Newspaper Page Text
BENJAMIN S. JONES, EDITOR.
"NO WZOA' WITH St A YE HOLDERS.
ANN TEAUSON, PUBLISHING AGENT.
VOL. 15. NO. 45.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, JUNE '23, 1SGO.
WHOLE NO. 767.
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
A correspondent of the Boston Journal, who Is
now traveling in Kansas, relates a few incidents
of the past, which are interesting: 1
The 'oreeks around Holion were settled by Mis-
souriani. who fur a tim- maintained tho aeeenden-
cy. In Marob, 1850, the proceedings of tho first
Republican convention over held here wore inter
rupted by a parly of intoxicated pro-slavery men.
After the meeting adjourned, several of the ruffi
ans foil upon the secretary, who was quietly leav
ing the room, and knocked him down. They also
assaulted anothor Republican and fired tour snots
at him while he was senseless upon tho ground.
This was after nearly all the Republicans had left
the vicinity of the hall, but they were suddenly cal
led back by the cry of 'Guns! for God's sake, guns!
Shall we see our friends murdored?' Theso start
ling words were passed from mouth to mouth,
and in a few soconds there was a dozen Republi
cans' on the ground, and their assailants were dy
ing in all directions with bullets whistling about
their heads. Four of them wore shot, and though
none of them were futtHy wounded, one of the
miscreants still carries a ball in his oheek, which
entered on the opposite sido and passed nearly
through his face. This was a style of reasoning
a sort of argumentum adhomimnn which the Mis
sourians appreciated; and its logio pioved entirely
convincing for thoy have boon extremely civil ev
From Ilolton my course was still Northward,
ond after dark I stoppod at a small log house i)
enquire if I could obtain lodgings.
'I don't know your name sir,' replied ths settlor,
looking searchingly at me from the door, as he
throw tho light of his candle full in my face.
A slightly bailt, closoly shaven man of unmistak
ably Yankee features, his vigilant eye had eviJont.
ly Been something of the wars, and was on the
look out for surprises. On loaruing circumstanti
ally who I was he welcomed me cordially to his
bumble homo. After ascertaining that he was a
participant in the rencounter mentioned above,
and had been shot at from ambush on one or two
occasions I did nut wonder at his wariness. His
wife like myself, a native of Connecticut was a
young lady of suporior intelligence and culture.
They looatod horo threo years ago, and for the
first six weeks, after their arrival she did not meet
a tingle woman. She has sinio seen something
of the rough edges of life, vastly different from her
New England home, but ohoorlul contentment has
robbed the pioneer hardships of half their ter
rors. 'Were you acquainted with old John Brown?'
asked my host during the evoning,
'He was in this house for four days winter be
fore last, waiting for the creek to' fall, so 'that he
could go on with a party of twelve negroes whom
be was taking to Canada.'
'How many men were with him?'
'None but Stevens and Whipple.'
'How did he impress yon?'
' 'As a man of perfcot sincerity and rectitude,
governed by Christian principles. IIo was very
quiet, and oorrcct in his language, and no ono
could utter Bn oath in his presence without a re
proof either of language or look.'
'Did he say anything foreshadowing tho liar,
per's Ferry affair?'
'Not a word.'
'Stevens,' continued the wile,' 'was a daring
follow. One day a party of six men from Leoomp
ton came prowling around here iu a suspieious
munner. At last Stevens lost all patience and
taking bis Sharp's rifle, went down to tho cicck
where they were consulting.
',Wbat are you looking foi?' he inquired.
.'Six runaway niggers.'
Thoy described them to him, and be fjund they
were not tho ones we had.
'Well gentlemen said he, 'we havn't got your
negroes, but we have got twelve others up at the
house. Come and sue them if you like.' They
Were taken all aback by his coolness, and rode
with him up to the house. Then be suddenly
drew bis rifle on them and cocked it, exolaiir.ing,
'I'll teach you to come here hunting negroes.'
