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Anti-slavery bugle. (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, April 27, 1861, Image 1

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BENJAMIN S. JONES, EDITOR.
"jv'o FiVOiV mrr sxi rsHoLoena."
ANN PEARSON, PUBLISHING XOENT.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, APRIL 27, 1801.
Whole no.
VOL. 16. NO. 37.
THE ANTl-SLA IERY DtCLT!,
rOBLUntD EVERT SATURDAY AT SALEM, OHIO;
By tbe Executive Committee, of tho Western Anti
Slavery Society.
TERMS. $1.50 per annum payable In advance.
IgyComtnunications intended for Insertion, to
bt addressed to Bskjamin S. Jones, Editor.
Ordors for the paper and letters containing
Taoney In payment for tho satue,'should be ad'lros
'ed to Ann Pearson, Publishing Agent, Salem,
'olumbiana County, Ohio.
tsa-Monoy corofully enveloped and directed as
above, may bo sent by mail at our risk.
gfcjyWe oooasionally (outnumbers to those who
arc not subscibors, but who fro believed to be
interested in tho dissemination of Anti-Slavery
truth, with tho hope that they will either subscribe
themselves or use their influcooe to extend its
circulation among their friends.
TERMS OP ADYFRT1SING.
One 3quars, (10 lines) three wooks, - $1 00
" " Each additional insertion, - - 25
" " Six months, - - . - 4 00
" " One year, ' - . ... 0.00
Two Squares six months, - - 5.00
" " Ono yoar, - ... 8.00
Oua Fourth Column one year, with privilege
of changing monthly, . - - - 12.00
Half Column, changing monthly, 20.00
JgyCtrds not exceeding eight lines will be in
' aerted one year for $300; six months, $2 00.
Advertisements for patent medicines, speci
fic remedies, chance to mako money, &o., hSitlier
aolioited nor published.
j. iiudson, printer.
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
From the Sunday Mercury.
WHY I LOVE FANATICS.
BY WILLIAM PORTER RAY.
I love fanatics. They aro the salt of society f
pepper in the chowder of polities ( vinegar on the
boiled oabbago of literature; an t mustard on the
corned-beef of religion. Without them the iutol-
leotual food of life would bo eavorloes and un
palatable.
I have the greatest rr-gaid for Southern fire
oatere and Northern abolitionists ; for fice-lovers
and Spirtuolista ; (or skeptics and infidels ( for
paradoxical disputants ; for enthusiastic dream
era; and for Quixotic and eccentric persons of
every kind. Toombs, Greely, Wigfall, Lovejoy
Rhett, Sumner, I admire ; Cheevcr, Beechcr,
Garrison, Phillips, are particularly dear tome;
and Mrs. Rose, Ilieginson. Andrew Jackson
Davis, Parker PilUbury, I delight to honor.
I became acquainted, in PuilaJe'.phia, a fo
years ago, with an auieteur astrououer, who oon-
siderod Sir Isaao Newton a numskull, and his
theory of gravitation an unmitigated humbug,
lie published, semi-ocoasibnally, alitllo paper to
bdrooate his viows, which 1 always purchased,
and read with great doliglt. What sublime, in
tellectual independence was displayed in thai
little seven-by-nine quarto sheet ! i'linging ar
gumentative brickbats at Ilerschol, Levenier, Ad
ams, Pierce, Schumacher, end other respectable
old fogy star-gazers, and deriding thoir antiquated
notions respecting tho lawj of matter.
"I, Johu Mullen," it said, "editor of the i'ltft
rcal Meseenger, pronounce you a pack ofgumps.
Get out I"
Hiked that liked it immensely.
"But how o in you have any sort of respoct for
this class of persons ?"
Don't I. like, originality, honesty, earnestness,
and eloquence T And don't I like to see a man
hit the mark and make tbe splinters fly when bo
talks or. writes, no matter about whatf Those
characteristics the fanatio always has, and these
things be always does whenever he lakes up his
pen or opens bis lips.
"Slavebolding," says Lovejoy, "has been just
ly called the sum of all villainy. Put every crime
perpetratei among men into a moral oruoible, and
dissolve and oombine thetn all, and tho resultant
amalgam is slave-holding. It has the violence ol
robbery, the blood and cruelty of piracy ; it has
the offensive and brutal lusts of polygamy, all
combined and concentrated in itself, with aggra
vations that noithor . one of these eiiaies ever
knew or dreamed of. Sir, I am speaking in dead
earnest, before God, God's own truth I"
"Tear," gays Wendell Phillips, ''the Constitu
tion in pieces. Tear it in pieces, in honor of
Washington."
