Newspaper Page Text
BENJAMIN S. JONES, EDITOll.
"..VO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS."
ANN 1'E ARSON, PUBLISHING AQENT.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, OCTOIHSU 13, 1SG0.
VOL. 1C NO. 9.
WHOLE NO. 83.
THE ANTI-SLAVEIVY BUGLE,
rcBLHHKD EVERV SATURDAY, A T OALEM, oVllo'
by the Executive Committee of tboWostorn Aoti.
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The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
WHAT EWING SAYS.
The Republican pnriy of 1800 has become bo
conservative, that Thomas Ewing can now join i s
forces, and advocate Lincoln's election. In a lute
speech at Chillioothe, he gave his views of tho po
sition of the party. Atier iilloding to the suppos.
c& time when fanatical councils prevailed in the
party, he thus discourses
In Ohio cxtremo men ruled nnd seemed to be the
majority, but they never were so. As in an ctTer.
vescing fluid, all Ecems foam to those who look
only on its eurface, so did this element seem to be
all of the papty opposed to the repeal of the Mis
souri compromise, while in truth its strength lay
in the calm, conservative Whig mass, which re
mained inactive below. As examples in our own
state, of extreme party action, witness the attack
last year n . the independence of the Judiciary
in tho person of Judge Swan tho refusal of the
Legislature last winter, w hen the subject was be
fore thon?, to'pass a law to prohibit the forming or
fitting out of marauding expeditious into our sister
States, and the refusal of our Executive to surren
der fugitives from justico pursuant to the re.
iquirem-uts of the Constitution, all of whioh indi.
cated that this party was engaged in a conflict
whioh must be, in fact and deed, irrepressible, so
long as it and the Union both endured ; and that
the organic law of the republic had been superced
ed by a higher or lower law namely, the individ
ual willi dominant in the minds of excited men.
Such was the condition of things which cuuscd me
to stand nluof from the puity, tho objects of whose
original orgauizat.on I ajiprovod, and to uavuuce
w bieb objects I labored afterwards out of the party
earnestly, and, I havo reason to bolicve, effectively.
But I looked for a reaction, and it has come.
Conservative nin,Iaw-l jving.law-abiJiug men, a juld
Dot sutfer the excesses of the time to go abroad
under their apparent sanction end remain inao
tive. The reaction presented itself io a two-fold
aspect. Out of the party, by the Union organisa
tioo in the North in the party, by tho rejection
of extreme party leudore und tho nomination of a
sound conservative man fur President at tho late
Tho resolutions of the Chicago Convention tho
platform is bettor thun we have been accustomed
to, in speeches ncd resolves, for four or five years
past better in its positions, much better in tone
and temper. It quito rejects the heresy that any
)aw applicable to the civil government of our Un
ion is hiijher than the Constitution of the United
States. It condemns in strong terms the orgnn
ixalioo of marauding expeditions in any of the
States to attack the people or the institutions of
neighboring Slates a thing which the Ohio Leg
islature had so recently refused to declare unlaw
ful ; and in its whole tone and temper, counsels
peace and mutual respect of each other's rights
between States, instead of the maintuiuunce of a
continual and irrepressible conflict. It also has
discovered and declared that the nation haft some
mission other than that of perpetual war over Sla.
.very. ind especially it advances sound old Whig
doctrine as to the fostering care w hich Govern,
tnent owes to the industry of its people. This
suits mo well. It is a recurrence to first princi
ples a sttung assurance that the party, as it now
.exists, intends to build up and preserve, uud not to
, But I do not think the adoption of a portion of
.the Declaration of Independence in very good
taste ; and such, indeed, seemed to be the opinion
of a majority of the Convention ; but beyond that
it is quite unimportant. The clause adopted is
true, io the vague and general sense in which it
was used by the framers of the Deolaiation, who
,1rere, three-fourths n( them, slaveholders. And in
that sense it seems to have been tukon by the Con
tention ; for if not; it would he inconsistent with
their other resolves, which assert in express
terms the absolute right of States, slave and free;
ever their domestic institutions.
