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SKNJAM1N 3. JONES, EDITOR.
"KO UA'IOS WITH SLA. VEIIOLDEItS."
ANN rEARSON, PUBLISHING AGENT.
VOL. 1G.---NO. 14.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 1SG0.
WHOLE NO. 783.
TUE AST IS LHERY BUGLE,
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J. HUDSON, rRtNTER.
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
From the New York Evening Post.
VISITING ONE'S RELATIVES IN
A NEW YORKER THREATENED WITH LYNCHING BY
HIS OLD SCHOOLMATE.
We have received a call from a builder, nn
resident of this city, who has just returned from
an exceedingly unpleasant visit to his birthplace
in Virginia. A fortnight ago he started from
jiome to make a pilgrimage to Nurkfulk county, in
Virginia, and on arriving there received a wel
come from a bevy of uncles, aunts and cousins.
Jlis intention was to epend a few days id vUits to
i father's grave, to the places where he passed
hie early years, and to the haunts that had been
familiar to bim. All these little projects could
have been fulfilled but for the interruption occa
sioned by tbe tudden appearance of one of his old
schoolmates, mounted, and riding in hot haste.
Pulling up at the house in which the New York
er bad found lodging, and where he was surroun
ded by relatives, this emissary announced himself
as the agent of a committee of citizens, commis
sioned to Catechize the unhappy visitor. "We
have reason to believe" so the messago ran
"that you are an abolition emissary, and by God,
we bavo made up our minds that no man can
come here from the North unless he shows him
self all right on our institutions." There was
more talk to the same effect. Our informant, who
is a consistent member of the Methodist cbuteh.
was moved with indignation at the profanity with
which bis fellow-professor and old schoolmate
plentifully spiced his lively conversion, aud pro
ceeded to labor with him, as a Iriend labors with
a friend. He obtained an admission that
the bard swearing was perhaps unnecessary,
but was unable so far to gain the confidence
of his quondam associate as to got permis
sion to etav. "lie was an abolitionist, be meunt
to make mischief, and he must leave or take the
consequences." Visions of summary punisliuiorjt
flitted befote the eye of the unhappy man, aud as
there was no help for it he left that rural district
before sundown, went to Norfolk, and cane home
The name of this gentleman is in our possess-
Inn. For ulivious reasons we do not publish it. As
soon as Lincoln is elected, he intends to go back
. Tli indisnation of our friend exceeded all
bounds. "I am a Methodist," he eaid, "und I
Jjope I am a Christian man; tut I confess '.hat I
didn't like to feel that I had to endure all this. I
' didn't like to have all tbe manhood iu me squelch
ed. It was not pleasant to have one's old school
fellow come around bim, swearing at him and
"Good graoious I" he continued, "has it come
to that pass that a man can't open bis bead Soutb
I be does North ?"
. ."So they say," remarked some one.
. . "Well, then, all I bave to say is, that it's a
burning sbame and an outrageous disgrace. Why,
.there I was, right among my old neighbors, not
gunshot away from my father's grave all my
, .aunts and oousins were around me people I bad
known fever since I was a little boy, and who knew
toe. I told W , wboo be said I was suspected
of being an abolitionist, that I wasn't but be
. -pould not believe me. lie said to me, 'How's pol
. (ties at tbs North ?' I told bim I didn't know
. ,Ah, pshaw 1 yes you do too.' Then I said, 'Par
. ties are so mixed up that it's hard to toll wbat is
what,' 'That won't do, said be,' 'you know you
are going to vote for Lincolo,and you know you've
cqme down bere to ourrupt our niggers ; but he
gave me the lis, and then began to swear at me
again. I did'nt know wbat tbey might do, and so
. I concluded to leave. They were just as likely
as sot to catch me some dark night and stick a
" ooat of tar and feathers on me. That wasn't
pleasant to think of, and so I left."
: "You' are an old resident of New York, you
' J'An old resident, sir I I should think I was.