"What dastards," says Beecher, of New York
Union-Saying Bankers and Wholesale Merchants,
"what contemptible things, wearing the form of
men, must they bo, who out-vieing Judas, make
baste to (ell their principles and thoir master 1
But it is oomforting to think that there is some
nse in tbe worst of things I When things have
become corrupted, they are, at any rato, good for
tnsnuro. I know these men. I have read their
names. I have treasured then,, up.' They ere
not merely cowards, but perjured cowards every
onaoftbem!" ' '
Now, not to multiply examples, I exceedingly
like this way of talking this vehement eloquence
th is earnest, passionate speech of the fana'io.
llow lame, how dull, bow stupid, bow meaning
less appear the words of .one "sound on the
goose," when contrasted witb such half inspired
oratory I
.'.But do you agree witb auoh outrageous senti
ments as these ?"
Reader, by asking me that question you ac
knowledge yourself one of that, numerous class of
blockheads who suppose that to admire or praise a
book or speech Is equivalent to concurring with
tbe writer or speaker in tbe opinions bo advancer!
What matter is it to me whether what a man says
Je troe or falao, to long aa what be says be well
aidT' This is what concerns me; tho doctrine
edvooale'd I care nothing about. ' At God i angry
with tha wioked every dayi so am I dally enraged
at bearing these two things, between which a
gull of distinction as wide as that between Hades
and Paradise is fixed, confounded. "If I call Sew
ard a great itateiinin-"Wby, J djdn'jnow be-
foro that you wore a black ropublioan I" exclaims
my democratic Iriend. tf I call Chapln the great
est pulpit orator in America, and go occasionally
to bear bim preach, my high ohuroh Episoopal
friend doubts my orthodoxy. If I attend a con'
ventlon of radical reformers, and declare the de
bales exceedingly interesting, I am in danger of
being takon for a "freeOovcr." If I am found
reading tho writings of Torn Paine or Judge Ed
monds, I am suspected of having a strong leaning
toward Infidelity or Spiritualism.
The vulgar mind will havo it, that mentnl food
rejected by tho reason ns unpalatable, cannot be
very ambrosia to another faculty. What a mon
strous mist ike I Why, if the devil wcro to set up
as a clergyman here in New York, and preach
eloquently, I would go every Sunday to bear him
advocate vice, rather than go to hear An arch
angel discourse stupidity on virtus. What care I
for a man who mcrthj rejltds my own previously-'
Jurmcd opinions 1 He is of no use to mo. Nay,
ho is a decided bore to r.io. Tho s.vjio throad
' tnro story over again ; the mine oft-repeated joke;
I the same musty truixni this is what I hear from
, him what 1 know already by heart, and, conse
quently, do not want to hear reiterated. I want
something neiv, something original, something
I entertaining, something which will exercise my
mind ; if it be truth, well and good ; if it bo not,
1 also woll and good.
The man who cannot sit patiently, nay, with
delight, and here all that ho thinks true, and good,
nod sacred, and holy, denounced with ability and
eloquence, hns a totally depraved mind, is in tbe
gall of bigotry and the bonds of prejudice) and Is
traveling tbe broad road to intellectual pordiiion.
Tho person who goes out of church if the preach
er commences to demolish a favoiito theory of bis
the person who hisses a political speaker if be
attacks his party th'j person who cries down an
other for giving expression to Lis honest convic
tions anywhere, at all limes, aud under any cir
cumstances, is a narrow-minded, contemptible
creature.
There is no mora noblo quality of character
than intellectual impartiality tban the capacity
to apprecit.to and enjoy what an ablo oppouont
may say. In illustration of this cardinal virtue
let me relate an nnccduto.
Some years while in college, I accompain
ed a law student (now a distinguished Massachu
setts judge) from Cambridge into Boston, to bear
the celebrated Hufus Choa'.o deliver a political
speech at Fancuil Hall. Being a zealous whig,
iny politicul oiitiions coincided with those of
the orator ; but my oompaniun was bitterly op
posed to him, being a radical anti-Slavery man;
belonging to the then nascent frce-soi! party.
Reaching the ball early, we secured a good
standing position near tlio rostrum, and Waitod
for the opening of tho meeting. After the usual
resolutions had teen read and adopted, Choate was
introduced, and commenced one of his most elo
quent epecchos. Before long, from "glittering
generalities," which any one might be cxpeoted to
applaud, he came to the particular principles in
volved in the Presidental oontcst, and began dis
secting, with his terrible sarcasm, unparalleled
wit, and passionate loic, the dootrines of the
free Boil party assailing particularly, in terms
mure Scree, scathing, and invective than I ever
beard a public man scourged with before, their
candidate, Mirtio Van Burcn.