I object to the eighth r. solution. The proposi
tion that "the normal condition of all the territory
'vt the Unitod Stules is thut of freedom." is not
true io point of fact. The rule the norma whioh
is announced by the proposition, must apply, if it
1 has any meaning,' to the territory as it existed at
the time of the formation of the Constitution
when Slavery exist :d under and by the law of
nearly all the States and in all the Territories, ex
cept the territory northwest of the river Ohio;
ad as to the af:er acquired territory,- the noriria
KeuiuBt be applied io ii condition at the rao -
Ba d ''dd it. The Bhips Bailing under tho flag
, d carrying papers under tho seal of tho United
StateB, attesting their nationality, are, wherever
IIieJ mny sail on the high seas, part and parcel uf
be1'1'" territories of the United States, and under the
dominion, pure and uumixed, ol her Constitution
1 i i
ment it became the property of tho I'tiilcd States.
And Louisiana, nil tlint is now in question, wan
then slave territory. The framcrs of tlio Consti
tution had no conception of this "normal coni"
iio . t hen ttiey willed that tho Anrth-rv astern
territory should be free, it was no declared by the
adoptinu of the ordinance of 1787 with its pruhiu"
itory clause as binding under the Constitution.
The South-Western Territory was left to Shivery,
'just where tho laws of North Carolina otid Ueor
, u,,u ""0. I
Now who would bo bold eVbugh to contend that
prior to the year 1808, whila the Constitution lor
bacle the abolition of the Slave trade, that the
"normal condition" of tho t,hips which bore the
slaves was "that of freedom"? j
Suit'ly they hud no condition whatever except
that which the Constitution, and the laws passed,
I litiHpr it. nrrniNx) I ftiM it t'lmts tn n ftitiiiniist m.
lion that the proposition us to the "normal condi
tion" of tho territories of tho United States in its
",08t Ronorul or uioro restricted sense cannot be
maintained. Tho other branch of tho resolution,
namely, the proposition, that Congross has but a
limited p-.wcr over Slavery in tho Territories,
though advanced by tho Chicago Convention in
this eighth resolution, by tho Breckinridge Con
vention in their second resolution, and suslaiued
by the Supreme Court of the Uuitod States in the
case of Dred Scott vs. Sanlord, dues not command
tho assent of my judgment. But if the proposi
tion that the power of the United Stales over the
Territories is limited in that particular be true, the;
Breckinridge Convention and tho Supreme Court
of the United States liuve the best of tho argu
ment, to say no hit. g of authority. But, with nil
my habitual deference und respect for that Court,
and I think it secund to none iu the world lor tlio
qualiti'-s which givo wcig:.t and dignity to a judt
diciul tribunal, 1 cannot divest myself of the opiu-'
ion thut it erred on this point, which was quito
unnecessary to the decision of tho case
Their error, in toy judgment, consists in con-'
sidering slaves as property merely ; instead of!
considering muster and s'uvo as relations, which,
in our uniticial systems man holds to man. The'
latter is the view taken of it in tho Constitution of!
the United Slates. Slaves, io that instrument, are!
not 1 1 emeu as property, any more tiiun minor
children, apprentices, or men bound by contract
to perform a labor. Under the Constitution, prop
erty is not represented persons cwing service are
iu this their laws treat then: not as property. If
property escape from one State and go into anoth
er, the Constitution docs not direct that it thull be
delivered up. If persons owing sorvieo, it
does so direct. Congress is empowered to
regolate comoierco between the State3.
Commerce bus to do with prbperty. Tho States
exorcise the sole power of admitting or prohibit
ing Ihc importation from other Status of persons
owing service. C mgro.-s bus tho express power
to regulate fuioign commerce, but is denied the
power until tho yeur 1808 to ptohihit the im in igni
tion or importation into any of the Stu'es nuw ex
isting, of such persons us tho said Stato shall think
pioper to admit. This implies the power to pro
hibit their importation into any now- State or into
any Territory ; and tho nrgoment ulsu involves
this dilemma ; if slaves are property merely under
tho Constitution, Congress can prohibit their in.
portatiun into any Territory by virtuo Of its power
to regulate ojtniiiarc-i betwoen tho States. If
they be not property but persons, the power of the
Soven ign (which the Supreme Court says Con
gress is) to reguluto and fix the rclatims of man
to man in tho Territory is without any limitation,
cxprossed or implied. Congress h:n, iu this point
of view, tho same power to prehibit slavery, so far
as property exists in the labor ol the slave, as ii
would have to make tho son free ut twenty instead
of tweuty-onc, thus depriving tho father of one
year of bis labor. And I have so much confidence
ic the high character and elevated feeling und!
sense of justice of the Court, that I du not doubt
the qucstiun will bo reconsidered when a new case
arises, if it ever do arise, which shall require i's
But, if we admit, with the eight resolution of
tho Chicago Convention, that the power of Con
gress is limited in the Territories over thut our
Special subject matter I know Dot where to find
an argument potent enough to resist the conclu
sion ol the Supreme Court, sustained as it is by
its high judicial authority.