;. I'm well known all around bore, and besides that
'ihave managed to make a little something. To
,, 'be sure, I don't dress very well exhibiting the in
' side of a drab coot whioh bad indubitably seen
better dsvsl, and I look poor, but I'm wortb
$70,000, and I live in as good style, in Twenty
sixth street, as most people. "
mantled by a comfortable expression.
continued t "I don't care to bave my name pub
lished, because, you see, I moan to go back thero
some day, and they might have a grudge against
me. But they will live to be wiser, and it won't
always be the case that the stars and stripes will
fail to protect a peacef ul man, at tbe South or any
Wo parted from our excellent friend, tho builder,
with a profound impression of the justice of bis
conclusion. We give his conversation and the
narrativo of bis experiences precisely as they fell
from his lips.
Here tho honest man's benevolent
PEONISM IN MEXICO.
A correspondent of the Toronto Leader writing
from Moxico, gives an interesting account of tho
system of "peonism," or slavery, in force in that
country, lie says :
Is is generally believed out of Mexico, that
when Mexico achieved her independence she bo
oaine a free country, aud that slavery was abol
ished. This was not tho case, Tho only change
hat was made being, that no one could be forci-
bly taken as a slave unless he owed a sum which
he either could not or would not pay. In such
cases the debtor could be taken by tho creditor,
and made to labor for him for an allowance ot
foud scarcely sufficient to maintain existence, and
for a certain amount of wages less actually than
was roquired to pay church dues. Tho poor crea
ture was Dot given any clothes nor allowed any
pittance to buy tubacco or other (considered) ne
cessities, so lie (or she) soon had to borrow more,
till at last the party hud so irretrievably sold him
self that be remained a slave for life If be riiculd
be takon sick, the doctor's bill, with extortionate
interest is added to bis tlood money the modical
man, if he be a Mexican, often readily signing a
rccoipt for several times the amount he has re
ceived. A free man requiring a temporary ad
vance, and having no other proporty, is obliged
to pawn either himself or some of bis children, to
raise the required amount. The poor child thus
pawned is tieoesBited to add to his liabilities ii
order to furnish himself with clothes, and seldom
does one thus disposed of by his parent become a
free agent again.
Instances occur overy day where men wishing
to marry, but not having tho $25 to pay the poor
clergy, bave to seek a party willing to take them
in pawn for that amount which soon swells to a
greater; and cases are by no means tare where
children bavo to be pawned, and so made eternal
slaves, to pay the Church for performing tho gen
eral riles over a dead parent f As gambling is
lawful hero, Bhuu'd a party lose moro than be can
pay at tbe gaming tuble or at a cock fight, he in
takon beforo tho Alcudo and pownod to whoever
will advance the funds. A wife can pawn herself;
and thus leave her boino and become the property
of another. Suoh is liberty in free, independent
and Christian Mexico I
The poon is sold by the law, his parent, or by
himself; should bo not like his employer he can
change him, if he cau find any party to stake the
required amount on bis bend. But sonmimes this
is a difficult maiter, as owners of peons do not like
thus to eucourag3 insubordation among each oth
er'a slaves. The children may La pawned to as
many different parties as there are children. The
Church has sot a high price upon ovory rito 52
for christening a peon's child, $25 for marrying it,
and seven dollars for burying it.
HORRORS OF THE SLAVE PIRACY.
From "Revelations of a Slavo Smuggler" we
copy the following horrible picture of the
FATB OF TUE GLORIA..
"But this was to be my laet trip in the blood
staiued Gloria. Hardly were we out a fortnight
before it was discovered that our roystering crew
had neglected to change tho sea watur, whioh had
served as our ballast, for fre.h water in Alricu.
It was decided to allow the slaves a half gill, ant
tbo crew a gill each day. Then began a lurturo
worse than death to the blacks. Our cargo bad
been stowed c'.oser than I ever saw slaves stowed
before orsioco. Thuso furthest from the gratings
never got a drop, and became raving mad fur
drink. Deaths lullowed so fast, that in a Bbort
lime, at least a hundred men and women were
shackled to dead partners. The dead were not
thrown overboard, nor tbe living served with wa
ter or even food except the rotten yams that could
be reached where Ihey luy. At last Cupt. Kuij
ordered the batches down, and swore he would
make the run on our regular water rations, and
lake chances of bis stock. That night we carous
ed, and satisfied our thirst, whilst tbe negroes suf
focated below. Next morning came a storm,
which drove us on our course a hundred knots.
