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title: 'Anti-slavery bugle. (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, April 27, 1861, Image 2',
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THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.
fcrchy, with one or the royal family of England at
Jtt head. Mr. Wallis says the British Col. Nich
ols told him tho Naval commander had bis orders
lo place Harrison Gray Otis at the htnd et tho
fair, until the pleasure of the Trince Kcgent was
What that pleasure was to be, appears to have
been tlroady arrange J. Tbe British . Uoitod Ser
vice Journal says the object was to separate tho
Northern and Eastern from the Southern and
Weetoro States, to establish a limited monarch)
in the first named States, placing odo of our prin
ce! oi the blood on tho throne.
THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.
Texas was froth th first a rock of offeneo to
New England. Mr. Minroe, who regarded our ti
tle to it as Indisputable, was persuaded by Mr.
Adams to Rive it up to Spain by the treaty of Flor
ida. The New England men threatened dissolu
tion should Texas not bo given up. Said Mr.
Monroe, in one of his letters on this euljocl: "Tho
difficulty i altogether internal and of the most
distressing nature and dangerous tendoncy."
And what was that difficulty? The Eastern Fed.
erallsts menaced the Union if Mr. Monroe admit
ted Texas into the Union! Mr. Monroe Was de
terred by these menaces of disunionl Mr. J. Q.
Adams was in his Cabinet and he knew the de
sign of the Boston Federalists. What these do
aigns were, Mr. Adams himself subsequently de
veloped in bis attack upon the Hartford Conven
tion. This difficulty about Texas again broke out af
ter the establishment of her independence, and
when she applied for admission Into the Federal
Union, this developed afresh the sectionalism and
secessionist!! cf New England, and here we have
to note a change of opinion on the part of Mr.
Adams, lie now makes his appearance as ono of
the Now England agitators.
In a speech on the 5th of November, 1844, at
Bridgewater, Mass., Mr. Adams said in relation
ti the annexation of Texat; the whole transac
tion was a flagrant violation oi the Constitution,
nd its consummation, had it been effected, would
have boon itself a dissolution of the Union. This
was said after the rejection of tho treaty and be-.
foie annexation by resolution of Congress.
To 1843, Mr. Adams and nineteen Congress
men issued a most elaborate paper, addressed to
the peoplo of the Free States of the Union. The
National Intelligencer, in which it appeared, ex
pressed reluctance in publishing it, because of
the address which it bears to the people of a por
tion only of the United States.
In March, 1345, the Boston Tost said :
"By tho annexation resolutions of the Whig
Legislature, Massachusetts declares that she will
go out of the Union if Texas comes in, or that at
least she will nullify the aot of annexation."
The following is one of the. resolutions offered
by Mr. Bell, passed at its cession in 1845.
Resolved, That as the powers of legislation
granted in Congress da not embrace the case of
the admission of a foreign State or Territory, by
legislation, into the Union, such an aot would have
no binding force whatever on the people of Massa
chusetts," The Boston Atlas, on the 20th December, 1844,
says of the annexation of Texas:
''It involve the whole broad question of the
permanency of our Government, and the continua
tion of our UnicTi. 1
"Massachusetts cannot she must not, she will
not submit to the annexation of Texas to the
United States. Let this Idea be impmsed firmly,
inaeliblv unon the publio mind. Ibis Union is a
Partnership of twenty-six Statos."
The following is also of that party;
"We shall certainly consider the annexation of
Texas, or of ony other foreign Stato, to thu coun
try, as a virtual dissolution of the Union, and we
apprehend that ucb a vast addition to our terri
tory and population would so far cbango the na
ture and circumstances of ibe connection, as to
absolve the dissenting States from any further ob
ligation under the originnl contract of the Union."
John Reed, Lieut. Governor of Massachusetts, on
August 4', 1844, said:
"It most be understood that the free states will
neither consent nor submit to the annexation of
Texas to this Union. Such annexation would re
sult in its dissolution. Indeed, annexation with
out provisiou in the Constitution, and without con
sent, would bean absolution from the bonds and
obligations of the Constitution."
And Jubn Quincy Adams, in the deolaratlon by
himself and nineteen ether mcmlei a of Congress,
"We hesitate not (o say that annexation, effec
ted by any aot or proceedings of the Federal Gov
ernment, or any of its Departments, would be
identical with dissolution. Not only inevitably to
result in a dissolution of tho Union, but full; to
justify it." .'
Gov. Slade, of Vermont, saitf, in his message to
the Legislature of that State:
' "I do not hesitate to declare, o my opinion,
that upon the consummation of this project, it
will be the duty of Vermont, to declaro her unal
terable determination to refuse any connection
with the new Union, thus formed without ber.con
eeut and against ber will."
Mr, King, a leading Republican, thus gives his
opinion on secession:
"We say this advisedly npon information not
to be disregarded and with a full, deliberate and
nnshaken conviction, that annexation, come in
What form it may, is, and should be, the dissolu
tion of the Union." '
" The Boston Atlas said:
"It is a grave matter to dissolve such holy
Union as oar has been and uoae but grave caus
es should sever the bond. W eau bear all but
Ibis, (annexation of Texas)." "
John Quiney Adam offered, in the House of
Representatives, on 28th February, 1843, the fol
lowing, among other refutations.
' -"Reeolved, That any attempt of the Government
of the United States, by aa aot of Congreis, or by
treaty, to anoos to this Union the Republic of Tex
as, or the people thereof, would be a violation
the Constitution, nail and void, and to Which the
free State of this Union and their people ought
not to submit." c
I' We might cito numerous other proofs, but these
re soSeient, to establish our proposition that sec
tionalism, disunion and tseeesioaism originated
the Nwtu In New England- and it appear no-
that ber Own discarded invention ha returned
plague her.-' The very Idea the remedy that she
Invented is now anerted ty the South against
Mr!' Cooeiel-rtcy, decency,' self-respect, common
justloe (bould pron.? tier to deiUt from objurga
tion so4 reproach.