No vaguo generalities will avail anything on
either side. No general purpose of gradual eman
cipation strong enough to affeot the question can
be tuund written duwn in the constitution none
to satisfy the legal mind that they wero intended
to deny Congress the power to admit slavery iu
the Territories, when such genera ity, if any boar
that aspect, is found side by side with that clause
forbidding Congress to prohibit the slave trade for
twenty yeurs. Nor do I think it sufo to infer Irum
other generalities equally vague, touching the
rights of properly, which, in the language of the
constitution, slaves are not, that Congress is de
nied the power to exclude Slavery from the terri
tories, when such generality is fouod side by side
with an implication quite as potent a a direct lo
gul enactment, which authorizes Ci ngress at once
to prohibit the importation of slaves anywhere ex
oept into States existing at the time of the forma
tion of tho Constitution. I would, therefore, (but
the eighth resolution of the Chij igo Convention
were not in its platform. It seems to bo there for
do other purpose than to give opponents advantage
in the argument. It ia an abstraction, useless io
every practical sense, as it is false in logio.
When CIrty was living be was bittorly hostilo
to the Anti-Slavery cause, and abolitionists oppos
ed and denounced him, and with good reason too.
Abraham Lincoln prooounces a eulogy over the
dead Clay, and inferertti'ally brands his opponents
as infamous. Let political abolitionists read it,
Und then endorse tho Infamy thus fastened upon
the'irl, by voting for tlio political exaltation of the
eologizir of Clay. J
"But do wo roalizo 'that Honry CUy is t! itii T
Who can rcalizi that nevor again that majestic
form shall rise in tho council chamber of his coun
try, to beat back the storms of nnaiehy which may
threaten, or pour oil of peace upon the troubled
billows as thoy r.ige and uienace around ? Who
cun roalizo thut the workings of that mighty mind
have ceased, that tho throbbing! of that gallant
heart are stilled, that the mighty sweep of that
graceful arm will be felt no moro, nnd the magic
of that eloquent tongue, which spake as spake no
other tongue, is httshed, hushcJ forover ? Who
can realize thut freedom's champion, the chump
ion of a civilized world, and of all tongues and
kindreds, and people, has fallen? Alas! in those
daik hours of peril and dread which our land has
experienced, und which sho may be called to ex
perience again to whom now may hsr people look
up to fur that counsel and udvice which only wis
dom and experience, and patriotism can give, and
which only tho un loobtiug confidence of a nation
w ill reeeivo T
"But Henry Clay is doad. His long nnd event
ful life is closed. Our country is prosperous and
powetful ; but could it have been quite all it has
been, and is, and is to be, without Henry Clay T
Such a man the times have demanded, uud such
in the Providence of Ood, was giver, us. But al
though his form is lifeless, his name will live and
be loved uud venerated iu both hemispheres. For
" One of the few, the immortal names,
That were not born to die.' "
NEGRO SUFFRAGE AND WAR ON
Tho Democratic papers do up any amount of ly
ing to induce the people to believe that the Re
publican party f.io in favor of negro suffrage, nnd
extending the period of naturalization to foreign
ers. Under the Democratic Constitution of New
York, negroe9 vote, and so they do in Louisiana.
This is, then, a lair oflset to thoir voting io several
ol the New England Suites ; a right they have
been etilitled to for more than fifty years. There
is no modern iustanco, we believe, of Republican
legislation in favor of African sullVane. In Now
Hampshire, long n Democratic State, the Catholics
wore ineligible to sundry offices, uud in most of
the Southorn Democratic Slates, a white man,
whether Dative or naturalised is forbidden to vote
unless he has a property qualification. .. And yet,
this party, have the effrontery to assert thut the
Republicans are urging negro suffrage, and the'
equality of negroes with white men, and, are, at
the same time, in favor of extending tho peiiod of
naturalization. Tho Massachusetts amendment
has been universally disavowed by the Republi
cans out of that State, and thousands in tho State,
condemn it. The law itself, it is said, was secret
ly voted for by tho Democrats, in Massachusetts,
iu order to excite odium against tho Republican
party. But, recently, we have the action of au
othcr R "publican S.ate, which proves the falsity
uf tho charges of tho Democratic papers.