As my eyes were rivitcd upon tbe countcnanco
of tbo orator, I thought some whig standing close
behind me was going crazy with excitement; for
at every round of applause a pair of feoe wore
stamping thero more violently than anywhere else
in my vhinity, and, at every three cheers, a voice
there hurrahed louder than nny other I could bear
Turning my bead, by-and by, whilo nine cheers
were being giveu, to see who tbe enthusiastic
Individual wait, there stood my just now ardent
free-soil friend, red in the face as a beer, waving
bis hat wildly in tho air, and nhouting as if he
were mad.
Of course, after this display, I supposed that
be had been converted by the magio eloquence of
tho orator ) and reaching the street at the close of
the meeting I congratulated him upon tho wonder
ful change of mind he had experienced.
" Why, I haven't changed my opinion," be re
plied. "I am, if possible, a stronger free-soiler
than when I went into the hall."
"How is that?" I said. "Didn't I bear you
cheating Choate when be was coining down on
your candidate like a thousand and five hundred
of brick T In faot, were you not about tbe ora
ziesl man in the audience V
"To be sure I applauded bim," was bis reply,
"fur be got off some of tbe wittiest and most elo
quent things I ever bear j in my life. That's wby
I hurrahed because what be said was so deuced
good, hot because I agreed with bim."
I thought that answer indicated a highly virtu
ous mind.
ilait, revenons-a no moulons. I like fanatics,
loo, because Ibey are always in earnest, and,
consequently, always boncst. Wbo doubts Ibo
honesty of eucb men as Garrison and Phillips!
men so thoroughly in earnest that they would not
besituto a moment to lay down their lives for
what Ibey believe to be the truth. This is ' what
gives suoU persons an ever-inoreasiog influence,
creates for tbern new friends, and. draws to them
new followers continually, no metier how craey
their projects.
I like fanatics, also.beoause they display a moral
neroisui which is shown by no other class of
persons. They are never afraid to express their
opinions, but stand ready to proclaim them at all
Hues, and at all placet. The consequence of
ttiis ttlwbat must be dearer to them tban life it
self) the loss of their reputation, and followed by
years of contempt, sbame and disgrace.
J can remember wben Garrison used to be pelted
with rotten eggs, and wheu not twenty persons
in the whole city of Boston would acknowledge
Theodore Parker at a friend. "He that loteth bis
life shall save it I" They believe in this text,
though tbey may rejeot all the rest of the Bible.
It is absolutely true, that to long' as a man oares
for bis popularity, until his worldly reputation is
lost, and his sooial charaoter gone, it Is quite im
possible for bim to pursue any manly, noble
course of original conduct, to advooate any radical
reform, to push forward any tcbeme for the amel
ioration of th sooial, religious, or political condi
tion of mankind. A person who hat reputation to
take care of, seldom thinks about anything else.
He cares little for his montat Integrity, little for
his duty ; be is willing to sacrifice these, and
every honest conviction, to Maintain a favorable
position in society, and retain the good opinion of
the world, tlo is rrJady at any time to recant,
rotract, apologize, ask pardon ; to perform on
occasions all manor of mean and servile actions ;
to lie, if necessary, and to perjure himself, if be
can get out of the difficulty ia no other way. Re
member how Edward Everett asseverated that he
signed the Sumner Testimonial under the influ
ence of oholorofarm I Now the lanatio it entirely
free from all this meanness and poltroonery, and
is, therefore, a far nobler human being than your
safe, sound, orthodox, respectable conservative.
Fanatics, moreover, are the pioneers of publio
opinion, tho avant coureurs of coming generations
ol thinkers. The only reason why they are fanat
ics is, because, they are in advance of the age.
To the jews, Chriat was a fanatic a sort of Walt
Whitmnn, Wendell Phillips, Jackson Davis,
George Munday, the hatloss prophet, rolled into
one ; an apparent vagabond, loafing about the
streets of Jerusalem, gathering crouds in lumber
yards and on vacant house-lots, and delivering in-
Ijlnnatory speeches to them, denouncing the au
thorities in very violent terms, which would have
caused the New York Express, had It existed at
the lime, to raise its feeble bands ia horror.