They were all armed to the tooth, but five of them
rode away at full speed, leaving tho sixth, who
was covored with tho rifle and dare not bud;;o an
inch. 'Get off your horse,' said Stevens. The
roan did so. 'Now give up your arms.' The poor
fellow was frightened almost to death and gave up
his revolver. Stevens then raa-ohod him into the
house and said, Mr. Brown here is a man who
came up here bunting negroes. Do what you
nlease with him. Mr. Brown examined him to
see that be bad no more weapons, took a rope
from bis pocnet and tied bis bands and feet and
then asked him to lit down 1 lie kept that man
a prisoner here' during all the time ho staid, and
talked to him about slavery and the meanness of
hunting fugitives. When at last be let him go be
seemed thoroughly converted. ' He told mo after
he was set at liberty that he was surprised not to
find old John Brown a brawny, blood-thirsty vil
butagood honest man, and that bo would walk
on his hands and knees from here to Ilolton to pro
serve him from barm 1 I don't believe that he
has been out after runaway slaves since or over
Here was a fresh instance of the wonderful
power of the Old Man in impressing even enemies
with his perfoot rectitude and sincerity. It was
to this house that Marshal Wood of Leoompton
came with a posse of thirty men to arrest John
Brown. The officers remained near the promises,
though out of pistol shot, Tor several hours, but
were in mortal terror of Brown and his asso
ciates. The Marshal (who was quito as badly
frightened as any of them) endeavoring in vain to
ineplro his posse with courage to enter the houso,
where Stevens, Whipple and Brown, with cocked
revolvers and rifles were waiting tu receive them.
Tho sight of Stevens, with ritle levelod, exclaiming
cheerfully, 'Corns on - gentlemen, we are ready
w henever you are are,', was quite too much for
thoir ntrt es, ' they wore firmly persuaded that
the little cabin and the hay loft sBrmot with 1
armed men,. and at lu?l they departed in tuinultu-
ous hasto, leaving John Brown ard his negroes to I
goon out ol iho territory, in broad-daylight, by
the moat trqvoled road.
When we eat down to breakfast the next morn
ing my host devoutly m.kod a blessing upon tho
meal. A fow ' minutes Inter, in conversation, ha
coolly remarked: ') should not bo sorry to soc
the troubles break out again. I know of a few
eouundrels who hsve harassed tho Free State men
beyond all endurance, and who ought tu bo kil
led; but ofcourso wo don't want to shooi llieai
unless they again give us just provocation.'
Soon after ho sought his corn field, nnd your
correspondent continued hi way toward Brown
A. B. R.
From the Principia.
NO MORE SLAVE STATES.
'For ourselves, we are sorry that the hosts ol
freedom could not have boon led forth upon a
higher platform, and have inscribed upon their
banners, 'Death to Slavery,' instead of 'No more
Slave States!' But the people will not have it so,
ana we are compeuca to work ana wait lor a
brighter day, when the mosees shall be educated
up to a higher standard of human rights und pol
itical morality.' Fred. Douglas' Paper.
The Editor, whoever he may be, that penned
the above, (Mr. Douglas is in Europe), appears to
uo ucuiuu m times, j.o party exists that, in
stead of inscribing on its banners, 'Death to Slave
ry,' inscribes 'No more Slave Slates.' There was
once such a party. It was called the 'Vice Soil
parly.' It was organized in 1848, and remained
in the field just four years, when it became tired
of tho hated name, and exchanged it for 'Free Dt
mocraey,' in 1852. In form, it retained, we think
tho old creed, but tho expositions of it by its load
ers, grow fuintor ond farther between, until If 50,
whon 'Free Democracy,' gavo place for 'a broader
platform under the name of the 11 (publican par
ly, by the action- of two successive Conventions,
the first at Pittsburg, the second at Philadelphia.
The Platform adopted at Pittsburgh, was from the
pon of Henry J. Raymond of tho New Yt-rk
Times. A eorrepondeut of the N. Y. Tribune
reported that one of the Western delegates propos
ed to, amend the draft, by inserting the motto of
"No more slavo States," or its equivalent, but
found only six dolegatcs present, himself inclu
ded, in favor of its insertion. Letters from lead
ing politicians jn Congress, had earnestly conn
selled tho dropping of tho 'Free Soil' issue, Cer
tain it is, that the Pittsburg platform did not con
tain it, and that, although a new draft was pre
sented and adopted as a Platform, at Philadelphia,
oontaining'the glittering generalities' of the Decla
ration of Independence, jet special caro was taken
to rostrict their application ta '(he ' Territories'
ignoring 'the Stales,' whether new or old, for whose
benefit, and by the aotion of those of them then
existing, the Federal Constitution bad been farm
ed. The motto of 'No more slave States has
never been in the Republican Platform, and has
been continuously and uniformly disclaimed by
tho leaders of the Republican party, in and out ol
Congress, and accompanied in hundreds of
instances, in print, with charges of mendacity
against Democratio leaders , for charging it upon
the Republican party. It is truo that professions
of opposition to 'the further extension of slavery'
hAva linen us ' cniistnritl nnr.n i!m lira n,nt nnnc '
of loading Republicans, all ulong, but u hen press-'
for explanations or specific itious, the uniform j
result has been that the exclusion of slavery from !
the Territories while remaining 6iich, is all that I
was proposed, while as Mr. Lincoln, tho new!
