Newspaper Page Text
BENJAMIN S. JONES, EDITOR.
'NO UNION WITS SLA VEIIOLDERS,"
V' ANN PEARSON, PUBLISHNO AGENT.
VOL. 10. NO. 1.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, AUGUST IS, 18G(f.
WHOLE NO. 775.
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
From Olmstead's Journey in the Back Country.
A MISSISSIPPI SLAVEHOLDING ABOLITIONIST.
Yesterday I met a well dressed man upon the
'road, and inquired of him if lie- could recommend
"rfifl to a comfortable plnoe to pars the night.
'Yes, I can,' iaid he; 'you stop at John Wat
son's. He is a rent good follow, nod his wifo in a
nice, tidy woman; he's got a good house, And
you'll be as well taken caro of there as in any
placo I know.'
'What I am most ooncorned about is a clean
bed,' iuid I.
'Well, yott ate sate tor Hint, then).
So distinct a recommendation was unusual, and
when I reached the house he bud described to mo,
though it was not yet dark, I stopped to solicit en
tertainment. In the gallery stood a fine, etaltwart man, and
woman who in size and figuro matched him
well. Some ruddy, fat children were playing on
the steps. The man woro ft full beard, which is
very uncommon in these parts. I rode to a horse
block near the gallery, and asked if I could bo ac
commodated for tlio night. 'Oh, yen, you can stay
here if you can get along without anything to eat;
we don't have anything to cat but once a wcik.'
'You look as if it agreed with you; I reckon I'll
try it for one night.' 'Alight, sir, alight. Why,
you came from Texas, didn't you? Your rig
looks like it,' ho said, as I dismounted. 'Yes, I've
jnt ornasixl Tenns, nil ilio way from tho Rio
Grande.' 'Huve you, though? Well, I'll be
right glad to hear something of that country.' lie
'threw my saddle and bags across the rail of the
gallery, and we walked together to the Btable,
'I hoar that there ara a great many Germans in
the western part of Texas,' be said presently.
'There are a great many; west of the Gunda
loupe, more Germans than American born.'
'Have they got many slaves?'
'Well, won't they break off nnd make a free
state down there, byand-by ?'
I should think it not impossible that they
'I wish to God they would; I would liko right
well to go nnd settle there if it was free from sla
Very. You see Kaneas and all the free states are
too far north for me; I was raised in Alabama,
and I don't want to move into a colder climate
but I would like to go into a country where they
bhd not got this curse of slavery.'
He said this not knowing that I was a northern
man; greatly surprised, I asked, 'Wbat are your
objections to slavery, sir ?'
'Objections 1 The first's here,' (striking bis
breast ;) 'I never could bring mjsclf to liko it
Well, sir, I know slavery is wrong, and God'll put
an end to it, It s bound to come to an end, and
when the end does come there'll be woe in the
land. And, instead of preparing for it, and trying
to make it as liht u possible, we are doing noth
ing but make it worse and worjo. That's the way
it appears to me, and I'd rather get out of these
parts before it comes. Then I've another objec
tion to it. I don't like to have slaves about mo.
Now, I tell a nigger to go and feed your burse; 1
never know if he's done it unless I go and sce
and if be didn't know I would go and see, nnd
would whip him if I found he hadn't fed him
would ho feed him He'd lot him starve. I've
got as good niggers as anybody, but I never can
depend on them; they will lie, and they will steal,
and take advantage of me in every way they dare.
Of course they will if thoy are slaves. But lying
and stealing are not the worst of it. I'vo got a
family of children, and I don't like to have such
degraded beings round my house while they are
growing up. I know what the consequences are
to children, of growing up nmong slaves.'
I here told him that I was a northern man, and
asked if he could safely utter such sentiments
among the people of this district, who boro the
reputation of being among tho most extreme and
fanatical devotees of slavory. 'I have been told a
bundrel times I should be killed if I were not
more prudent in expressing my opinions, but when
it comes to killing, I'm as good as the next man,
and they know it. I never came the worst out of
a fight yet since I was a boy. I never m afraid
to speak what I think to anybody. I don't think
I ever shall bo,'
'Are there many persons hore who bave as bad
oc opinion of slavery as you have?'
'I reckon you never saw it conscientious man
who had been brought up among slaves who did
not think of it pretty much as I do did you ?'