"Woe unto you," be uted to cry out to tuo
crowd, "woo unto you, scribes and pbartseest
hypocritos 1 for ye are like whited sepulchres,
full of dead men's bones and all uncleanness. Ye
serpents, ye generation of vipcro, bow can ye es
cape the damnation of hell I Woe unto Jon,
scribes and pharisees, hypocrites I for ye devour
widows' bouses, and for a preteneo make long
prayers. Woe unto you, eoribet, pharisees, hypo
crites! for ye compass sea and land to make one
proselyte, and wben be is made, ye make him
two fold more tbe child of hell thnn yourselves.
Woe unto you, ye blind guides, ye fools I" Bo
sides this, bo was continually violating the laws,
tros-assing on other persons' land, taking tbeir
corn without leave, breaking the Sabbath, cow
hiding the Jerusalem Board of Brokers, etc., eto.
Now-a-days, it is highly conservative to ba a
Christian, and think this all right.
Rousseau was driven out of France for being a
fahatic, lor denying tbe divine right of kings, and
preaching republicanism. F'ow bis notions re
specting human liberty arerhnsidered conservative
enoiiSb , tiIhrastr-Ttnatw, -trrvwtitif utbrf
German State in war, publishing heretical books,
and making himself generally just as disagreea
ble as ho possibly could to the safe, sounJ, or
thodox conservatives of his time. Now we think
Mm a little old-fogyinb. Friar Bacon, Columbus,
Galileo in fine, all tbe great originals in history,
in their lifetime belonged to the fanatical school
of thinkers, but are now "all right."
So it will be witb tho fanatics of to-day. If
they were to return to life a hundred years hence,
they would find themselves tbe ttrongost kind of
conservatives.
Finally, 1 like fanat:cs because tbey are deci
dedly useful members of society. What should
we do without them T What would tbe newspa
pers do if they had not their sayings to report
and their doings lo pitch into! "How dull tbe
papers are now I" you say ; "there's nothing in
them." That is because the fanatics are taking a
nap. Wait a little. Lovejoy wakes op and de
livers a speech in Congress which stirs up tbe
animals, and tbe journals become interesting
right away. John Brown keeps the paper in
teresting for two or three months, just by lava-
ding Virginia and getting banged and Curtis,
for two or three months, by delivering an aboli
tion-lecture in Philadelphia. A fanatic seldom
opens his lips without creating a sensation, without
I furnishing a good many thousand people with tome-
thing to talk and write about.
So, reader, don't call fanatics bad names.
Without them, the Church would be ruled by a
bigoted priesthood, and we should have no relig.
ious toleration ; and the Government be adminis
tcred by tyrants, and we should bare no civil liber
ty. Without them, literature would be deprived
of balf its charms, and history of half its Ustruc-
tivencss.
From Douglass' Monthly for April.
FUTURE OF THE ABOLITION
CAUSE.
In looking into the future, and endeavoring to
ascertain what it has in store for the American
slave, all calculations based upon tbe assumption
that the slave States which bave seceded will
return to their places, and that those whioh still
remain In the Union will continue their allegiance
to tbe old Constitution, will be found fallacious.
One faot we take to be settled, and that is, rat
COMPLETE AND PERMANENT SEPARATION Of TBI
slaVeuoldino States from tub non-slateuoldino
States of America. This we bold to be as fixed
end certain as though tbe fact was entirely accom
plished. The vital policy, tbe policy that inflames
and animates tbe political masses of the - seceded
slave States, is only a few months in advance if
that in the non-seceded slavebolding States. Blood
is thicker than water, and birds of a feather will
flock together. Tbe tardiness of the border States
in going out, discloses to us only the profound sa
gacity and skill with which Ibe political affairs of
those States are managed. From Ilia first they
have known what tbey were about, and bave eeen
the end from Ibe beginning. The whole drama of
disunion was long ago written, and each Stile baa
bad its part assigned it, Virginia has played her
part, thus far, about as well as South Carolina
bers, and tbe one has been essential to tbe other
throughout. If South Carolina has stabbed lbs
Union, Virginia has held tbe arm from striking
down tbe assassin. She tings out, "Pesos, ho!"
as if shocked with the Idea of bloodshed; but sbe
it ture to go out and thare the gains of robbery
witb ber sister slave States, and will elalm. as
she well may, to bare performed her pari as well
as any. Ail notion that tbe non-slavsholding white
people in the bnder slave Statel will keep them
in the Union, is foandcif'on the very erroneous
supposition that that olass of persons have more!
than nominal political power In those States. The
non-tlaveholding people of the South are inch
lirapl beoaute tbey can't be ofherwise. Tbe
highest ambition of that clsss Is lo be able to own
and flog a negro. They are the utmost dread of
the slave. They furnish the overseers, the negro
drivers, " the patrols, tho ncgro-bunters of tbe
South, and are, in their sphere, as completely the
tools of lha slaveholders, as the slaves themselves.