Presidoulial candidate has expressed it, tho new
that prcsonrs itself for admission with
pro-savery Constitution, must necessarily be re-
into the Union. Tho now platform adop. I
at Chicago, without ambiguity, takes substan-
tially the same ground, by distinctly rcoognizing'
the jigut of 'the States,' (making no distinction
between old States and new,1 to legulato their do
mestic institutions as they ploase. Such, is jioic,
the admitted logical necessity, so long aa the right
of the old States to retain slavery is recognized
instead of demanding 'Death to slavery instead.
More than all this may be affirmed, Since the
vote of the Republican Representative in Con
grots, on the Crittenden Lecompton Kansas Bill,
(a measure recommended iu advanco of Mr. Crit
tenden and Mr. Montgomery, by the N. , Trib
une), tho doctrino of aCongresu cat exclusion of
slavery from the Territories, has been but feebly,
faiot'y and hesitatingly re-affirmed by many of the
Republican leaders. Some of thorn, we knowt
when closely questioned and looked square in tho
eye, oannut meet the eye of the questioner, and
say that they really expect the adoption of any
such measure. A very large portion of intelligent
and candid Republicans will tell you, if question
ed, that their minds have undergone a great
change, within four years past, cr. that subject,
that the effort to exclude slavery froin the Territo,
riea by Federal aotian, while slavery is permitted
in the States, is a failure, ond must be. Iarge
numbers of them avow the dootrine of popular
sovereignty in the territories, as held by DoBglas,
to bo the true dootrine. The late Republican
State Convention of Connecticut, placed itself dis.
tinctly upon that dootrine, and their having done
so carried the State for the Republicans, a viotory
triumphantly hcraldod by the Republican proes
all over the country. The popularity of Douglas
and of his dootrine, amorg Republicans, is suoh
that the Republican loaders dread nothing so
much as a harmonious nomination of him, by the
Demooracy, on that Platform. Could Mr. Orcely
have succeeded in persuadicg the Republicans of
Illinois to support Douglas for U. S. Senator, in
stead of running Lincoln, it is by no means impos
sible that the former instead of the latter, would
have been the Republican nominee at Chicago, in
harmony with the Douglas Democratio Conven
tion, to be held at Baltimore, The samo polioy
that dictatod the conciliation of the. Germans of
tho oxponee of losing their old allies, the Native
Americans,, would havo suggested it. We know
indeed, that-os it was the policy was .uudcr
arave consideration, among some Republicans,
n . . v. , I- I
Eli Thuycr, tuc popular nopuuiican . jwjiresen- j
tativo in Congress fidn Massachusetts not alone
in tho movementtins l.lready proposed n general
law fcr tho government of all Territories of the
United SVotes, authorizing the settlers to admit or
exclude slavery, a they please. Thu9 feeble and
unsteady is (he hold of the Republican party ol
1SG0, upon tho doctrine of a Federal exclusion Ol
slavery from the Territories. Were it possible to
innko up an issue with the Douglas Democrats
without it, there would probably havo been ns lit
tlu hesitancy at tluowing it ovorboard at Chicago,
as tlioro was in throwing overboard the issue of
'No more slave States at Pittsburgh and at Phila
delphia. Such are the record J our past hislory : and
such, as we understand them, are tho facts of to
day. It is not best to forget, to ignore, or to mis
Of tin policy and ethics of co-operating with
the opponents of correct prinoiplos to-day, a a
means of 'educating them up to a higher standard
ol human rights, and political morality to Dior
row, we havo not time or spaco to say much at pres
ent. Nor does it ccem needful. The writer win
proposes it in Frederick Douglas' p;i';r, unless we
inLtuko his identity, ima depressed, instead of
elevating, or even retaining his own former ethical
and political standard iu the very fact of propos
ing it. Tho educating cllcctjof the policy' he
commend, is seen iu the downward course .we
have already described.
From the New York Times.
to tho same gonoral causo which changed Garri
ed son, Lovejoy, Brown and Helper from reasoning
philanthropy to bliud and reventroful fanaticism,
Garrison became the vindicative fanatic fro-n the
day that he buffered from the hands of a Bostyu
mob, Lovejoy began to live only for his great ro
Stule a'vengo against the "Blavo power" from the day
that his brother, tho publisher of an aboliiion pa
coived per in Illinois, was saorifioid in an effort to re
ted pulso by arms the attack of a Missouri mob upon
his establishment j John Brown's fatal fray upon
The venomous nbolition speech of Charles Sam
nor, in tho Senate to-day, drew to the galleries of
that body a largo end fashionable nudionco, and
the extraordinary character of his harangue was
well calculated to retain his hoarers to tho end.