The Senate of Connecticut, lust yoar, voted
down tho propositions to umond the Constitution
of the Stuto. The ono to extend the right of suff
rage to colored men, and requiring all new voters
to be able to rcud the English language, had the
votes in its favor to sixteen aguinst. The second,
requiring citizens hereafter naturalized to wait
one year beforo they could exercise the elector's
privilege, received seven votes iu its favor to four
teen against. Ohio Jlcposllory.
The following is a very suggestive item, and
points a moral that all can perceive save those,
who, having eyes, eeo not.
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
[From the N. Y. World.]
The impartial observer cannut fail or noticing
that the late Republican demonstrations iu this
city have been of a very different character troui
thoso with which the campaign was opened. It is
hardly posiiblo to imagine two productions uf the
human mind of more opposite tone and sentiment
than the speech of the Republican, Charles So in
nor, at the Cooper Institute, in June, und the
speech of the Republican, William C. Dayton, at
the same place, on Wednesday evening last
There was nothing in the former which Phillips
and Garrison would not have uttered ; the'e was
nothing in the latter which Clay unJ Webster
have not suid again and again. Tho one was
fiercest jacobinism ; the other was loyalty itself.
Now how does this happen? Party speakers
aro usually selected at recogniz.'d exponents of the
party faith and spirit. Have the luiiu und spirit
of the Republican party changed within three
month', in this great center of public opinion, so
that what answered to them then has given pluce
to its opposito now ? Thore has been some change
unquestionably. The curreut through the sum
mer has been all the while tending to a mure con
servative direction. Tho canvass in this region,
at least exhibits the singular anomaly of grow
ing milder in sentiment, uud cooler in language,
us it has advanced. This has come mainly from
two causes first, the felt necessity of approach
ing the eo-oalled national men of the North, and
weakening the incentive to an anti-republican co
alition ; and, secondly, the Kindred feeling which
has increased with the increasing confidence ol
success, that tho moderate mon of the South,
whose co-operation is most important for the reg
uls? administration of the government, should be
reassured, and, so far as well cun bo, conciliated.
The consciousness of coming responsibility Daiur
ttlly subdues wildness of tongue.
But making all allowance for the modification
thus wrought, this important fact still remuins that
tho Republican party itself is a compound of diff
erent elements, euoh with its peculiar efliuiiien
and requirements. The party has its thoroughly
conservative side and i's thoroughly radical sido,
and every gradation between.
t& Ho that gives good advice,' builds with one
baud; be that gives good counsel and example,
builds with both ; but he that give good admoni
tion aod bad example, build with ono hand and
pull down with tbo other.
ELI THAYER RUNNING A MUCK.
The following i. a copy of Mr. Thayer's letter
accepting the invitation of some gentlemen in his
dis'nct to bo a candidate for re-election
' '' '
Your letter, accompanied by tho1
reqiipt of fome five hundred other Republicans,
that I would allow them to place tn? beforo the
people ii t a catoliibite for tho oft'eo of representa
tive to Coiij;res fror.i this dis'rict at the ensuing
Contrressioiotl eleetion, his just been received.
The generous cuiifid"tiue and high regard therein
exhibited innards mo are the nioro wolcome for
being tho expression tif my neighbors, who are
well acquainted with my public and private life.
I have no words adequate to thl expression of my
grntituilo for this token of your esteem words
were not fit for any such purpose. My life devo
ted iu the interests w liicli yt u most love and cher
ish s' all he toy response to you.
'M wiy of yon aro awaro that immediately after
my return 'rom Congress, I expressed an intention
to sshtuit tny Congi essional action to the judgment
of the pooplc of my district, with my reasons
thotefor, and then to abide by tho result of the
noirinaii ng convention. I was ready to express
this purpose publicly, but many of you were more
cautious than myself, and, more fully aware of the
skilfully arranged plans to prevent my securing a
fair hearing he-lore tho people, wisely dissuaded
me from the cuurte which I bad intended to pur
sue. 'I had supposed that tho established usages ot
the party were to be observed, and that before the
choico of delegates to the district convention, I
mig'it lo allowed to meet my constituents in must,
if not all, of tho towns of the district.