Tbey are Ignorant, besotted and servile, and bave
no opinions of their own upon political affairs. A
smile or nod of approbation from a wealthy slave
holder would make most of tbe class happy for a
mon'.b. We at tbe North have no adequate idea
of the power Of these master spirits of the South;
and yet the fact Is, we at the North are under the
same influence. A man here feels more flattered
by the attentions of a man who owns a hundred
slaves, tban be would feel if tbe same atten
tion were paid him by a millionaire at the North.
To bave slavebolding relations is even here a mat
ter of boast, and men are not ashamed to tell that
tbeir fathers and mothers were slaveholders. Du
ring the meeting of the Old School General As
sembly in this city last Spring, our citizens, reli
gions and otherwise, did their best to show tbeir
retpeet to this class of criminals. Pulpits flew
open, and people flocked to hear the gracious
words that fell from the lips of Dr. Thorn well,
of South Carolina, as if he were really a messen
ger from heaven. Tbe chief consequence of this
wordy declaimer was that he was a representative
of a sUveholding gospel, and we believe, himself
an owner of slaves,
Tbe slaveholders are tbe South. They not only
live South, but they are practically, and to the tx
olusion of all others, the South itself. Tbey are
tbe only aotive power there. Tbey rule the States
entirely, and tolerate no policy which in tbe least
degree endangers their power. It is, therefore,
wholly fallacious to look fur any policy in the
South that does not emanate from and meet the
approbation of Ibe slaveholders. The six millions
of fro non-tlaveholding whites are but freight
cars, full of cattle, attached to the three hundred
and fifty slavebolding locomotives. Whore the
looomotives gn, the train must follow. Such be
ing Ibe ondeniablo fact, we are li look for Ihe pol
ioy of the wbolo South, to tbe sagacity, intelli
gence, pride and interest of slaveholders alone;
and we save no hesitation ia laying that these all
point to the entire dissolution of tbe Union, and
to the nrmanebt establishment of a grand slave-
boJdinfcJonfederacy. t it' .-, - -
Tbt South it not afraid of ns. this popular Im
pression tbey have of us is tbis: We ara a misera
ble set of schemers, destitute of every element of
booorab.e pride, and entirely unoonsoious of tbe
first element of patriotism a nation of selflsb,
pinching shopkeepers, close-fisted farmers, witb
whom gain is godliness; unprincipled and greedy
politicians, who are ready lo sell out their constit
uents, as their constituents are lo sell out their
wares, far more ready to Compromise than to de
fend any position. Wben tbey approach us, they
seem to expoot to hear us swear, and to see us
stamp, declaring we will never, no never! But
they understand us better than we do ourselves,
and persevere till the end is gained. Xo, we would
not lave Texas not we but we had to lako her
for all that. Then Texas should not have ten mil
lions; bet Texas did get ton millions for all that.
Then slavery should never go to New Mexico; but
slavery is there now for nil that. We never would
hunt slaves under the Fugitive Slave Law; but we
do hunt them for all that. They should never re
peal tbe Mifsouri Cat rentier; lut tbey did
repeal it for all that; and the fct is, history shows
that the North has bever been ablo to stand
against Ihe power and purposes of the South, la
deed, if compromise could possibly save Ibe
Union, the LVion could easily be raved; but tbanks
to the spirit of tyrants, they want no compromise.
Tbey have got siok of our company, and don't
want to associate with us any longer on any terms,
ana tney spurn tbe compromises which we are
so ready to make. Ilenoe, we tako it that the
Union is and will remain at an end. Those who
have locked forward to the dissolution of the
Union ae Ihe one thing needful to the abolition of
slavery, and remain of that faith still, may well
rejoice, as Mr. Phillips does, for the fact of dis
union is Indeed accomplished. To us, nowever,
the event does not seem quite so auspicious. The
Union is gone, but slavoiy remains; and we may
well ask ourselves what will be tbe probable effect
of tbe separation upon tbe question of slavery.