Two days afterwards Kuix and four of tbe men
were taken suddenly ill, with a disease that baf
fled my medical knowledge. Their tongues swell
ed, and grew black : their flesh turued yelluw,
and in six hours they were dead. The first mate
went next, and three others of the orew, aud a
black iriver, whose body became leprous with yel
low spots. I began lu notico a strange fetid bui1I,
prevadiug tbe vessel; and a low heavy fog ou deck,
almost like steam. Then tbe horrid truth became
apparent. Our rotting negroes under tbe batches
had generated tbe plague, and it was a malaria or
death-mist that i saw rising. At this time all
our men but three and myself, had been attack
ed, and we abandoned lbs Gloria, in her lung boat,
taking the remnant of water, a sack of biscuit,
and a rum beaker, with wbat gold dust and other
valuables we could hastily gather up. We left
nine of our late ouinrades dead, and five dying on
the Gloria's deck. After rowing for two days, we
struck a current, and in tbtee more were drifted
to the island of Tortola, one of the leewatd Isles.
We made a landing on tbe reefs, and were picked
op by some fishermen."
Stampede or Negroes from Socio Carolina.
A law has recently been passed in South Carolina,
requiring all free colored persons to wear a badge
of distinction. This many of toe oolorea families
living in Charleston deemed an indignity;and some
have loft the Stato in oonsequence of it. They
have come North, and it is stated that about eighty
families bave arrived in Philadelphia. Most of
those havo means which place thnm above poverty.
Thoy aro generally mulattoes of various shades of
From the Canton, (III), Register, Oct. 23.
MORE HANGING IN TEXAS—A NORTHERN
MAN AND WOMAN HUNG.
Tbe reader will remember that a few weeks
since, we stated, on the authority of a letter re
ceived at Fairview, that Dr. Shreeves and Mr.
Foster, with their families, have been warned by
the ruffians who hold sway in Texas to leave that
Stale, and were making preparations to return to
Illinois. On Thursday last, Mr. Wm. Byboe, a
resident of Texas, well known to many of our cit
izens as a dealer in cattle and horses, arrived from
that State, and brought to the friends at Fairview
the melancholy intelligence that Dr. Shreevcs and
Mrs. Foster had fallen victims to the spirit of out
rago which runs riot in Texas.
Tho two families, it seems, hsd complied with
the ruthless command expelling them from their
homes, and were on their way towards this Slate,
wbon they were overtaken by their persecutors,
and Dr. Shreeves and Mrs. Foster summarily se
cured and hung to a tree. Mr. Foster and the re
mainder of the two families escaped.
We got the news from Dr. Shreeves of Fairview,
a nephew if 0 e I r. chiteus ttoie icfrned lc,
who has no doubt as to its authenticity. He says
Mr. Bybee was a friend and neighbor of bis
uncle's, and an acquaintance of fifteen years'
No letters have been roceived from Dr. Shreeves
or Mr. Foster for eight week, by their friends at
Fairviow, a circumstance of fearfnl portent, as
heretofore they have been prompt correspondents.
At no previous time have they pormittod letters tJ
remain bo long unanswered.
In our sympathy for the afflicted friends of
these martyrs to tho cause of free labor, we have
no disposition to bestow upon tho authors of ibis
enormous crime, those denunciations which their
guilt deserves. ''Vengeance is mine," eaith the
Lord, and these ruffian murderers cannot escape
the malediction which made Cain a wanderer and
an outcast upon the earth.
Wo will remark, by way of explanation, that
Dr. Shreeves was not only not an abolitionist, but
we aro informed by his connections at Fairviow,
was in favor of Slavery, and was preparing to
make investments in negroes. When he loft this
Suite ho was a Douglas man. The only ground
for disturbing him was his Icing a Northern man,
and coming from where free white labor is re
THE RESCUE OF JERRY.