'In this I have been disappointed. The conven
tion has been called much earlier than usual, and
several uf tho towns chose their delegates evon be
fore thu convention was calltd. The usages of the
party havo been grossly violated by those having
for lie t ine control of the party organization.
'It addition to this, the Republican press of the
district has shown no disposition tu sustain cither
partj usago or fair play. It has been, nnd is
now, a mere instrument in the hands of a conspi
racy to misrepresent and abuse mo. In this work
it bin been earnestly engaged during the last two
years. I havo had no bearing bclore tho pejplo.
Thcsa papers, professing t'i be Republican, have
refut jd to present tieloro my constituents the fa.
voruKo cpinion which tho leading Republican
.vsHAmrn and the lending Republican journals ol
the oountry have expressed concerning your rep
resentative; but they have used every pnssihla in
lluence to disparage unC misrepresent bis acts, bis
(rinciplea and his motives. These persistent i-flints
to impair my inlloerico and my usefuluess
have met mo ut every step of my progress in your
service. If from theee causes I havo eoffercd un
jusvly, my constituents havo suffered even more.
The blows timed ut your representative have lull-
en upon his constituliene-y. I iiin happy now tu
huvo an opportunity to submit this whole matter to
the judgment of the peopbi uf this district.
'With mo, neither parts ties, nor party discip
line, have any authority or respectability wfcen
they come in conflict with truth and justice. As
I stood upon tho floor of Co.igress in defence ol
my own convicti uis, and in defiance of the author
ity of party, so I do here and everywhere, uow and
las, a free man, I joiifide in u freo peuplo.
I do, Iherefoie with my whole heart, accept the
nomination, coinin ; as it does from the sovereign
power, and thereforo e.f higher significance and
authority than any nomination made by the ser
vants of a party organization. This is a nomina
tion of the very highest authority, and is wholly
conirenial to mv political ideas and principles. If
the people desire mo to represent them longer in
CongresH, they will prove it by their votes, tv'hut
ever bo their decision, 1 shall be content with it as
un expression ot thai poiular sovereignty which I
contend is tho birthright of American citizens.
With the highest regard, I remain,
Your obedient servant,
Worcester, September 17, 1860.
Wo commend to the Analyiit the following spe.
eiinen brick of tho party material of which is built
the suntiort itivtn to its "Cohl Water Ticket".
We o -py from the New York State League.
We often hear of a land sought that flowed with
milk and honey, but who ever thought uf a land
whose fountains should send forth beer well charg
ed with thut spirit that inspires modem states
men ; but such K fountain burst forth in our
midst in the old Methodist Church in the Eighth
Ward, Tuesday eveni: g, 18ih iust., while the gal
lant suns of freedom were assembled in the cupac
iiy of a Wid Awuke biecting. These young Re
publican patriots found it just in time to cheer
their drooping spirits as they thought of going
hume in the wee hours of morning. It happened
as opportune as the rock that Moses, that great
hanipion of freedom, struck in the wilderness.
With rt hearty good Will these bright stars uf
America drank the beverage, (it would make one
think uf a devil's sacrament if it '.vas Dot in a
After having imbibed freely of the spirit, the
idea struck them that this barrel was Douglas lost
mother. After some consultation they formed io
procession and curried the old Isdy about the city,
and the morning found her exhausted In spirit on
the steps of a house where the noisy pack had
knocked at the door, but could not find a better
resting place fur their precious burden. They say
the lady ef the house, with true wuniuo spirit,
kicked it off the step.
It is understood that this beverage flow freely
at the wigwam to tempt our unwary suns. Shall
they be eocriiiued ? Will it pay I Muthers be
curcfuf how your darlings mingle with modern
politicians in the.o patriutio gatherings, or ere
you aware the lungs of this invidious destroyer
(lntempersuce) will have poisoned the lile's-blood
oi tha dear ones that saltier around vour hume
Christian, do you know that your dear Ropub
lioan party Ufootering tbi monster, and that po-
liticr.l aspirants contribute birg' ly to bin I together
thoso organizations to secure nominations 1 Such
a state of affairs ia a disgrace to oor common hu-
maiiitv. and a poor recommend for our tuinular re-
Will you be governed by rowdyi
m ? or will you
arise nnd put on truo manhood and redeem our be
loved country from this reign of terror?