'Yes, I think I have, a pood many.'
'Ah 1 self'interest warps men's minds wonder
fully, but I don't believe there are many who don't
think so sometimes it's impossible, I know, that
, Were there any others in this neighborhood, I
asked, who avowedly bate slavery? Ho replied
that there were a good many mechanics, all the
mechanics be knew, who felt slavery to be a great
curse to them, and who wanted to see it brought
to an end in somo way. Tho competition in which
they were constantly made to feel themselves en
gaged with slave labor was degrading to them,
and they folt it to be so. He knew a poor, hard
working man whs was laloly offered the services
or three negroes for six years each if be would
let them learn his trade, but be refused the propo
sal with indignation, saying be would starve bo
fore he helped slave to become a mechanic'.
There was a good doal of talk now among them
about getting laws pamed to prevent the
owner ol slaves from having them taught trades,
and to prohibit slave mechanics from being hired
out. He oould go out to-morrow, be supposed,
and in the conrie of a day get two hundred signa
tures to a paper alleging that slavery was a curse
trHn8-p90pr-4f MJflTissippi, and praying the leg
islature to take measures to relieve them of it as
soon as practicable. The county contains tbree
times a many slaves as whites.
A Georgia editor has received a basket and! the
following meseage from a lady i 'Mr.- Editor, I
( jot soma Bell pears the best you Eter-et.
HEARD SOMETHING DROP.
Once upon a time, 'Julius Cicsar,' by investing
a 'quarter' in a 'ticket,' was admitted to the darky's
seat in a circus, where be saw performed tho ad
mirable feat of riding two horses at onco. 'Julius
Ca?sar,' then and there felt the first stirrings of
ambition, and in mental exultation bo soliloquized
to himself 'dis niggor kin do dat same, an' he will
too.' And straightway he put his resolve into
execution. Getting op an old spavined mare and
a rather unmanageable mule, 'Julius Cretar' moun
ted them, with a long heeled foot upon tho back of
each. 'Julius' was in bis gloryl His 'trained'
animals performed admirably until they came to a
largo mud hole in tho road, when the mule 'shied'
off beyond tho onpacity of evon 'Juliui Conor's'
legs to reach. What happened is not very accu
rately described in history. But nor long after the
'spread' of 'Julius,' his master came along and
fottnd that colored individual' in the puddla,
scratching tho mud Out of his byes. On being
asked how be came to bo in such a plight, he could
give no rational account of it. All he could toll
was, that bo was riding the two animals along as
nice as could be, when all St onie he 'hoard some
thing drop,' and that was all he knew about it.
It will be so with Mr. Douglas, Mountod upon
bis two chargers, he got along very well until one
of them 'shied" round the Charleon 'mud hole.'
Little Dug. is found in a sorry condition, but can
give no in;clligilde account of 'how ha enmo so.'
All ho remembers distinctly is, that whilo he was
successfully, as ho supposed, ridding two bobbies
at onco, they 'fprend' beyond the length of his
!!! nnl ho 'heard aomrihiag drop.' I'ome
HOW ABOUT FINDING FEDERAL OFFICE
HOLDERS DOWN SOUTH IF LINCOLN
SHOULD BE ELECTED.
A correspondent of the N. Y. Herald, who has
been staying with John C. Breckinridge for some
time, writes of the marrow of matters:
"The ijiprcssion entertained by some Northern
people and prcssos that Major Brcekinridgo is a
disunionist, and that his friends aim at a breaking
up of tho American confederacy, is entirely erro
neous, and gross irjustico is dono Major B. by the
circulation of such reports. Some of bis warmest
and most intimate friends bave assured me that
even in the event of such a calamity befalling the
country as the election of L'bcfln, they might be
restive, but would not submit to the dissolution of
the Union upon any pretext. "How will you fill
your offices in case Lincoln should be eleoted ?" I
asked of a strung Breckinridga office-bolder in one
of the adjoining counties, the other day. :01i,
thcro will be no troublo about that, sir; there are
plenty of Lincoln mon at beart here now, only
thoy don't daro a7ow themselves." Somo of those
personages have actually begun to consider Lin
coln's election a foregone conclusion, and are ma
king their arrangements accordingly. The ex
trcmo Southerners will chafe under such a state of
thing, but that will bo all, and the judicious dis
tribution of the fat offices will servo as a sooth
ing salve in many a severe caso. I have heard
somo Kentuckians, strong pro-slavery men, declare
that Lincoln's position 1 not so bad for tho sla'vc:
holders aftor all ; he would protect slavery whero
it is ; th.1t the presetit fugitive slave law is all they
could Rsk, and it is only the want of fidelity
among some of the States that prevents its execu
tion ; and that slavery will only go where soil and
climate and tho fitness (if other things naturally
DOUGLASISM AND NEGRO SUFFRAGE
IN NEW YORK.