Will tbe Soutb beoome less intensely slavehnlding,
and tbe North more anti-slavery T
We anlioipate neither result. For ten years at
least we bave seen that disunion was bo remedy
for slavery, and bold tbe same view now. Once
let the independence of the slave States be recog
nized, ae it will be by our Republican Adminis
tration, and from that moment the question be
gins to lose lis bold upon tbe Northern mind and
conscience as a question with which we of the
North bate nothing further to do. We may speak
of it and write of it, at it it written of and tpoken
of in England, at a thing of foreign inlereat over
which we have no power, and, therefore, no re
eponsibilily. Our pulpit, now largely silent, will
btcome absolutely dumb on the subject, and tbe
moral sense of the North will in a few years prob
ably die out; and thus will end the thirty years
moral warfare with tbe accursed slave system.
Tbe Abolitionists bave done Iheir best, by moral
means; they bave faithfully exposed evil; they
bave argued and expostulated witb the slavehold
ers. No cause wae ever more faithfully advooated.
Learning, eloqusnoe, teal and ability, and life it
self, bave all been freely laid on the altar of the
slave's cause. Mountain testluobies for truth,
justioe and humanity bave been piled op to be read
by afterooming generations. These will be perus
sd with wonder and amsaement, that the words of
eternal truth were so little heeded by tbe slave
holders of the present csneratioo. Tbey will
wonder that against suob warnings any people
eould be S9 ht!t strong and determined t rsjtw on
to destruction and ruin. So much for the moral
movement against slavery. Hereafter, opposition
to slavery will naturally take a now form. Tbe
fire is kindled, and cannot be extinguished. The
"irrepressible Oinfliot" can never cease on this
oontincnt. It will change ile methods and mani
festations; but I) frill be Bode Ihe less real fur all
that. Elavil will rah awsy, and humane men and
women will help them; slaves will plot and eon
spire, and wise and brave men will help them.
Abolition may be postponed, but it cannot be pre
vented. If it oomes not from enlightenment, mor
al conviction and civilization, it will ooctie from
the fears of tyrants no longer able to bold down
tboir rising slaves.
During ibe first few years of separation, anti-
lavery men will bave to keep an eye on those
ruthloes doughfsee politicians of tbe North, wbo,
longing for the leeks and onions of Egypt, servile
in spirit, eager to bo kicked by Ihe slaveholders
who bave spit upon them, will bend all tbeir en
ergies Tor a reconstruction of tbe broken Un'.on.
It caobot be expected that this recreant race will
die out at once upon tbe death of tbe Union.
Southern trade will still remain to tempt them;
Southern pride and assumption will still remain to
awe Ihoai; Southern bluster will still remain to
frighten them; Southern visitors to Saratoga, New
port and Niagara will still remain to dattle and
corrupt llicru. They may even attempt to get
down lower out of the Union than in it, to accom
modate the wishes of tbe affronted Soutb. It would
nol bo eurprising if they should propose to grant
by treaty lo tbo ncn-slaveholding confederacy, all
that the slave States bave claimed within Ihe
Union. They will endeavor to secure the return
of fugitive slaves, prevent invasions of the slave
States to put down slavery, barrass and degrade
Ibe free colored population of the North, and al
low slaveholders to bring and bold slaves, for a
time, in the freo States, '.so that Mr. Toombs may
get out of the Union, what he could nut obtain in
it, the right lo call tbe roll of his slaves under the
hai'ow of Bunker Hill monument. But all tbis
will be in vain to win back our "dissatisfied" late
fellow-citizens. Nothing short of a guarantee
that the slaveholderi shall enjoy Ibe luxury and
honor of governing the eountry will avail to bring
them baok; and not a few at the North would
gladly assent to Ibat. ' to England they bave a
parly which it for peace at any price; so here we
have a parly which it fur Union at any price. To
watob, circumvent end defeat this servile party
will be Ibo immediate mission of all who value
freedom more than gain, and wbo prefer truth,
honor and manhood more tban a union With slave
holders, for slavebolding.
Bill or Sale, The following notice constitutes
a handbill which has been posted in bar-rdoms
and other oonspiouous plaoes throughout Ken
tuck; ,
"O. M. Clay's Sale. I wilPsell at publio auc
tion on Wednesday, the 10th of April next, all my
household and kitchen furniture, and farming
tools ; also, several hundred thousand yellow pop
lor shingles; also my short horn and common cat
tie ; also south-down and eommon sheep; also fiue
and -ommoo bogs, also oorn, oats and wheat ; also
I WILL UtRE out for a term OF TEARS MT COLORED
servants. 1 will also rent out crass and oorn land
for ojs or more years. Terms of sale, All sums
under $100, and over (5 due in one year; all sums
under $5, cash; all sums over $100 payable in
three years, with interest from date. Approved
seourity and negotiable notes in all cases.