The following passage is from an "Addiess of:
the, Free Constitutionalists," and gives thuir views I
of tho morality and efficiency of tho Republican
'0? nil these factions, the Republican is tin
most thoroughly senseless, boeele-e, aimless, in-
consb tent, and insincere. It has no constitutional
principles to stand upon, and it lives up to no mor-;
ulones. It aims at nothing for freedom, and i
sure to accomplish it. Hie other factions h.ira a' !
least tho merits of frankness and consistency
They are openly on tho sido of slavory, und make
no hypocritical grimaces at supporm g it. The
Republicans, on the other hand, aro doiiblt -faced, j
double-tongued, hypociitical, and inconsistent to
tho last degree. We speak now of their presses
and public men. Duplicity and deceit stem to
be regarded h them as their only available capi
tal. This results fruin tho luot that the faction
consists of two wings, one favorable to liberty, the
other to slavery; neither uf them alone strung
euougn tor success; anu neither ol them honest j
enough to submit to present defeat b.r their prin-j
ciples. How to keep these two wings together un-'
til they shall have succeeded in clu.chit.g the
spoils und power of office, is the great prublem
with tho managers. The plan adop .1 is, to make,'
(bo ut:o baud, tho hmst deep 'b efforts to
provo that their conscie-uces and . their m oral
sentiments are opposed to slavery, nod that tiny
will do every thing they constitutionally can,
against it; uud, on the other, to make cq.jal.y des
pot ate t Hurts to provo that they huve the most sa
cred reverence for the constitution, and that the
constitution gives ihem no power whatever to iu-!
turlere with shivery in the States. So they cry tu
one wing of their party, '"Put us in power, and we
will do every thing wo constitutionally can lor lib
erty." To the other wing they cry, "F-t us ic
power. You can do it with perfect safety to sla
very for constitutionally we can do nothing
against it, where it is."
It is lucky for these Jesuitical demagogues that
there happen to be, bordering upon the United
States, certain wilderooss regions, over which the
United Sta'os have hitherto usurped jurisdiction.!
This gives them an opportunity to make a show ot
living up to iheir professions, by appearing to
carry un a lerrilic war against slavery, outskle the
L'niled Slates, where it is not, while, icithin '''
Stairs, where it 'V they bate no politicul
quarrel '.uli it whatever, but only make a pre
tence el having very violet. t moral senlimerts.
Outside of the United Statos, where slavery is
not, and where the Utiited Stales really nave no
jurisdiction, 'ho batilo is m .do, by these n.en, tu
appear to be a real battle ot statutes, ut least, H
not of principles. Within tho United Stuti-H.
where slavery is, and w here tho United States have
jurisdiction, the contest is plainly a mero contest'
uf hvpnensy, rhetoric, and fustian, and a selfish
struggle fur the h. nors uud spoils uf oll'ioo.
Iu this warfare, in which i; is undersioud
slavery is not to bo hurt, tho weapons employed
aro mostly absurd, buuihastio. und fraudulent
watchwords, in preference to any con.,titiitio..u!
principles, thut might be dangerous to the uloect
n,.ii fi . jviii nniT h wnti i! w tiros urtt i:iest :
'l'reedoiii National, Slavery Sectional;' 'Free La-
bar and Free Mci. ;' 'Non-extension oj Slavery ;'
Down uttt tlit ' Stave Uliyarciiy, ocj., xi. au
these, as used by the Republicans, are cither biin-
pic ubsutdities, t.r fair-sounding falsehoods.
Take, for example, 'Fieedom, National, Slavery
Sectional.' This is bulh ur. absurdity und a fulse-l
nuud, t.u its face; for how cun freedom be uio;i-,
al, so lopg uh any section of the nation ctin be " -
en up to slovery? 'Freedom Nationul,' to
sense, implies a paiauiuunt law for freedom
pervading the whole nation. But, in the mouths
of the Republicans, 'Freedom National, Slavery
Sectionul,' means simply ihar.oc territory outside
of the United States, theie is a paramuunt ""n -
al luw. that requires, or at least permits, liberty
while, witbiti the United Slates, this national law
is, or legally may be, overborne by local or sec
tional laws; ttd thus the entire territory of the
nation be given up to 'sectional slavery.'