With the full, lceounding voice of an operatic
basso jfuuuilo, with tho accomplislinunt of a
scholar, the air and graces of tho loarued travel
ler, and the style and acti in of the professional
orator, Mr. Sumner combines tho advantages of a
splendid physical man, six feet throe, a poet's im
agination, and tho zeal of a fanatic.
It was four years ago on the 20ih of May list,
if wo are not mistaken, that Mr. Sumner was bo
violently essailed and beaten at bis p08t in the
Senate chamber, that his injurios have requirod
most of tho intervening four years to restore hiin
to eomothing like his wonted health and strength.
Rut through all this interval, as it was shown in
his speech to-day, that implacable, fanatical hatred
of the peouliar institutions of the South, whioh
dictated his speech in 1850 on 'the crime against
Kansas has been diffusing itself throughout bis
entire mental organization, like the poison of a
malignant disease,' until, like William Lloyd Gar
rison, Owon Livejoy, and John Brown, he can
see nothing but the horrors of slavery, and recog
nises nothing but the duty of it's extermination.
It was painful, in the face of this conviction, to
contemplate tho warping and dwarfing of this nat
urally genial, comprehensive and cultivated mind
uf Sumner to thW ouo idea of tho 'irrepressible
conflict,' against fie fixed donicstia institutions of
one half this groat confederacy, utterly regardless
of the binding obligations of tho Constitution in
tho relations of the citizens of each State with
their brethren of all the other States.
But the peculiar vonnm of Mr. Sumtior against
sbiverv and "the barbarisms of slavory" is d
Harper's Ferry is charged to tho wrongs which he
suffered from the border ruffians of Kansas ; Hel
per was incensed to the publioatiou of his infa
mous book by some injuries, real or fancied, from
the people of North Carolina; and Sumner's in
spiration is manifestly tho bludgeon of Rrooks.
Yet nil this class of men aro detected in the
vanguard of tho Republican party, nnd we havo
no doubt that the leaders of tho Republican camp
in and out of Congress, will be as prompt and lib
eral ia their endorsements of and subscriptions
for this revolutionary harrangno of Sumner as
they were to assist in tho circulation of the treas
onable and bloody instruction i of Helper. We
shall see. If anything can operute to cure the
madness which has seized upon our Democratic
politicians, and bring them to a, sen.se of their
duty, it will be the warning voico of this terrible
revolutionary speech of Sumner. It fully expos
es and urges the manifest dottiny of the 'irrepres
sible conflict disunion, revolution and civil strife.
It rejects all counsols of fraternity, peace and
harmony, and it could n,ot bo more violent against
our brethren of the Southern Status ware they al
ready arrayed against the North as a hostile peo
ple in the attitude of war.
During the delivory of this exasperating bill of
charges, specifications and denunciations of that
"sum of all villainies slavery a profound and
most ominous silence prevailed on the floor of the
Senate. ai?d in the naileries. Wo have eo recid-
lcctiun, io our experience here, running through
a period of twenty years, of anything like this
ominous silence, during tbe delivery of a speech
for buncombe on slavory, ly a Northern fanatio or
Southern fire eater. We say ominous silenoe, be
cause we can only recognise it as something feur
full v ominous ominous of mitchicf, ominous of
the revirul in the Capitol, nnd throughout the
country of the slavery agitation, with a tenfold
bittorness compared with any previous stirring up
of the fountains uf bitter waters.. .
The only thing approaching an audible expres
sion from Senator or citizen durir.g this fuarful
speech was an .'irrepressible' littlo outbreak of
laughter on the democratic side, in tho ailusiuii of
the orator to the reward offered ly some wicked
wag in Virginia, during the J.ohn Brown excite
ment, of fifty thousand dollars for tbe livtng em
bodiment of pne W. 1(. Seward, Jn fact, there
was so much of sensation matter, bo niucb of tho
stuff of tho "Pirates' Own Book tho 'Nowgatn
and books of that exciting description, i
lovolailed into this speech of Sumner, that ono
must concludo that all his spare timo of these last
four years has been devoted to tho compilation of
this chapter of horrihlo things.