The following passages are from the speech of
Samuel J. May, at the anniversary of the Jerry
Rescue in Syracuse.
Io justifying and applauding the Rescue of Jer
ry, we do not assume independenco of the States
or of the Confederacy to vthich our Siate belor.gs,
but only declare that neither the Statu, nor the
confederacy is independent of God, independent
f the obligation that is upon all men, "to doj
justly, lovo mercy, and walk humbly ;" and that I
neither the S;ate nor the Confederacy can release
us indivi lually from our allegiance to the Law of
the Most lliyh.
In celebrating now as we havo done from year
to year, the Rescue of Jerry, we do not mean, we
have novcr meant to countenance our follow citi
zens in disturbing the peace, violating the good or
der of Society, but to manifest the respect that is
due to those who, on tho 1st of October, 1851,
generously, at great hazai d to themselves, snatch
ed a poor fellow being from the grasp ol a mean
and cruel dei-potism. We bav i nevor hi this cele
bration intendod, wo do not now iutond, to insult
tho Chief Mugistrato or the Legislature of these
United States, but to admonish them that even
they cannot) with impunity, set God at denuiice
and may not shall not, compel us to insult him.
God is Rulor of Rulers, Governor of Governors,
King of Kings. The mightiest nation, not less
than the lowliest individual, is bound to olev
Him. The lowliest individual is to be justified in
selling at naught the enaotment of the mightiest
nation, if it violates the eternal principles of
righteousness and mercy.
The first, the greatost of all commandments is,
"Tbou shalt love tho Lord thy God with all thy
heart, and with all thy mind, and with all thy
strength. And the aeooud is like unto it, ' Thou
shalt love thy neighbor as thyself". On theso two
commandments hang, from them defend that is,
with them must be consistent all laws that iuipote
any obligation upon men ; all laws that can bo in
nocently oboyed. Only such laws as may be de
duced from both or one of these commaudmente,
have any divine authority.
It used to be claimed and all allowed throughout
Christendom, as well as heathendom, thut Kings
reigned by a divine right, and that subjects were
bound, in nil things, to obey the in as tho vicege
rents of the Almighty. But that assumption bas
.ubsided in every part of the Christian world ;
and in our country it is utterly repudiated. It
was laid down by the founders of our Kepublio as
a fundamental priuuiple, that all tbe powers of a
just civil government are derived from, must have
been delegated by the governed. Now, the gov
erned cannot commit to their officials any right,
any authority, which tbey do not themselves pos
sess. Tbey possess no right, they have no per
mission, to disobey any of the commandments of
Ood. Therefore tho government cannot dorive
Iroin them any authority to require any unright
eous act of thetn.
This proposition, fellow citizens, will commend
Itself to you all tbe core as iucontrovertably true,
whan you oooaider tbe significant faot, that these
two great oommandments, of whioh we are speak
ing, were laia upon man as an mawiauai, not as
a constituent of lbs body politio, er as a party to
any oivil eompaat, but as an individual a being
n ii n hi i n i ii b; men relations, on tns one nana, to his
fellow beings as do obviously give rie to the mor
al and religious obligations that depend from
theso two seminal, all comprehensive command
ments. In each ast, wo repeat, Jcsas Christ spoke to
men as Individuals, and he inculcated these prin
ciples of moral conduct because they were right.