Wo notice that tho Statesman publishes without
comment the telegraph! : lrpnrt of the Convention
of the Young Democracy (Douglas) of New York,
wherein, after passing resolutions indorsing Dong
las, Johnson, and Popular Sovereignty, a resolu
tion offered by S. D. Hunt, 'denouncing the per
sonal liberty bill, and tho extension of suffrage to
negroes.' met so decided an opposition that it was
withdrawn. This is equivalent to an indorsement
by tbe Douglasites in New York, of moasures
which bave excited llieir intensest horror in Ohio.
According to tbe Squatter Demooracy of this State.
last year, a personal liberty bill was tantamount to
treason, and as to negro suffrage to bint at such
a thing was atrooious 1 Their brethren in New
York take an opposite view of the matter. Tbey
vote down a proposition to protest against these
enormities, yet we suppose the Statesman thinks
this all right. State Journal.
Manumission. Six very fine looking children,
the eldest nine years, the youngest about cine
months, all girls with tbe exception of a boy aged
five years, were brought into Court with tboir
mother, for the purpose of being emancipated.
The mother had somo traces of negro blood, the
children had none whatever ; on the contrary,
they were of remarkably fair and delicate com
plexions, and had the hair and features of the
white race. Tbey were the slaves of Mr. Thom
as J. Murray, of Lincoln County, Georgia, who
has purchased for them a comfortable bouse and
lot on Barr street, in this city, as a borne. Mr,
Stephen Coles bad charge of the case in court.
Akotukb Case. The emancipation papers of a
negro man, aged twenty-five years, named August,
the slave of Louisa Massot, of New Orleans, were
duty reo'orded. Cin. Com., Aug. I0A.
SotTHEBN Methodist Slatiholders. The pre
siding elders of the several distriots embracing tbe
whole territory of the Baltimore Conference, eon
vened in Staunton, Virginia, on the 1st instant.
Tbe design of this meeting was to consider the
courts most proper to be taken by tbe membership
of the Church in the bounds of the Conferenee, in
view of the action of the General Conference at
its late session in Buffalo. That body introduced
into tbe discipline a ohapter on slavery, wblch is
very offensive to the Methodists of the Baltimore
Conference. For twe months past tbey bars been
expressing in various ways, their determined op
position to tbe new chapter; and it is a 'fixed faot'
that tbey will throw off their sJlegiatiot to the
body enacting it. The meeting at Staunton was
merely to give this meeting of dissent a wise direc
tion. The result of their dolibsrations, we under
stand, was ill 3 recommendation of a convention,
to be oo Ai posed of one layman for eaob traveling
preacher, to meet at the same time and plafo as
the Annual Conference at its next session, to far
as we know, this suggestion meets approval, and
will, no doubt result in a concerted movement of
withdrawal from the body, whose action is oppres
sive beyond endurance to Baltimore Conference
Methodists. Washington Stales.
From the Ashtabula Sentinel.
A LETTER TO WENDELL PHILLIPS.
Wf.vdell Puillh-s Esq:
Diar Sir i I read your
animadversion upon Mr. Lincoln, with some in
terest. The idea which you tacitly advance, that
members of Congress hold to, and desire the adop
tion of all the measures contained in bills which
they present, involves tbo reputation of all who
have served in Congress. I do not answer "jou on
behalf of Mr, Lincoln, I f peak for the truth of
You state your charge as follows :
Abhaiiam Lincoln, the Slave-Hound ok Illi
nois. We gibbet another bound today, side by
sido with the infiimnus Mason of Virginia. Ma
son s slavo bill is based on thai clause of the Uni
ted Statos Constitution which provides for the sur
render of slaves escaping from one Stale into
another State of tho Union,
Tje Supremo Court of tho Unitod States has
uuciueu mat toe xisiriutul Ouiumoia cot a
Stale wiihin tho moaning F the Constitution. See
Hepburn vs. Ellzev, 2 Craned, 415. The District
of Columbia is not, therefore, included in the
terms of the Fugitive Slave clause. Whoever tiies
to extend tbe dominion of that clauso over the
District of Columbia exhibits only his voluntary
baseness, can have no pretenco of constitutional
obligation, out-Masons Mason, and stamps himself
n hound of special 'nlacritv.'