We leave him in the midst of his woik, to close
for tho mail, the uppermost idea suggested from
what we hr,vo hetrd being a prcsontiinent that
this extraordinary and fearful delivory of the deep
rcicngo of Mr. Sumner against slavery can only
result, and will euruly result, in moro mischief
against tho country than a thousand Sumncrs can,
repair in a Ufetime,.
SENATOR SUMNER'S GREAT SPEECH.
Tho greatest speech of the season Is tcrtainly
Charles Sumner's magnificent phillippio against
'The Great Barbarism.' The learning and research,
the array of fvcts,the a,pt and eloquent quotations,
Ue striking illustrations, and the vivid imagery
of the oration, are its least merits. Toe style
and diction are as clear as crystal, as pure us wo-
ter, nnd sonorously musical. The entire tone of.
the specech is dignified and lofty-it is an over-'
"imuhii expose una routine oi wnut no coucenea
to bo a gigantic and horrible Wrong. Its facts, its
figure-, and its arguments etriko the Proslavery
ites dumb : ond thev can onlv relieve themselves
by impotent abase of tbo orator himself.
It impossible that this spocch may have been ill
timed, lor it is not always exp 'dicnt to Fpcnk the
whole truth. It is posiible that it does not make
sulacicnt allowance fur the noble qualities of the
Southern peoplo in other regards than Slavery.
But why baik at the heels of Cuailes Sumner ? If
any man in tho world has n perfect right to depict
anddenounoesUvery that man is Charles Sumner.
If any man in tho world has a perfect right to lay
uare too neiusti i.orro ot -cliattor slavery, ond
to expose its barbarous effects upon slave masters,
mai man is varies sumner. - -
Indeed we admire his courage, his unequalled
moral plmlc. In this day of compromise nnd tim-
idity, of boted breath and base concession, when
it is the loathsome fashion to say ihat tho slavery
question should bo discussed ouly as a matter of
proht and loss, it is refreshing to hear a Senator
speak in the spirit of Jell'crsjn nnd tho Fathers.
Betidos, does not tho South challenge us to discuss
the abstract question? Do not Benjamin, Toombs,
Stephens, Corry, Keitt, Lamar, Hunter, Slidoll,
Brown, Hammond, Ctiesnut, Mason, l'rjor,
Clingmnn, Fitzhuh and all the Southern poli
ticises discuss tho question of slavery in the ab
strct ? Do they not deliver, long iikvaco i
prove that slavery is right, just, benign, civilizing.
and necessary ? That it is tho proper condition
of the negro and working man ? And is any free
Northern man so poor a paltroon as to say that
these men shall lot be xsflied to ? What 1 Shall
all tbe South be privileged to praisq and applqud
human slavery, and nut even Charles Sumner be
allowed to dtscyibe it as it really is.
Ayo 1 as it really is ! For after all the main
question the alpha and omega of the controversy
is this: Does ho tell the truth about Slavery?
This institution now claims to be national to trav
el with the national flagr-to be one of tho special-1
ly cherished peouliar'uios of the nation, There
fore it concerns us nil to know what it is. Wo in
I'ennsjlvania have a ri;;ht to discuss it, for it no
longer confines itsolf Is the slave states ; it claims
to be a nationl thing, and n o are all concerned
in what is national. In a word, tho pertinent in
quiry isdoes Charles Sunnier speak true ur false?
Tu tho speech then. Does be not quoto the law
aright? Are not his figures und calculations u II
orrect ? Is not his history true? Who oun poiut
out a single error iu bis facts ur his argument ?
Why then single this speech out fur oljurga iou
and attack before you answer it ? Thus far no
one has answers 1 it,' and no ono wepiosumo will
attempt to do so.
We are not Abolitionists ; we do not njreewith
Charles Sumner's plan or method of abolition. We'
are sorry that tho slavery question engenders sol
muoli heat and violence. lut wo aro thoroughly
sick and tired of thai wrolched, doughface, bru
tal slang w hich has its caresses and apologies for
tho 'slavo master and only abuee and falsehood
for those who believe iu tho Anti-Slavery doctrinrs
of Juffcrson and Washington. Philadelphia Svn-
LETTER FROM THADDEUS HYATT.
Although the Senate has ordorod the release of
Mr. Hyatt, yet we givo the following letter writ
ten to a friend in Cleveland, prior to (be action of
that body. It shows tbe spirit of the man.
WASHINGTON JAIL, 25 May, 1860.