The obligation to conform to them arose then, a, it
arises now, from the constitution of man which the
all-wise God dovised, and of which Jesus Christ
was the bent expounder, a constitution not written
upon parenment, but upon tho living tables or the
human heart, a constitution, of course, tnueh
more ancient, venerablo, sacrod, than any which
men havo framed for nali.mal purposos. We are
not, therefuro, to wait until the oivil government
under whijh wo live, shall eoe fit to conform itself
to those requirement of the Just ond Holy, be
fore wo give our individual obeiiionco to them,
Individuals generally must precede nations in
their conformity to God's will. They must often
do so throenh persecution and suffering. Such is
(ho high calling of those who are to bo accounted
as benefanors; the lights of the world, the lead
ers of reform. Every one, when ho comes to
know himself amid his rolalions to other beings,
will see that the greatest two commandments ol
Christ are (ound in etornal righteouenens, and
justly claim his prompt, entire obedience. Il
there be any man who does not discern the reason
ableness of these commandments, and the obliga
tion that rests upon himself to obey them if these
have not btcumo self-evident to him, matters of
consciousness to his moral sense it must be be
cause bis intellectual and moral nature is undevel
oped. He neoda education, culture ; und the
greatest concern of sooioty is to see t it, that i'.s
constituent shall become so cultivated and en
lightened, that at least they shall not bo ignorant
of the firs! principles uj' right and wrong.
Those rulers are not such as God approves, not
such as wc should respect who aim merely to ex
act from their ioljeo.s a blind obedience to their
authority, instead of encouraging and assisting
them to discern the things lint aro right, and con
form to tin oi because tin y are right. Much less
can we bclievo that those rulers were ordained of
Uod, who fjlroscribe to their ejljcct' or fellow citi
zens wbatithcy know to be not riyht, and then go
about to cimipcl them to obey such enactmer.tH,
however itmay violate thei- consciences to do so,
or outrage their feeling. To compel uny man to
do wrong ie to compel bim to set bis own moral
r.aturo al naught, which is to do himtolf the great-
cet btrui, --f Wo 4ui-joi or tU o'uiaon consents
to this, be sins; he sots God at defiance; he
chooses to serve Baal, or Moloch, or Mammon in
Unless there be un authority higher than that
of the Most High, an authority capable of making
wrong riijht, thero can be, as Jesus said, no com
mandment greater than these, "Thou fhult love
the Lord thy God with all thy heart," and "'Thou
shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." Surely by
them no enactments of man that contravene these,
can havo no claim to our obedience.
Nevertheless ifh ns been assumed by many, and
since ."September 1850.it has been stonily maintain
ed by some, from whom we bbould have expected
hotter things, that a law of tho land, although it
be contrary to the two great commandments of
Chri I, and though it require of us most unright
eous and cruel acts toward our neighbors, ought
to be obeyed because it is a taw, and because, il
wo do not obey it, the authority of our rulers will
be stricken down, aud our civil fabric lull to pieces.
Now, it seems to us that all this is predicted upon
a very false assumption as to the true nature and
province of law, an crror.eous view of tbo source
of coverniuental powers, and of the extent of
each individual's obligations to the State or King
dom iu nhiuh he may happen to live.
Mistakes on these points are unpardonable in
tho prominent men of our country, beoause tho
truih on these points was seen so clearly and de
clared so emphatically by the founders of our po
liiical institutions. Thoso renowned men, who
eighty four years ngo dared to renounce their ul
legiance to the British Crown, and to establish
new government!! for their several States, and for
tho Confederacy, did so in virtue of "Hie selj-eci-dent
truths that all men are endowed by their Cre
ator with oertain unalienable rights, nmnng which
are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
That 1 1 secure these ruikls eovernmenti re insti
tuted among men, deriving their just i crs from
the consent of the governed." Men are not made
that they may be the subjots of an oppressive
political compact called a Rcpublio, any more
than thev wero mado to be tbo creaturos of a des
pot. Men wore not made for governments, but
governments were mado for mon.
In the light of the Declaration of Independence
all may see, and with inutt weighty sanction we
. i . i n: .i. . 1 1 . . . ... I.
may cunuuenuy auiriii. tuai un uvicuiijib to uiaitu
a law which would violate the unalienable rights
of man, must be morally abortive, aud all attempts
to enforce euoh a statute may be denounced as op
pressive, cruel. If an individual king should do
this he would be branded a a tyrutit, and the
character of the act would not be any better, be
cause done by a majority. It matters not bow
large lbs uiujurity may be io its favor, if the en
actment be designed and adapted to deprive one
mm of his unalienable rights, it cannot become a
legitimate law, men would be guilty before God
who should assist to enforoa it, nay, if they would
not endeavor to preveut its bo. eg euforoed. An
unrighteous, cruel enaotment can derive no law
fulness from the consent of tbe governed. Those
whom it may be iutendod to favor had no right to
give their consent to it. If tbey should, thoir oon-
seot would be morally invalid, because men bave
no more authority to alienate their own inalien
able rights, than others bave to take their rights
away. A man oould no more bs jusiirljd iu vol
untarily surrendering his liberty at tho command
of a tyrant, or a tyrannical majority, than he
would be justified io taking away his own life in
obedieuoe to a mandate from the same quarter.