This deed, Abraham Lincoln, Republican candi
date for President, has dono 1 Here are tbe
. Extract from a bill sugsosted by Hon. Abraham
Lincoln, to the U. S. House of Representatives,
January 10, 1849. (Soo Congressional Globe, ap
pendix, 22 Session, 30 th Cingrces, p. 2i2 )
'Section 5. That tbe municipal nuthoritios of
Washington and Georgetown, within their respec
tive jurisdictional limits, are hereby empowered
and required to provide active and efficient pieans
16 arrest and deliver up to their owners ALL FU
GITIVE SLAVES escaping into laid Disti icl.'
Observe bis proposition : it provides no safe
guards, no jury trial; takes no care to prevent free
men from being carried off as slaves. In these
rospeots, it is worse than even Mason's bill. The
municipal authorities aro to 'provide active and
You speak of Abraham Lincoln, as the candi
date of the Republican party, for President. He
holds that honor in consequence or having avowed
his convictions, 'that all men are created equal;
that tbey ore endowed by their crontor with certain
inalienable rights; that nmong these are life, liber
ty, and tbe pursuit of happiness; that to secure
those rights governments are instituted among
men, deriving their just potters from the consent
of the governed.' I presume you admit hi in to
bo honest, that when in power he will maintain
this doctrine to the extent of his offioiul authority.
With this profession of moral and political faith,
be Stands before tho public. Tou S back twelve
years, find that bo Iberi (roposed to introduce a
bill containing a clauso to which you object, and
leprcsorit that clauso as expressing his opinion,
not merely at that time, but at tho present day,
in direct contradiction of his own solemn avowal.
I need not be told that you intended no misrep
resentation. I know you were dictated by n do-'
sire to promote the cause of liberty and justice:
that in your zeal you overlooked important histor
ical facts, and adopted a course of argument un
just to Mr. Lincoln and to the public
This remark is fully illustrated by tho fa t that
you speak of the (ugitivo law of that day as being
the one now in force. But you could not have
designed to charge Mr. Lincoln with an intention
to extend to the District of Columbia, the provis
ions of a law which was not passed until sixteen
months after be ceased to bo a member of Con
gress. Again, I know that you and every intelligent
man will admit that if Mr. Lincoln now holds
the doctrines proclaimed by tbe Republican party,
bo should be judged by those doctrines, whatever
may bave been bis previous views. Paul was an
apostle at Corinth, and at Rome, although be
had been a persecutor at Damascus. Tbe con
sciousness of every man compels him to judge
those around him by their present opinions, and
not by those whub they bave discarded.
But you bave brought before the public an item
of history which should be understood by the peo
ple; It is due to truth that those who have labor
ed in tbe cause of humanity, should understand
the part which Mr. Lincoln performed in that clos
ing session of toe dlnh. Uongress. lo appreciate
liisTTCiioa we must take into view some of kboso
surrounding circumstances and facts which give
charaoter to bis doings.
Tbe Mexican war bad olosed by our obtaining
fiooj Mexioo a vast territory, over which the Ad
ministration war seeking lo extend the curse of
human boudage. Tbe free soil organisation bad
been the means of defeating the eleotiou of Gen.
Cass, and the Democratic party stood bumbled
before the country, but apparently more devoted
to tbe cause of oppreesion than it bad previously
been. The Whig party, thoogn ttcifty pledged
against the extension of slavery, was not relied
upon. Experienced members well understood that
when the contest sbou'df beoome serious and slave
holders should threaten, tbe conservative portion
uf that party would obey lb behest of their
Southern masters. Mr. Adsme.so long relied up
on by the lovers of liberty, bad passed to bis re
ward, and no man of bis experience was left to
guide their eounoils. Democrats and Whigs unit
ed iu tboir efforts to suppross discussion in regard
to the crimes of slavery and tho slave trade, 1
speak not for Mr. Lincoln; I have no authority
to dwtbat, but I speak of him as he stands histo
rically conneoted with that causa which is dear to
you and me.