Mr Kino Fbiend: Your vory excellent and
sympathizing letter of 22d is before mo. I thank
you very heartily for giving me a place in your af
fections. Whatever our IJeavonly father prompts his chil
dren to do in this catso will bo right. He has
gifted ma with a woman's endurance and with a
man's will to perpetuate the endurance, I Jo not
suffer in health. I am as well ofj here as should
be anywhere. I do not care to go. I do not care
to stay. If the cause ol right and truth can be
I best promoted by my et iy, not only am I willing,
'hut I am sure it will be done. If tht American
pcoplo have eo far relapsed frutn that spirit of lib
erty that gave precepts ta K.ings, when thoir stern
er fathers stood for freedom, and made muskets
speak for liberty, then it is high time that some
man should stand in the pillory of the Nation', en
dure the jeers and insults of the crowd, and if
'cced be die ; thus only can the human heart be
'reached, thus only can that agita'iuo be initiated,
'which briugs health giving breezes ovor regions of
' miasma and death. Th sympathy of friends is
'all I ask, not fir my sufferings, for I have none,
! but with me in the principle! To know that all
tho world are not dead is as inuoli as I can vk
'or expect, though my faith would not fail if all
wore dead ; lecauve it is enough that God lives. I
'have no children. I have a wile. My means are
Bmpls. God has fittod me for this work. 1 am
joccupicd at present io battling lor the oppressed
who are unjustly incarcerated in this jail. I have
a Lawyer employed to contest tho outrageous cases
that are daily occurring, I havo released three
colored persons, and am 'carrying the war into
God has put mo in the right place ; I nm quite
content. 'Why Masa,' said Old Byssy, 'pears to
me de Lord has specially sent you hero for the
colored people !' Why, yes, Bossy, said I, the
I.ird, it seems, has put mo in jail to got other po
evntl Bo6sy scratched his head very much puz
zled in his Theology, but quite delighted with my
success iu getting him out. I nm now about com
mencing notions on behalf of somo of tho wrong,
ed ootions for false imprisonment, and actions for
violations of law otherwise. I think somo of the
little pcoplo, 'clothed in brief authority will by
an 1 by respect luw if they do not humanity or
The Slave Oligarchy will by and by lose their
suporlative 'Indifference.' They bo.9t, I am told,
that 'ibcy do not know there it such a person in
existence as the humble individual they incarce"
ratod eloven weeks ago.' When they find their
tvomplod down, and rooted up, perhaps
tbew may canaossend to look aruand and enquire
iesi. cs employing counsel, l nm studying Jlary
l land law nnu iho laws of the District ns I wish to
know tho eulject for myself.
But tho ami! will soon close and my letter is al
THE SPEECH OF SENATOR SUMNER-HOW
IT IS RECEIVED.
,, , , . .
Iho great speech by Senator Sumner, delivered 1
jla." "eek, we regret to say, is received ly a large
P' Hon of tho Republican press, with disapproba- j
"" ' " ..racturizoa,Us in i.moo., hi a.iv.seu i
It is characterized, as "ill timod'iU advised'
,0 radical 'too scvero Sea , Ac, and no Repub-
jiivauouiimi mat wcnuvoyei seen, cannoa
its insertion. The New York Tribune, turns
P" ' t'e cold shoulder, end makes disparaging
remarks upon it. The Cincinnati Gazette, does
the same, and the Uopublican journals, not a few,
,L,1.low Bult- .....
U hat does this mean ? Is it an indication that
the Anti-Slavery sentiment of the country com -
ing down to a loner scale, under the intluenoo
an abiding conservatism ?
The indication is to us an unpleasant one. Im
mense masses uf the people will shara with us the
surprise we feel, at this treatment of a great, elo
quent, thorough, and masterly speech portraying
the moral as well as politicc.1 deformities of 'the
sum, of all villaniba.'
Tbe people will certainly wish to sco this speech
so criticised, and so disparaged by a large ond in
fluential portion of the Republican press.
The speech is very long, but wo feel it to be our
duty, to givo our readors, at length, an opportuni
ty to judge for themselves, wherein this speech was
unworthy of the man, tho place, the occasion, or
tho times in which we live. Portage County Dem
EXTRACTS FROM CHARLES SUMNER'S
AVhen last I entered into this debate, it became
my duty to expose tho crimo against Kansas, nr.
tr. tr.;.. tir.A. tl.n linriDilinld nrliiit.dtr.n f ,l,u,
Territorv ns a State of this Union, with a cotis.i.u-!