Tbe rights to life, liberty and happiness are tbs
most saored gifts of our Creator. We may
not wantonly trample tbetn under oar own Test,
'nor oast theso most precious pearls before swine
No. They nre trusts for which we nre account
able, for in the proper exorcise of them alone can
wo dovclopo tho nature with which we are endow
ed, and become what OoJ mado us to bo.
We mut, we do condemn uttorly, we denounce
as fearfully false the doctrine that we ought some
times, even now, to obey man rather than Ood, a
cruel enactment of tho government of our country
rather than the eternal, righteous, merciful law of
the Sovereign ruler of the Universe. This is a
doctrine that would throw distrust over the moral
government of the world, and lead men directly to
Atheism. It is a doctrine that casta renrnaeh ..n,,n
the noblo army of martyrs, both political and re
ligious, whose blood lias been the seed of the
highest improvements in church and stato. It
would condemn the prophets of the Old Testa
ment, the Apostle of the New, and Jesus Christ
himself. All theso set at naught the command
ments of Prince, Governors, King., because they
requite that which was wrong, contrary to the
will of God.
But, say the abettors of the "Fugitive Slave
Bill", the demands which this enactment makes
on us, are in pursuance of the compromises of the
Constitution. Then, wo reply, it was a compromihe
which ought never to havo been made. It could
not have been binding even upon those who made
it, unless men bave power to abrogate tho law
of God. Much less could any obligation to con
form to such a requirement bave been transmitted
to their posterity.
Hero we may be told that a fow years later, in
1703, Congress enacted a law expressly designed
to carry out that part of tho Constitution said to
have been intonded to ensure the recovory of fu
gitives from slavery ; and it is added, the provis
ions of that bill were nhnosl ns nhborrent to hu
manity as those of tho Bill of 1350. What does
all this pro7e? Taken in connection with tho his
tory of the last filiy-sovon years it provos that
such a law cannot, as it oucht not to. be enforced.
The enactment of 17 J3, all knuw, hid become a
Yet tho advocates of this Mason and Webster
Bill rojuin, "because tho statute of 1793 had be
come inoporativo, it was nocesaary to enact the
Law of 1850 with more stringent provisions ; and
this Law must be obeyed, or the Union will certain
ty be dissoh-ed. All wo can sny in reply to this is,
that, if indeed tho union of these States cannot be
preserved but by our consouting to do tho groat
unrighteousness which this ''Bill ol abominations"
requires, then it is plain that our union is at an
end; on such a condition it ought not to be, it
cannot be continued. "Let justice be dono though
the Heavens fall," is an old maxim i,fien quoted
from the Latin, ns embodying a great principal of
morality. Surely, thon, we may iay, without be
ing transcendental iu our uprightness "Let
this great injustice not he done, though the Union
Yet again, though the upholders of this horiid
Bill have the grace to allow that we may do all in
our power io procure the repeal of what they call
tbe Law, yet they insist that uutil it is repealed,
we aro bound, and shall be compolled to obey it.
"Truly this is a queor way of getting nn atrocious
enactment repealed, to koep nn obeying it. Their
reasoning is this : because nn unjust law is en
acted we must obey it ns a law, and yet do all we
cau to repeal it bocauee it 13 unjust and ought nut
to be a law. Seoing that iniquity is established
by Sta'ut?, wo must keep the statute until wo can
destroy it ; uphold it until it can be overthrown!