And so far as I hare knowledge, he bad not ud
to January 1849 given any public evidence of bis
adherence to the doctrines which now constitute
the basis of the Republican confession of f'th.
He had been bred among slaveholders, educated in
the belief that slavery wax just, proper and neces
sary. Ilo was the only Whig representative from
Illinuia, and while at home was surrounded by a
pro-slavery sentiment but little modified from that
of Kentucky, His parly was just coming into
power, while be was about to retire to f rivals life,
precisely at tho time when be could bave claimed
the highest Executive favor that was due his State.
He saw a few members Standing aloof from tbe
Democratic and Whig organisations, seeking by
every bonorablo means to call attention1 of the
Ildtrse and country to the crimes of slavery. They
were called "agitators" and ihe liuo of demarca
tion, which separated them from other members
was well defined. These men were seeking to in
form the country that in .he District of Columbia,
a Fugitive Slave Law far more barbarous than
any that has ever been in f, rcc, in our free States
was maintained on enactment by which free per
sons were seized and imprisoned, and after prov
ing their freedom, were compelled to pny expen
ses, or bo sold into slavery. The fugitive Blave
law of 1793 had become a dead letter upon our
statute book, perfectly bscless to the tlnveholdor,
and I would that Mr. Lincoln, or nuy other man
had been ablo to repeal the heathenish enactment
in foroe wiihin the District of Columbia even by
extending the act of '93 over it ; and permit me
also to say that Coigrese had as much power to
legislate for catching slaves in the District of Col
umbia as within the States. Tho power to do
eitlie was an usurpation ; and the small band to
whom I reler were endeavoring to call publio at
tention to the t"uct that our government had by
Congressional enactments authorized the commis
sion of revolting crimes, in tbe District of Colum
bia, In our Territories, and upon tbe high seas.
To effect this object, Mr. Palfrey of your State,
asked, leave to iutroduco 'a bill repealing all such
acts end parts of any and all acts of Congress
that sustain slavery or the Blave trade in tho dis
trict of Columbia." Tbe bill, if a law, would
have left every slaveholder IU possession of bis
slaves, und every slavedealer at liberty to pursue
his vvcation according to that "popular sovereignty"
which our Democratic friends now advocate. But
I ttUctthat ygu nor Hny other man will charge Dr.
Palfrey witb such intent. His motion, (not tbe
bill) was a blow aimed at that despotism whiob
bad held him nnd bis friends in abject Bilence.
Ilo intended tbe country should understand that
the slave trndo and slavery in the District of Col
umbia was to be attacked, exposed, held up to the
tlisgllst Uf ciankind; that members of Congress
could and ought to speak out; to place the subject
before the country, and to act against it.
On the 18th of December, your humble servant
went farther than Mr. Palfrey or Mr. Lincoln. I
ashed and obtained lenvo to introduce a bill grant
ing to the people of the District of Columbia the
privilege to express by vote their desire to main
tain of abolish slavery and the slave trade within
said District. In presenting this bill I bad not tbe
most distant idea of passing a law that should
leave the elavt holder to determine whether he
would hold slaves, or tho slavodealer to say wheth
er he Would follow his acursod vocation or not.
My object was the same which 1 attributed to Mr.
Palfrey, nnd I determined to make my bill so ac
ceplible upon its face, that members would not
object to its introduction. In this 1 e'u't'ceodod .'
I obtained leave to introduce it. It was formally
read a first and second time, and stood upon the
question of engrossment, when a meinbor from
Mifsissippi, discovered that it gave the slaves the
sn'me right to vote that it gave tho masters. .This
fact was announced, and there Wu's a sensation
among slaveholders and conservatives, and my
poor bill was laid upon the table in double quick
time. But my object was obtained.