C. M. CLAY.
March 22, 1861.
This is a good farewell IpeUoh for our Minister
to the Court of St. Pelersburgb, where 20,000.000
of serfs have so rscently been set free. He, Hon.
Cassius M.Clay, will hire out for a term of yean
his colored servants.
A CHAPTER OF HISTORY.
We commend tbe following article somewhat
abridged from tbe journal in which we found it
to the oareful eoneideratioo of all refleoting minds.
A right which New England advooated fifty years
since, has n:t ceased to be a right because tho
Soutb advocates it to-day, Ed. Buoli'
ORIGIN OF SECESSION—NEW ENGLAND THE MOTHER
OF IT.
It Is Said to be a wted child wbo knows bit own
father. She certainly ia an unnatural mother who
denies ber own offspring. New England denounc
es with extreme bitterness a political dogma of
the present period, which it part of her numerous
progeny, a dogma conceived, incubated acd sent out
into tbis breathing world by. herself secession.
Sbe now disowns it, denies ber maternity and
tries to fasten it upon South Carolina as her pet
and progeny. Tbis unnatural oonduot deserves
exposure.
At three different periods bas New England
maintained the dootrine of eecession ; at the peri
od of the purchase of Louisiana, at the period of
the annexation of Tex, and at tbe period of Ibe
war of 1812. .
For the first time New England enunchted tbis
dootrine in 1796 sixty-five years ago. If our
readers will patiently follow ns, we will proceed
to establish what we bave here asserted and es
tablish, too. tbe additional fact that tbe idea of
sectionalism was first injected into the Northern
mind by tbe publio men of Ntw England.
Tbe late Mathew Cary, in his Olive Branoh,
states that Ibe prtdajt of a separation of Ibe States
was formed in New England shortly after the
adoption of tbe Constitution ; and Ibat in tbe ysar
1790, a moil elaborate set of papers was published
in a newspaper at Hartford, Conn., tbe joint pro
duotioo of an association of men of tbe first tal
ents and influence In tbe State, tbt object of wbioh
was to enoouraga the project of separation and-l
lo foment tbe prejndioee of Ibe people of New
England againal tbeir brethren of the Soutb.
THE PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA.
In 1803 tbe following resolution was patted by
tbe Massaebuielts Legislaturei
Resolved, That the aoosxatlon of Louisiana to
tbe Union transoeods the eoostitutlonal powers of
the gownnent of Ihe UuitiJ States. It formia'
It
new confederacy, to which the States n'ottld by the
former oompact are not bound to aibert.' i
Into this brief bdt comprehensive resolution Is "
crammed the whole State Righte creed the ex
treme State Rights creed. Tho Government l '
pronoonoed a ccmpacl between the States, and
from it Ihe riabt of secession O? wMltfrawal for
just cause, results as a necessary logioal JedWtfooV
Tbe federal clergy of Massachusetts were then
also in Ibe field proclaiming disunion, and soma of
them received the thanks of tbe Senate for tbeir
traitorous effusions. .. . i . '
in the Massachusetts Legislature, in 1800, '
member exclaimed, 'In a word, I oansider Louisi
ana the grave of tbe Union'.
In 1811, on the bill for tbe admission of Loulsl- ,
ana as a State, Josiab Quiooy, Jr., said, and after
being called tb order; aomrniitioc bis rt marks t .
writing t
'If this bill pais, it is" my deliberate opinioS
Ibat it Is a virtual dissolution of Ihe Union; that il
will free the States from tbeir moral obligations
and, as it will be the right of alt, ec it wilt Ira tbe
duty of some, definitely to prepare for a separa- ..
tion, amioably if Ihey can, violently il they mutt.'
John Quincy Adams, in describing tbe fedWi f
disuoionists of Massachusetts, says, among other
te&Cbhl Tor dissolving on tbe annexation cf Louisr .
Aba, was the following :
'That it was oppressive to the interest!, and -destructive
to Ihe influence of Ibe Northern section"
of tbo eonfederscy, whose right and duty it there-' :
fore was to secede from the body politic, and tef
constitute one of their owb.'
Secession here appears in prdprld persbnd and "
by name. But this II Hot all. Tbe New England
people meditated something more mdn'stroas and '
shocking. Says Mr. Adams : i
'That project, (that of the New EoglanJ Con- '
federaoy) I repeat, bad gona the length of fixing;
upon a military leader for its execution ; and al
though Ihe circumstances of tbe time never ad-
mitted of its execution, nor even of its full divl- '
opmect, I yet bad no doubt in 1808 and 1800,
and bave no doubt at tbis tinw, that it is the key
to all the great movements of these leadsrs of tbt '
Federal party in Now England from ibat time for
ward till its Dual catastrophe in the Hartford Cob'
vention.'