Such beetle loio may snfely be left to confute it
self. Because tho majority bave resolved to sin, we
must go with thetn, and keep on finning to the
end of the chapter, and then turn right about ai d
sin no moie, because we have at leDgtli succeeded
in convincing the majority. If so, we aro miserable
siiineis, especially we who know hotter, and so
have added. the guilt of hypocrisy to tbo guilt of
But as this writer says, a still more conclusive
answer may be drawn froth history. Experience
teaches us that obedience to nn unjust law ne-.cr
procured its repeal. 1 he actual method by which
communities bave gotten rid of unrighteous laws
has been by protesting against iheui, disobeying
them, and thus coming into conflict with the gov
ernment at the bar of public opinion, the common
moral sense of mankind, which is tbe great um
pire on earth, to whom majorities and monarchs
must ultimately bow. "First, the people have
thrown unjust laffs aside, and then the Legisla
ture has abrogated them beoause thoy were thrown
aside. First, the law has perished beoause of its
injustice, and then boen buried by statuto beoause
it was dead."
Wbat would bo tho cGvct on those who used "all
their personal and official iiiflocnco" to procure
tho enactment and enloroo obedionce to this Fugi
tive Slavo Bill ; what, I ask, would be the effect
on them, if it should be known that we, the peo
ple of Central Now Y'ork, who bave from the first
protested so loudly gaiust it, were, nevertheless,
every where osnsenting to obey it in all its provis
ions! Would thoy not point to the fact, as a sig
nal evidonce, of the eminent success of their
"peace measures". If the people of the North
will only become "tbe eottors", "the terriers",
"the bloodhounds", of the Southern men hunters,
they will not care how much we bark and howl
about the decree that would make us such dogs.
But when we turn upon them and drivo them from
tbe field, they are made to know that we will not
be their creatures, und moreover, that they cannot
pursuo their game across our dominions, which
are couseorated tu liberality and humanity.
Once moro. it is urjied by the abettors of this
great iniquity, that we are very presuaipuous id
setting up our individual opinions in opposition
to the enlightened wisdom of the greatest states
men of our country, the majority of our legisla
ture and of their o nslituents. Now, this is not
stating tbe case fairly. The Fugitive Slave Law
is not an offence to only hero aud there a few in
dividuals. Millions see and acknowledge it to be
roost flagrantly unjust and cruel. The minority
in Congress opposed to its eoactmtut was a very
Urge one, and a large part of the majority, both
in and nut of Congress, execrate the law, at tbe
samo time that they insist upon obedieuoe to il.
Indeed, it would bo bard to find a person, not
steeped in the rirt of slavohulding from bis birtb,
who wculd undertake to show tho justice, tuaoh
less the mercifulness, of this outrageous law.
Tho question then before the oountry is, wheth
er a law, which A vast majority allow to bee wick
ed ono, which even the moat unscrupulous adher
ents of Mr. Webster, at first, recoiled from with
horror. a law which outrages all the natural, in
defeasible rights of those against whom it is diree.
ted, and docs violence to overy good feeling of
those who are called upon to execute it, the ques
tion is whether such a law ought to be obeyed,
merely b' cause by legislative management a ma
jority of the members of CoDgress was obtained
(or it? If the will of the majority bs absolute
if there bo no appeal from it if there be no natu
ral, eternal principles of right und wrong upon
which we may fall back in such an emergency, we
see not how our own liberties are more secure un
der our form of government that they would be
under a monarchy or even a despotism. The way
in which the supporters of this Uw have flouted
at conscience, and the moral sense of mankind,
shows how littlo fitted they nre to help forward
our great experiment of self-government.
Men differ much on minor questions of morals,
and thero is room for bonoat differences. But the
glorious principles announced in the Declaration
of American Indoj eudence were self-evident all
men. Aud wheievor, io our Northern States, the'
poople could bo brought to witness an attom pt to
take from a man his liberty, and reduce him to
tho condition of a domesticated brute, a thousand
voices would cry, shame upon tho deed, for every
ono, that would attempt to lustily it.