Now, sir, when you or others shall judge me in
tbe present, or in Ihe future, let your opinions be
formed by the whole record, by the surrounding
facts and circumstances, by my words, my acts
my votes ; but I pray you not to take the bill
tben introduced, as expressing my opinions. This
is the rule which in past time has been applied
statesmen of all parties, and I desire to be judged
by it. Mr. Lincoln has a right to be judged by
Tbe beat movement on this subject was by our
excellent friend Daniel Gott of New York. It was
directed against tbe slave trade in the District of
Columbia. He was more fortunate tbao Mr. Pal
frey or myself. The slurs; holders bad become
nervous under tbo repeated blows given tbe insti
tution, and some of them appeared desperate. Mr.
Gott on introducing bis resolution demanded Ihe
previous question, ttrst being the only mode by
wbich be oouid get a vote upon it. To avoid such
vote a motion was made to lay tbe resolution on
the table, when Mr. Venable of North Carolina,
addressing Southern members in an undertone
caUed on theui to vote against laying it upon the
table, and to vote in lavor of the previous question,
"so as to make every man North and South shout
his hand. If this article should meet the eye of
that gentleman I would assure bim that to this
day I feel grateful for the proposition be made.
By tbe aid of Southern men we obtained a direct
vote upon adopting Mr. Oott's resolution, and it
was carried. It was an unexpected victory for tbe
time being, but a motion io reconsider was made
and tbe discussion postponed until tbe 10th of
January. On that day Mr. Linooln bad bis bill
read to tbo House, and declared bis intention to
introduce it as an amendment to Mr. Gotl's reso
lution," iT tbe motion to reooceidef shouid sucoeed.
Ho stated tbat be bad oonversed witb fifteen of tbe
prineiplt oilixens of Washington City who thought
tbat snob a proposition would meet witb tbe ap
proval of the people of ihe IHstrkl. He did not
represent tbat lbs bill was Satisfactory to tboss
fifteen eitisens, much less did be represent it as
satisfactory to himself, but be did express tbe
hops that it would mvot the approval of tba peo
- t I.
pie of the District, and that was the apparent ob
ject of the bill.
But his Conversing with the people of the Dis
trict, the preparation it bis bill, tbe avowal of bis
intention to present it, were Important. By these
acts he took bis position with those who were la
boring in the cause of humanity. He avowed his
intention to strike down slavery and the slave
trade io the District, to strike from our statute
book tbe act by which freeman were transformed
into slaves ; to speak, and act, and vote for tbe
right. He cast aside tbe shackles of party and
tuok his stand upon principle. You speak of that
act witb great severity .of condemnation. I view
it as one of high moral excellence, marking the
heroism of the man. He was tn only member
among tbe Whigs proper of that session, who
broke silenae on the subject of 'hose crimes, which
through Congressional enaotmentS stilt bohtinde
to disgrace our nation and mankind.
t repeat I am not vindicating Mr. Lincoln. I
know not that I speak bis views. I only speak of
those acts which bave given the lovers of liberty
confidence in bim.
But tbose acts were anoillary to the exclusion
of slavery from California. They were intended
to prepare the popular mind for that evont. At
the period of which lam writing (1849) those
friends of freedom who held scats io the House of
Representatives were marshalling their forces pre
paratory to that conflict wbich was rapidly gather
ing around them.
Our woithy friend, J. M. Root, had introduced
-his celebrated resolution directing the committee
on Territories to report bills organizing givern
ments in California and New Mexioo, excluding
slavery therefrom. On that resolution, Mr. Lin
cola voted for freedom. The question was of ab
sorbing interest. The advooatos of free soil and
free nien felt their responsibility. Tbe Democrat
ic party were ami jus to carry out the design of
extending slavery for which Texas bad been an
nexed, and tbe MexTaan war had been waged. The
slave power had never teen defeated on any im
portant measure. Slaveholders were threatening
a dissolution of tbe Union ; timid men hesitated,
conservatives begged and prayed tbe advocates of
freedom not "to sever tbe Union," the radical Ab
olitionists cried "down with tbe Union," while
wickedness and stupidity combined to charge
members of Congress witb tbe alledged political
heresies entertained by the friends of Mr. Garri
son. Amid these scenes, the friends of tbe slave
in Congress were oonstrained to keep their eyes
upon the battle-field, to see that their ranks were
serried and firm. In tbat hour of freedom's dan
ger Abraham Lincoln was witb them. On every
call of the yeas and nays lbs official records show
him at his post. Firm, cheerful, and true to his
own convictions, he (altered not, but carried out
in practice tho doctrines which be enunciated by
presenting the bill of wbich you complain. And
even when Gon. Taylor and bis Cabinet surren
dered to wbat tbey supposed a necessity, and ex
erted their influence to induce membors of Con
gress to give way, and accept an amendment to
tbe civil and diplomatic bill organizing a govern
ment in California without excluding slavery, Lin
ooln maintained bis position, and with his associ
ates, on that last night of tho 30th Congress amid
excitement and violence, resisted the influence of
tbo out going, as well as of the in-coming admin
istration, and saved an empire from bondage.