Ia bis celebrated letter npon tbe Hartford Con
vention of December 30tb, 182S, while President ,
of the United States, Mr. Adams said i , .
'This design of certain leaders of tba Federal
party (to effeot a dissolution of tbe Union and tba ,
establishment of a Northern Confederacy! bad
been formed in tbe winter ef 1803 tbe tiaf at ,
the acouieition of Louisiana, . Its justifying caut-
es to tbose who entertained it were that the annex
ation of Louisiana to tbe Union tfansoended tbl .
constitutional fowsri of tbe Government of tba
United States j that it foimed, in faot, anew
confederacy, to which tbe States nniied by tba -former
were not bound to adhere. This plan was"
so far matured that a proposal bad been mads Id
an Individual lo permit himself to be piaffed at tbl .
head of the military movements, which it wa '
foreseen would be necessary to oarrj it into txeoc
tion.'
In A letter to Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Monroe thowi
that under the threat of Eastern Federalists to dis
solve Ibe Union if more Southern or Western Ter
ritory were added, be yielded to Mr. Adamt ia tb
matter of Ihe Florida tfe3ly .
Mr. Adamt tays that tbe design of a Northern
Confederacy wae formed aa soon as Louisiana wis
annexed, Mr. Monroe reminds Mr. Jefferson oi
tbe early opposition to secure the navigation of
the river Mississippi to tbe toutb-west.- Masse
cbusetts was at the head of that conspiracy'.
Tbe attempt to shut np Ibe month of tbe Missis-
sissippi 'was an effort (says Mr. Monroe,) to give1
sucb a shape to the Union as would secure the'
dominion over it to its Eastern seotion. 'At that
time'i be adds, 'Boston ruled the four New Eog-:
land States. A proper orator in Faoutil, (Harri
son Gray Otis,) ruled Boston. Jay'l bbjeot wal
to make New York a New England State.'
Mr. Monro then notices twat subsequent at
tempts to cirdamecribe tbe Un!d6, tSe Hartford
Convention, and tbe restriction on MisaoOM. On
tbis issue (the admission of Missouri) be eays tiiej
(tbe Eastern Federalists) were willing to risk tb
Union. Tbe Boston Sentinel, the Federal orgaa
of the day; of November 12, 1803, will eonfirai
Mr. Monfoo's letter. To pay fifteen tnillione for
Louisiana, in order to secure a place of deposit for
Western produce,that paper exclaimed, was Indeed
insufferable, and h advooated abutting op tb Mis'
sissippi to tbe people 'lest, if Ibey bive that, oot
New England lands would become a deurt from
tbe contagion of emigration i'
Mr. Monroe, in tb letter to Jeffenob, lays ibai
tbe Federal party 'contemplated an arrangement
on tbe distinction solely botweeo tlave-boldiog and
non-slaveholding States, presuming that on tbat
basis only sucb a division might be founded a
would destroy, by perpetual excitement, the usual
effects proceediog from difference in Ibe pursuit
and cireumetanoes of tbo people, and marshal Ih
States, differing in that alone, In onocasing oppo'
sition and hostility to eatb otbor.'
THE WAR OF 1812.
Passing over many faeti, for want of ipioe, we"
ball Coated ourtelvei witb t reference to tb fol
lowing ae denoting tbe hostility of New England
to tbe war of 1812, which it deemed goid cause,
for a dissolution of lb Union I
To Boston Sentinel, the Federal organ1 it laM
at 1814, Dto. 10th, said: 'Those wbo startle at
the danger of teparation, tell ot tbat tb soil
of N England ia bard and sterile." Again, oat
tb 17th of December; 18)4, tb Stniiiul said t
Il is said tbat to maks a treaty of oommero with
tbe enemy is to violet the Constitution and to
sever tbe Union. Are Ibey ot troth alnSj ir
tually destroyed! r in what fUtg of txi stance.
would tbey be, sbodld We dealer fio-tralhy ot
even withhold tales and mint"
Her we bat secession and pniliBostlotl yopo
sed. Buttbettoit tDoastroos of all tbef N
England ichemei is to coma. It is a follow,.
Th objeot of tb leading Federalists In BftMe'
cbawttti darfoa tb war. was to establish . ms-xf

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