If there be any territory, within the United
Stales, in regard to which this assumed natioini!
luw ut Ireedom is paramount' it can be, ut must,
only the District ol Columbia, and a few (daces
occupied us lorts, arsenals, over w hich Con
gress have 'exijlu-ive legislation,' places which
are but as piu-puiuts un the map of tho nation.
And yet this false, absurd, self-contradictory,
and ridiculous motto, which really means nothing
for freedom, but gives up the whole natiun to sla -
very.' if the seotious (States) so uhuuse, has ulrearly
bad a long lite, us expressing one of the cardinal
principles uf the Republican lacluin.
Thetiiuito, "Free Labor and Free Men," in the
mouth of lhe Republicans, is us falso and Jesuiii
Out as "Freedom National, and Slavery Sectional.''
tu the mouths ol honest men, it would imply that
they were intent upon giving Ireedom of labor und
men, that how are not free. But in the mouths ol
Republicans, it only mean tool they aro looking
after tho interests of the labur and tho men, iu
are already Jrec; and that, as for the labor auU
the men. that art not free, they may remuiu iu
boudug forever, fur uughl the Republican will
ever do to help them out of it.
This lulse, heartless, and infamous watchword
fur it deserves no milder description h also
bad a long Silo, a expresning a cardiuul priuoipU
of the puny.
taV'The Noil-Extension of Slaver;" is thetran-
ceodaiit principle uf these pretended advocates ol
liberty. It is iu ibis sign lliey expect io conquer,
What does it meau or amount to? Dies it menu
tbe uoii-exiensioh uf slavery t point of timet No;'
lor slaverl may be extended through all time,
without ob.truotiun from them. Doet ii meant,
,f tv(.ryi w;lt.in ,iie R, publican meaning of the
, xn. But to remove biui from that locality to an
m,'tV ' other, ii an "extension of slavery" too horrible for
lheJ uu, huf0 60 kr-R0 a ehiire of lhe nation.
, g th(!y ,mve llilhcrt() liad lh8 Bddree to
.ur, AllJ llic8(j wU, Republicans imagins)
1ey ovcr,irow the slave oligarchy, and de.
,roJ ,l,uir influence in the govornmen, at the sama
,iln9 mt lliey ,lho republicans) maintain the ic
on inity l the three or four thousand milliont
f d r tiror,Crt V in men. on which the slave
i tiou of them, would, no doubt, be very much de
L'nited jtited by such an accession to their, numbers. .
'! limj WQ aie busnj to presume that this conslitu
any ! tiutml rRrty mvc Kl0ren tucir nttnl0 wj,h rclerenca
I ) (bo j,,..;,,,, 0f i!,at word in the constitution,
j jju, jfl lley l)r.,,,uf0 , guaranty to every Stale in
' ijuioU a republican form of governineDl?' a
that slavery shall not be cxtonded to new victims t
No j for Iheycor.s nt that it tnny be extended, to
all tho natural increase (if the existing slaves, un,
til at least the M0.O00 square miles, now occupied
l.n lI ipa.b -1...1I l.nft't.i.l vtOi .tii.na In til lllmnll
llj D1I.....J, Dtl .11 UH UllbU n.l.J 0I1..VW w f - -
o i acity.
Wl.n. ll..n I. 1 1 n ..(nn.in tn ..ttl tliAMSSA
so violently uppuicd f Why, :t is only this: If a
slave is carried by his owner from one place to an
other, that is ai erltnsion of slavery 1 .,
To continue a man and his posterity iu slavery
lirUl!l ft) ,:,. n ono ui;litv. is no extension
these devotees i f liberty to think of.
ulit ,,es(. Her,,,!,!;,.,...,,. ci,lfr fuli,hly or fraud-
utnilv cncotirs. re tbs tdo.i that if slavery can bol
,(. coll"n,lt,j T,.ltlin ll)C n,aca h nuwoccopies. it
iU di3 cot: whereas, in truth, so far as
,ere srace is concerned, it probably has enough
already for it to livo .in J flourish in for two, three,
or five hundred year.