Eleven years of subsequent study, thought and
observation, have brought Mr. Lincoln to the sat
isfactory conclusion that life, liberty, and the pur
suit of happiness, are gifts of God, constituting
the rights of man for the protection of which,
Governments arc instituted.
la our Territories, in the District of Columbia,
and upon the high seas, our Federal Government
holds exclusive jurisdiction. There Mr. Lincoln
stands pledged by every obligation that can rest
upon bim, to maintain to the full extent of his
moral and official po-vers, these rights which per
tain to the human soul. To the fugitive slaves, to
tbe slaves in our Southern States, to the serls of
Russia, to the oppressed throughout the world, be
stands pledged to the extent of bis moral and po
litical influence, to support the rights which God
has given them. I am not aware that any man of
any age has based bis politioal faith upon truths
more essential. They aire the trtths whioh all
good men would gladly maintain.
J. R. GIDDINGS.
Jefferson, July 30th, 1860.
LINCOLN ON NEGRO EQUALITY.
The Democracy and Bell Everetts ara circulat
ing in Massachusetts tbe following passages, from
the speeches of Mr. Lincoln, as printed io tbe
'Joint Debates of Douglas and Lincoln,' published
by Follett and foster, of Obio. Tbe object, of the
New England Democracy is to show tbat Mr. Lin
coln is not in favor of 'Negro equality.'
'I bave said tbat I do not understand the Decla
ration1 to mean (bat all men were created eqnial in
all rospeots. Certainly, the negro is not our equal
io oolor perhaps not io many other respocts.'
'What next? Free them, and make them
sooially and politically our equals 1 My own feel
ings will not admit of this.
We oan not make tbeui our equals.' Page 74.
Our opinion is, that it would be best for all
Concerned to bave tbe colored population in a State
by themselves. In this I agree.' Page 125.
I will say, that I am not, nor ever bave been, in
favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of
qualifying them to bold office, nor intermarry witb
whites ; and I will say further, in addition lo this,
tbai there is a physical difference between tbs
black and white races, wbiob 1 believe will forever
forbid the' two races living together on teims of so
cial and politioal equality.' P. 139, 197.
I agree with Judge Douglas tbat be (the negro)
is not my equal in many respects, certainly not in
oolor perhaps not in' iatellcotuai' and1 moral n
dowmsnts.' P. 75.
'In that contest I did not at any time say I was
in favor of nsgro suffrage twice, onos substan
tially, aud ones xpressly, I declared against it,'
'I bave no purpose to in trod ace politioal and so
cial equality between the white and blaae races.
'I tell him very frankly, I am not in favor of no-
gro citlienship. P. 157. ...
We bave been looking over the 'Debater,' and
find these extracts to be veritable. Perhaps our
Demooratio brethren will give them circulation in
this part of the world. Cincinnftti Commercial,
THE WAY IT WORKS.
Agreeable to the Constitution, when the return
from tb several colleges bave been read by lhl
Vioe PreBidont in the presence of tbe assembled.
Congress, and it shall have been as-sertained tbat
no candidate has a majority of all the eleoloral
votes, it becomes the. duty of the ifouso o Repre
sentatives to choO'O from tbe three nu'rueiioal)
highest names on the list the future President. A
quorum of two thirds is required for this purpose,
the delegation of each State casting a single rote ;
and tbs successful aspirant must hare a majori'ty
of all tbe votes. In tbe present Congress, the doL"
egationi as they stand would unquestionably diSi
tribute their votes us indicated in the subjoined
Illinois would vote for DougKs and Tennessee
for Bell : the delegation from Arkansas is divid
ed between Douglas and Breckinridge : tboss
from Kentucky, Maryland and North Carolina ar'
equally dividod between liell On the one band
and a ' Democrat on tbs ntber. Tbe
tho House wduld therefore stand thus ;
Bell, . ..