Toll us not, thon, that we are setting up our in
dividual consciences against tho conscience of tbo
nation. A vast majority abhor this law, though
ihere may be a majority that, for certain political
reasons, bave concluded it is eipedieut to sustain
the law, or pretend to sustain it, bad as it is. We
have tbe heart of our nation with us, though the
head may bo against us.
Tho followers of the expedient rather than tbe
right would fain make it appear that our opposi
tion to this enactment tends to the subversion ot
law. We know better, and so do they. Tbe only
cbiim which an enactment of our State or Nation
al government can have to our respect and obe
dience, is its justice. If it be onjust, only to our
property, IV it sul ject us only to pecuniary loss or
to porson'il inconvenience, we may, for the sake
of peace, wo ought to sibmit to it. But when it
requires us, as this Fugitive Slave Bill does, to in
flict the greatest injury upon others, wears not at
liberty to obey. We are bound by our obligations
to God and man to set the law at naught to pre1
vent its execution. "Disobedience to unjuBl laws,
so far from subverting tends directly to establish
Law, by honoring tbo only true source of Hi
claims. Tho only real upholder of uw is ne, wno
strenuously opposes all unjuit ennctments. Thai
mnn who blindly or passively obeys all t"ie behests
of human rulers, right or wrong, merciful or cruel,
is not the friend of Law, but of arbitrary role, ot
Tbo Detroit Tribune says that in the procession
which recently escorted Mr. Douglas through the
streets of Kalamazoo was a large, scantily-dressed;
hideous-looking caricature of bis competitor,
Abraham Lincoln, with a laree padlock upon his
lips 1 As if tho Republicans were not sufficiently
insulted by its exhibition in the Douglas process
ion, it was afterwards suspended from a tree with
in a few feet of the speaker's stand. The Branch
County Republican gives tho following sketch of
how another foaturo of the meeting failed:
' Tho Douglasites wanting to havo a negro In
a rail-pen on wheels in tbe procession, went alter
' .... r t O .L - sT
a darkey, who resides about lour mue. ouu.u
here, and offered bim $0 to go with them, ns
, , i., . !,;. uillnirn. and locked
eonsentea, was uruiK" " .
in a barn while his employers cnt to their din
ners. This treatment the darkey did not like, and
while remaining in 'dnranee vile,' horrid thoughts
came into bis mind. He suspected trora mo la
ment ho was receiving that hi. employers .. ..
signs upon his liberty, and his iuouKu.. -
,.,.,! to Southern chains ana Slavery.
He broke out of
Un ,,u .rnnd it no lonecr
!' ' . 1. -
the barn, and tbe last that was seen o. n a.
met by a farmer, some three m.le, sou , of be
on a full tun, escaping, as lie suppose,
cappers and bondage."
pRonAtiLE Clearance or a SLAYER.-tb bail
Romulus, recently arrived at Cold pr.nB Harbor,
and was fitted for sea in rather an unusual way.
the lower bold being filled with water, &o.. while
ostensibly she was to have been used a. a wbal. .
From time to time while she lay at anchor, .mall
team tugs arrived during the night (prob b y
from New York) and delivered articles or per one
Hoard ,b. bark. At las. on Wedne. .y
last she slipped out into the Sound; whe ,e a Stssm
g was waiting for her, and after a long ,m.
snent in shipping or transhipping cargo she start-
6 f .'a through the Race. No d.b
in ,b. minds of man, who observed b.r move
ment, that she bad gone on a siav,
It is said that the customhouse wm
... i II f UlthOUt
Spring is a U.e.aea o u ...
pipe in his mouili-Miu. - -- -
,er for an, vessel to got "p.p." from bim. V.
Success or a New BxoroRn Mak.-W. learn bjf
letter from California that Mr. S. Howard, a col
ored man. who wat born in title c.t, an,
here until a few year, since, ha. an '-P""nJ
in a machine for sewing hose, with wh oh he W
.eery manufacturing U,Uo
.ill realise a fortune b, hi.
prise. He onn 40 pP"J,h. "
sail-makiog.-" Bedford Standard.
Late advice, from tbe West Coast ot Africa
..ati : that the .leaner City of Norfolk S0.
with 1,800 slaves.