L' jtcn villi the Slave Olij irehy," would, to tho
of mo8t niPrij cor,, die idea of an intcn
tion tu overthrow tho power of the slaveholder?,
by annihilating their right of property in their
slaves. Bui in toe creed of the Republicans,
"Down with the Slave Oliyarchy" mean no such
thing. It means only thut the slu7e holders shall
not have s i much infiuenco in the admioittrntion
of the national government, and especially that
oligarchy test, and whence all their influence ii
derived. , i t
But suppose tho slave olia-chy can be over
thrown, alter this plan of the Republicans, what
right nave the latter, as con"isteni men, acuog un-
Jer tlie constitution, and pledged to its support, to.
attempt to overthrow the slave oligarchy, so long
as they (tbo Republicans) concede that the olig
archy are not violating the constitution, by holding
their fclluw-mcn us property ? According to tho
Republican interpretation of tho constitution, tho
slave oligarchy aro just ns good citizeDS of the
United States, exercising oDly their constitutional
rights, as are the Republicans themselves. In
deed, there would l nothing inconsistent in tha
entiro slave oligarch being members of the Repub
lican faction, ia full communion. There is notbiog
in the political creed of the latter, that really Deed
stick at all in the throats of the former ; and tho
Republicans themselves, or, at least, a largo por-
'he Suppression of the Slave Trade" appear to-
be becoming one of thoir party watcb-wortli.
yllti if soUthoiu juries will neither indict, nor con-
viu, luw ja t(lc Bave trade to bo suppressed ? and
m)W uttn the Republicans ask or expect aoutnern
juriesto indict, or convict, for bringing slaves
j ,.uin Avlrion, so long as they (tho Republicans)
1 un00je t,B tjj,bt of prooerty in four millions of
i;jve Americans? There is plainly no consii-
,kM Wily wijaiever, of suppressing tho slave traded
except by giving freedom to the slaves already in
iie cjuritrv, tinel a'.l that tiioy be brought in, and
; th ,.in nn enj ,u ttJ0 6lav8 niut ket. And
. . ,,ruU ..i ,t nt otuer vossible way of sop.
.....,;., ie Ccrtuii.lv. there is no other possible
w;iy uf pressing it, unless by such an enormous
expenditure us the nation will never be Iireiy to
incur. "The Suppression of he Slave Trade" may,
therefore, fairly bo set down as another of
f lllujuien, watchwords of the Republican faction.
s ... ttIlljlICP 8teoimen of tho hypocrisy of this
faction, is to be found in its name. It ha. lakon
u Us(ji . t,je am0 0( jiipHU!icun. TlieyJare gret
liMata flir ,ie constitution, nud many, or must,
, . , tril.( collslnu !j,jists,' at that. The word,
iiemu;taH j, jUnd but unoe in thu constitution,
1 government that shal. accure to ell the citizen of
tha United States, witk.n the States, the protecticn
of thu laws? And do hey propose that the Uuited
Slates government shall ascertain for itself, inde
pendently of the Stato governments, who it own
citizans are, within tho Stutes, that it may fulfil
! this guaranty to them? Notjtt all. So far from it,
they hold, in tbo language of tbo Chicago plotrorm,
that . .
'The maintenance inviolate of tho rights of tho
Suites, and especially, the right of each State to
order ond control its own domestic institution,'
according to Its own judgment exclusively,' is e-
sentiul to that balance of power, on which tho per-
ration und endorunce of our political fuiib depend;
llrij we denounce tho lawless invasion, by armed
f,,r-.e. f unv State or Territory, no matter undei
what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.' (
This means, if it means any thing, thai tbo
Slave Oligarchy,' or any other body of men,
however small, who may chance to get the power
of a State into their bands, may reduce anybody
and everybody, black and white,' to slavery, with
out interference from the generul government; and
that fur private persons to go to the rescue of their
fellow-men, from these robbers, rovishers, and
kidnappers, would be 'among the gravest ot
crime.' , , . .. , ... .
This is giving 13 slavery more than it over asktd
Even the Drcd Scott judges themselves set up no
euub claim ior it as this. Their opinion admit
that whi'e's i.rc citizen ot lhe United State, ai.d,
because .hey are such, cannot bo eualaved by the
Stater. Those judge, re, in foot, 'doi-fir tijitjn
istt,' and have a much belter claim 13 thit title
than the Republicans; for t hoy concede J, that sla
very could not be extended beyind tbo iimitaof a
single race; whereas the Republican acknowledge
no such, or any other, limit 10 slavery in tb
States; or wbeti the tame thing, to slavery in tb
W believe that no body oven of oootbero mea