It is not at all likely that Kansas will be admit
ted in advance of tbe eleotion so tbat seventeen
votes only will be required to elect. f It is otrtain
tbat in, tbe event of a failure to elect by tbs popu
lar vote, Linooln will go to tbe House, and it is al
most certain that Breckinridge will also., Wheth
er Douglas or Bell will be tbe third on the list is
doubtful ; but only one of the two can id in
event sh voted for.
Lincoln will lack but too votes of an election ;
while Breckimidge will lack five, and either ffeff
or Douglas would lack 16. It is obvious tbat
neither of tbe latter could expect the whole body
either of tbe Republicans or of tbe Democrats to
come to bis support, except under very extraordi
nary circumstances, and probably they would not
do it in any contingency. The choice will lie fTfa'eV
tically between the other two ; if om; of (hem ,fV
not eleoted we shall bave no President but tba
question will go to the Senato, and tbat body will'
undoubtedly cbooaeLane to be the acting President
for Ihe next four years. The certaintyof this result,
in tbe contingency supposed, will have a great influ
ence upon the opponents of the Demoiracy in the
House, We tbink it not impossible that, as a last
resort, to nrevent the elec'ion of f.Vr.n unn-'n n'r-'a
of the Democrats on the Illinois delegation tnigtt
join the Republicans, and give the vote of that
State .to Lincoln letving him only one short of an
election. Where he could get that one, it is not
easy to see. Tennessee has seven Americans and
tbree Democrats" on' her delegation; but scarcel
any contingency can be foreseen in which her vote
could bs given to a Republican candidate. Ken
tucky, has five Americans arid fivs Democrats, and
tbe chance of tier voting for Linooln is noteater.
Maryland has three of each, II. Wintor Dav.V, J1.
M, Harris, and E. II. Webster, being the three
Americans and North Carolina bas four of each
upon ber delegation. It is not easy to imagine
any contingency in which oitTier of CbesA States'
would vote fur a Republican'.
Tbe chances for Breckinridge to get tbe five
votes be would need are still smaller. Arkansas
is tbe only ono if the four tied States that woul
vote for him, unless possibly North Carolina might
do so. But be would still lack three votes, and
nothing short of downright purchase of some ons
American member on eacH of tbe delegatborS
from Kentucky and Maryland, and of several oo
tbo Tennesseo d'eegatit n, oould possibly secure
them for bim.
It is clear, therefore, tbat if tbe election goes'
into tbe House, Lincoln's chances are decidedly
better tban those of any otbor candidate. And it
is altogether probable tbat no ono.could be elected,
and tbat the struggle Would be carried on' wfth' in
tense and corWt'antly increasing acrimony, until
the 4th of March. New York Times,
WOODMAN SPARE THAT TREE.
We perceive it is proposed to noniiaata for, Con-'
gress, In New .York, Gen. George P. Morris,' so'
well known as one of the editors of the Home
Journal. As an interesting Frenoh contemporary
remarks, perhaps the best known production, of
tbe gallant and accomplished editor is that of
whiob the title is given above. In oasa ol bit
nomination, it ocours to us lhat lbs ehansoti iff
question might be used in' slrtkigg effnot as an"
electioneering article a'g'alnat the Rail-spliVte'r ana
bis party thus showing the natural oon'iisotion
between politics and poetry! Th fttl'prepatioo of
tbe verses against tba ferocious" woodoian bas un
doubtedly affected1 tbe beaVts of many thousands.
Is it possible that human nature is so changed tbat
its sympathetic emotions are to be now touched
by a reputation aotually derived fruwAsst
ent pursuit of such a barbarous operation? ; Ooj
tbe contrary, the more rails' the Republican eandU
date may bave split, the less worthy is be of tba'
(tootle, tbe polished and the human. The Gener
al is to be a candidate of the Demoomu be baa
already put into tba bands of his friends a powsr,
ful weapon against tbs Republicans, in 'WivuK
matt! spar tbat tres! Ponton Courier,-