tion forbidding Slavery. Time has passod; tut
the question remains. Resuming tho discussion
precisely where I left ;t .1 cm happy to avew that
rulo of moderation, which, it is said, may venture
even tj fix tho boundaries of wisdom itself. 1
havo no personal griefs to utter; only a barbarous
egotism could intrude these into this chamber. I
havo no personal wrongs to avenge; only n bar
barous nature could attempt to wield that ven
geance which belongs to tho Lord. Tho years that
k.ipn iiOnrrnnprt ami tha torn' a lllilt. liflVA hnnn
girce j poke hllve their voice( to0( w!,ich
, cannot fai, ,0 ,10nr Asides, w!.a,t am I-wl.t
is anv man amonc tho livi'mr or amonc the dead
compared with tho question before us ? It is this
alone which I shall discuss, and I open the nrgu-
with thot easy victory which is found in
charity. Tho crime against Kansas stands forth
in nainrul light. Search history and you cannot
find its parallel. Tho slave trade is bad; but even i
this enormity is petty compared with that clabor-!
ato contrivance by which, in a Christian age and
within tho limits of a Republ'ic, oil forms of Con-
stitulional liberty were perverted; by which ull the '
riehts of human nature were violated, and the I
whole country was hold trembling on the edge of
civil war; wlulo ull this Wrgo exuberance of
wickedness, detestublo in itself, becomes tenfold
more detestable when its origin is traced to the
madi.ess for Slavery. The fatal partition betweer.
Freedom apd Slavery, known as the Missouri
Compromise; the subsequent overthrow of this
pattition, and the seizure of all by Slavery; the
violation of plighted faith; the conspiracy to foroe
Slavery at oil hazards into Kansas; the successive
invasions by which all security there was destroy
ed, and the electoral franchise itself was trodden
down; the sacrilegious soizure of tho very polls,
and, through pretended forms of law, the imposi
tion of a foreign Legislature upon this Territory;
Iho acts of this Legislature, fjrti'ying tho usurpa
tion, andamong other things, establishing test
oaths, calculated to disfranchise actual settlers,
friendly to Freedom, and securing the privileges
of the citizen to actual strangers friendly to Slavo
ry; the whole crowned by a statute, '4 lie be-all and
tbe end-all' of the whole usurpation through
which Slavery was not only recognized on this
beautiful soil, but made to bristle with ft code of
deutb such as tbe world has rarely seen; all these
I have fully exposed on a former ocoasion. And
yet tho most important part of lbs argument was
at that timo left untouched I moan that whieh is
found in tho charaoter of Slavery. This natural
sequel, with the permission of the Senate, 1 pro
pose now to supply. Motive is to crime as sou1
In body; and it is only when we comprehend the
motive that we can truly comprehend the crime
jhorg the niotivo is found in Slavery and tbe rag?
for its extension. Therefore, by logics! necessity
must Slnvcry be discussed not indirectly, timidly,
Calendar and srarini;ly, but directly, openly, and taoiootk-i '
sold on execution, knocked oO at publio auotion,
and even etuked at tho gaming table on tbe la
ment ard of a caid or a die; all according to law. Nor
is there anything within the limit of life, inflicted,
or. a beast v-bich may not be inflicted on the. eUv,
Ho may be marked like a hog, branded like s
mu,lc, yoked like on ox, hobbled tike a horse, driv
Ion liko an ass, sheared like a sheep, maimed like
cut, and constantly beaten like a brute; all s,e:
cording to law. And should lifo itself be tftkaw,
what is tho remedy ? Tho law of Slavery, imita-
ly. It must be cxhibi-ter as ! alike ua Vta M
llucnco and in its animating character, so that not
only its outsido but its inside mey be seen.
On former occasions, 1 hate discussed Slavery .
only inciuxnitnify; as, in unloldi?g the priaoiph
that Slavery is sectional and Freedom national; in'
exposing the unconstitutionality of Iks Fugitive,
Slave bill; in viniliiiiting the prghititioB of Slavo.
ry in the Missouri Territory; in exhibiting that
imbecility throughout the Revolution of the Slavs
States, tin J especially of South aiuUsi aao '
lastly, in unmasking the crimo against Kansas,
Ou all these occasions, where I havo spoken at
length, I have said too little of the charaater o
Slavory, partly because other topics were present
ted, and partly from s, disinclination which I have :
always felt to press the argument against tb.oss
wbow I knew to havo all the sensitiveness of s
sick man. But, God be praised, this tinj baA
passed, and the debate is now lifted front details)
to principles. Grander debate has not occurred
jia our history; rarely in any history; nor can tbia.
