoritires want' rirfr.
..v.u .vuu,jr. iu urave lugitivcs WOT par-
sued soon after their departure, and captured aft
the most desperate resistance. The frantic mother
finding that she and her little ones would be cap!
sell, pn
while'in
prelernng DLATII to Slavery. And, cow
prison sue constantly avows that she will'
never more be a slave, but will take her own life
wncnevcr an opportunity presents itself, lier
husband and parents also declare that they would
rather die, than be replunccd into the burning bell
of Slavery.
What a commer.farv
ol American Slavery, Republican Despotism, Fourth-of-July
Democracy 1 A slave mothei, op tho toil
of the "Free" States, hunted like the wolf, and rws
cuini? her liitln
by delivering them into the jaws of Death, prefer'
I rinir to p Hiem ; .i,:- .
n - .ut u mi-it iiouriB Uiooa.-
rather than to see there slaves 1 And this it the
"innd of the free, nnd the home of the brand"
What a terrible protest have we here against th'
infernal enactment, which allows the hunting- of a '
poor and defenceless mother with her little babes, '
whom she prefers seeing locked in the arm of
Denth, than in the clutches of the tyrants of Free
and Democratic America 1 The net of this dee
pairing slave mother, is vastly more expressive
than tonguo can tell of the wrongs, and cruelties,
nnd miseries of Shivery. How perfectly happy
and contented the slaves must he in their"Dormal,''
"Heaven-appointed" fcondition I Where it Rev.
Neuejuah Adams, of "South Side" notoriety
Hero is a fine opportun:ty for gazing upoB a North
Sido picture of the "Patriarchal Institution."
Let him gaze upon it, until his eyes are red with
weening, and heart o'erflows with neiiirnru-. AA
then let him gather every number of his "South
Side view," nad burn them at the base of Bunker.
Hill.
The n&me of this brave slave mother, the heroie
act which she performed, and all the circumstance t,
connected with it, will never be forgotten. U is turf
tells us of a Roman maiden who was sacrificed, by
her father in order to preserve her chastity. Th
deed has been immortalized in verse; music, paint
ing, history, oratory, the drama, all, all, have kept
the ashes of the Roman Father.glowing as it were,
in eternal beanty. And so shall the name of thit
heroic slave mother never die. The "wide, wide,
world" will do her homage. The poet will gather
inspiration from this offering of blood to the god-.
dss of Freedom ; History will hand down her
name to the latest generation. Yes, Maroarii,
rnx Slave Mother, will furnish an inspiring '
theme for the painter's pencil, and the poet's sopg.
She will not be viewed as a murderess but as a
heroine, who loved her little babes too well, to bs
hold them slaves, and therefore, fled for refuge to
the grave ; aye, to the grave for "there the tcrts
ant ts free from his master, and the voice of (he
oppressor is heard no more."
Sloep on, child of the Slave Mother I Ko blood
hound will e'er be upon thj track. Thou at fnl
Sleep on ! The cruol task-master cannot reach thee
in thy secure abode. There are no w hins nrhin .
or slaveholders in the place where thy yn'rWdwelK
eth. The voice of thy blood crieth, u,n.to Heaven
from the ground. Sleep on ! Retribution it oa
the wing. ...
CHILD KILLED BY ITS MOTHER. A SOUTHERN QUIBBLE-MR. TOOMBS
AND GEORGIA.
Southern men boast of their nnon Mnnr nit
of the fearlessness with which they ayaw tbeif
opinions on every question, ispeoially have taer
held up Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, as a aan of thtt
description. At the close of his lye lecture in
Boston, he was asked, by one of his listeners
whether Charles Sumner would be permitted to
lecture in Georgia After a moment s hesitation
he replied: "yes, if he would confine himself to.
the limits of the Constitution, and would not at
tempt to excito insurrection among the bliick,-
This answer, cowardly and evasive at it is, haa
been approvingly published by all the pro-slavery
papers in the North. Now, in the fjrst place, we,
would ask Mr. Toombs whether there is any clause
in the Constitution prohibiting men from speaking
out their opinions in regard to slavery and, ip. the
second place, whother slaves are over permitted to
attend such lectures as Ch-rk'S Sumner delivers t
His lectures would be just ns likely to excite an
insurrection among the inhabitants of Japan ! The.
truth is, slaveholders are afraid to 1st the poor
whites of the South hear the truth. They are the
slaves who might be excited to insurrection I These
are tho people w ho must hear nothing except what
is Constitutional ! Mr. Toombs knew that no Nor
thern man would bo permitted to speak the truik
in Georgia; and he felt tho degradation of hit po
sition; but he would not coufess it. When, he wae
invited to BoBton, Lb was pot warned to confine
his remarks within constitutional limits-; nor wae
he charged not to excite an insurrection ameng
people who could not attend his lecture? Sic
Sumner might leoture in Georgia, provided he
should bind himsef to say just what would please,
slave holders. Magnanimous people ! Leader.
Unconstitutional. Everything that faoilitatet
the escapo of slaves has been pronounced, we e
lieve, unconstitutional. In this view of the case,
we alledge the freezing over of th? Ohio Rivet at
decidedly unconstitutional, and we would call the
attention of Congress to ibis mutter, ft brt8.V
down one of the middle walls of partition between;
slavery and the Gentile land of freedom, epd the.
slaves are availing themselves of thie UBC.p,astU,
tiona freak of tho weather and river, and pireg
their escape without py compuptipp of opo
science. We hear rumors of Dumerom escapee,
and eo insecure is slave property regarded pw,tba
many master s near the river are sending tjietf sJavea
into the interior for tale or ttfe jieejug-. The
moral character of Jack Frost, and the tandenoY
of his actions, need investigation. -Th. lynchers ef
Brady should examine into thit matter, as it ia doi
ing moro against the peculiar institution than he
ever did- Where is Shawehawshearen, and; the
rest of the Pottowatomies? Cincinnati Qiizctte,
The New York Evening Post sayt the Democratta
State Convention of Mississippi has. elected pretty
wuuii ma wuoio ciiiui;ruu pirij m piale et
delegates to the Cincinnati Comannr.n. Tishomin
go county sends 8T delegates; Ma?hK,40; Hipds.
42; Attala, 30; Yalobueha. 2f ; Clairbpsne, 19; ake
ii; epa eo ou. ins wnme numper, p Mlegatteia
32. Niould the other States elect an eaual ovum.
ber, a id all attend, the assembly rq1U4 eoaeist ot
aiom io.uw peopie. mis is a ravp,a large body
tor deliberation, though none too large to ewe the,
eboUiiqtiitjts of Cincinnati into eilenoe about free-,
dom in Kansas. -t . . .
''Slavery," said Theodore Parker. tt wedge
between the North and the South.' h$ (rue men
try to pull it out, to strengthen the VilS ( buj
Pierce, the Domocrate, the Straight WMg. f4 thf
American Party, hammer it in, which it the ooy
pomible way of splitting the I'nhin etunif.U '

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