debate closo or subiid except with the triumph o
First aisnijlion : Of course I begin with the.,
assumption of faot. It was the often-quoted, re-,
mark uf John Wesley, w ho knew well bow to ast
words, as also bow to touch hearts, that 'Slavery
was the sum of all villainies Tho phra.no is puni
gent; but it would bo rash in any cf us ta erittcisa
the testimony of that illustious founder of Methi
odism, whose ample experience (( Slavery io
ucorg"' ana lue urp"nl 8eero' l u"e UBen 8,4
condensed in this sententious judgment, Lsn,-.
gu.ige is feeble to express all the cnA;m';tj oi th.U
.....;., : :.,v, ; ' ,.,! . ; ;tolt .
fofm of ci;iliir,,ui(jn -ennobling' at least to the
.f m)t ,ho bUt6 Lr)uk B, u in
,. , RuJ u u ttUavs ,ho goab ,he
ker, the 'baro bones and the shame of the. cottn- '
jtrywror.'', not merely in tho abstract, o,a ta ofte'
aJluittuJ ly Ua npolofiu,Si but wrong ia tho con,
cre,o " aM(, I10ftC8S;l)( n0 Billga element o'
l,,10k at it in the light of principles, and
it"s nttth-llis os8 lhaB a koe in,utI.eotio egeim
the otornal law of Uod. involviue in its pretensions
,be diU-yA 0, butuan btti BnQ aUo lp0 de,
..,,,.... . ,,, .lim,elf ,. .
manifest, thus being pract'cally tho grositeaj V
and the grossost Atheism. Founded in violeate,
sustained only by violence, such a wrong must, bj
a sure law of compensation, blast tbe master
ns well as the slave i blast the lands on,:
which they live; blast tho community of wtioJa '
thev are a cart; blast the Government which
does not forbid ibo outrage; and the longer it .e, 4
ists, and tho more completely it prevails, most iter'
blasting influences penetrate the whole goptaj syt-'
tern. Barbarous in origin; barbarous In its liWJ
barbarous in all its pretensions; barbarous ia the
instruments t employs; barbarous in consequent
ces; barbarous in spirit; barbarot J wherever i
shows itself. Slavory must brcod barbarians,
while it develops everywhere, aliko in the individ.
ual and in the socioty of which he fjrma a Prt, .
the essential elements of barbarism. In this chati
ucter it is now conspicuous before the world, In
undertaking now lo expose the barbarism of Sle
very, the whole broad field Is open before toe
There is nothing in its character, its manifold '
wrong, its w retched results, nnd especially in its
IHUUUUI.U UU X.IV 1.11,. D ..u ... -"t
bJ H1 ut f 0rall7 W
After quoting the definitions of slavery as givi
en by the slave code, Mr. Sumner prooeods.
Out of this definition, as from o, solitary germ .
whioh in its pettiness might bo crushed by the
hand, towers our Upas tree and all its gigaolio
po'non. Study it, and you trill comprebedD the, r
whole mocBtrous growth,
Sir look at its pluin import, and see tbe relation
which it establishes- The slave is held simply far '
the use of his master, to whose behests bis life,
liberty and happiness nro devoted, and by whom
he may be bartered, leased, mortgaged, bequeath-!
ed, invoioed, shipped as cargo, stored as goods,
ting that rule of evidence which,
days and barbarous countries, prevented a Chris
tian from testifying against a Mabotnedan, opepr
ly pronounces the incompetency of the whole Afrir
can race whether bond or free to testify in any
case against a white man, and, thus having already
surrendered the slave to all possible outrage'
crowns its tyranny by exoluding Iho very testimo '
ny through which the bloody Cruelty of tbe slave1
master might be exposed. Thus in its law does) '
Slavery paint itself; but it is only when we look at ;
details and detect its essential elements five $
number all inspired by a single motive, tlixt its '
charaoter becomes completely manifest. -
Foremost, of oourse, in theso elements, is tbe, '
impossible pretension, where hirheri8.ro, is lost in,
impiety, by which man claims property in mso.-i1"
Against suoh arroganoe the argument is brief.."
Acoording to the laws of nature, written by the,
same hand that placed the planots in their oibiUj
und liko them constituting a part of Ibe eternal s
system of the universe, every human being h,as
complete title to himself direct from the Almighty -"
Naked be is born: but the birthright ir,so.pr.
hie from the human form. A pi so may be poor
iu this world's goods, but he owns himself. Nq '
war or rubbory, ancient or reoent, no middle pee- '
sage, no change of olime, no oapiure, no purchase
money, po transmission from band to band, nq
matter how many times, aud no matter at wha t
price; oan defeat this indefeasible God-given fran-'T
ohise. And a Divine mandate, strong as th
whieh guards life, guards liberty al.o. Even at
tbe very moruiog ol creation, when flod sajij 'fu