- j&-U is stated that the people of Norfolk bare
eiied tbe powder bouse at Craty Island, and re
moved the powder to the city, and are mateiog
arrangement fur a vioroM-defeQie
From the New York World.
A STATE OF WAR NOT NECESSARILY
There is a superstition in the Scotch Highland,
or a tort of noryous disease, perhaps, in which
men, though broad awako, imagine the see them
selves lying dond at a email distance from them.
Our trado and Industry, for the Inst three or four
months, havo bad something of the eamo ailment.
Sinco the first sign that war might come, thoy
havo seen nothing in reserve but "to lie in cold ob
scurity, and rot". The prospcot hai fairly be
wildered and pnraljzod llicm. But it is all a de
lusion. TJcy aro not going to die. Tl.oy will
suffer to some extent, doubtless, but nothing to
what they hare already suffered in the apprehen
sion. Civil war miy, and in all probability will
come; but tralo and industry, In these Northern
States, will s.ili lire.
Tho prosperity of our groat eeoiion rosts upon
tco broad a foundation to be fatally affected by any
such struggl j as sec-ssion threatons. The field of
hostilities will, iu no ovont, be upon our own soil )
the numbor of men actually engaged will bo In
significant in comparison with the great body at
home; tho expenditures Inconsidorablo in propor
tion to tho matrices of our resourcos in money and
credit; and the commercial disturbance of no ma
terial account in the world's sweep of our naviga
tion. Ilia a vast mistake to suppose that a state
of war Is necessarily inompatible with thrift and
progress. What Has the experience of England
in the mighty conflict she waged with little inter
mission from 1792 to 1815 f During the latter
years of that war England had over a million of
men in military and oaval pay. Her expendi
tures before its close had teached the enormous
amount of more than one hundred million pounds
sterling annually exclusive of the large loans she
wis obliged to furnish to h-r Impoverished allies
on the continent. And yet she mado greater ad
vances in population, and in wealth, during these
same twentj-thrce years, than during any previ
ous period of (be same length in ber entire histo-
rv. Her population increased one-fourth ; her ex-
ports more than doubled ; her shipping increased
from one million of tons to two and a half; her
agricultural products trebled iu value, and her
manufactures, in spite of temporary reverses, pro
gressed in a ratio nover before paralleled, ber cot
ton manufactures alone increasing from a value of
X2.580.000 in 1797 to X17.655.000 in 1814. Her
annuai revenues, received by taxation, increased ;
from nineteen millions of pounds sterling in 1792:
to seventy-lico millions in 1815. England, notwith
standing vast burdens of taxation, such as no na
tion bad ever before borne, was immeasurably the
richest and most prosperous country in the world,
at the close of the war; and even in 1814, before
the great crisis, her government was able to bor
row money at a better rate than at the beginning
of the struggle, more than twenty years before.
She actually did borrow 35,000,000 at a trifle
over four and a half per cent. It is en extraordi
nary fact that this remarkable proBpority in all de
partments of British industry continued up to the
very closa of the war, and was immediately follow
ed by one of the seve-est periods ot distress Eng
land has ever experienced. That distress was at
tributed to several causes, which it is not neces.
sary to mention now ; the truth remains tho saoieilo&e-
that prosperity was the concomitant of war, and
adversity the first attendant of peace. Now who
will nrtt say, if tlta ont nrtmAK In itia wovat,
the free States, with their twenty milllions, are not
in as good a condition to maintain a strife with the
entire Sooth, possessed of not one-third of that
number of white a en, a was Great Britain, with
its twelve or fifteen .-nillions, to fight twice that
number of Frenchmen T And who will think of
comparing the scale cf operations which it would
be neseesary for us to undertake with that required
to meet and baffle such an antagonist as Napoleon?
There is no good reason why northern commerce
should be injured in the least by the impending
conflict. The rcbol States have no navy to threat,
on it They oannot engage in privateering, be.
cause the issue of letters of marquo, that can be
respected, is a national privilege only ; and there
is no likelihood that these States will get admit
tance into the family of nations. Privateering,
unaccredited by national sanction, is simple pira-
oy, and would not 'for a day be tolerated. In fact
northern commerce would rather be tbo gamer by
the change in the order of things. Every south
ern port of any consequence would be blockaded,
and all direct trade with Europe thereby etoppod.
The operation of this would be that all foreign
goods for southern consumption would come in by
tbo ports of the North. Our own domeetio man
ufactures would be to some extent injured by the
partial loss of southern custom.. But the great
bulk of our manufactured goods finds a market
elsewhere than south of Mason A Dixon's ; and,
wttbal, they are, to a largo extent, of such charac
ter as virtually to be necessaries of life, which the
South could not dispense with even if- it would.
Our agricultural industry will be even less affect
ed. r No southern war can at all lessen the de
mand of Europe for our breadstuff, or improve
the present incapacity of the South to furnish it.
self with adequate suppHei.
Unquestionably civil war, .with the South for
its theater, would much divert and disturb many
channels of business. But the eoononiio effect, on
the whole, would be rather to slacken tbo swift
progress we have been making than to send us
backward, or even to bring u to a stand-still.
Business once relieved of the suspense wbich has
been weighing upon it like an incubus, and know
ing jvhat to calculate upon, would soon adapt itself
to tbe new oondition of things. American Indus
try of all sort ha an irrepressible energy and
versatility which will not permit it to be bog
kept down. There it abundant capital in the
North, a sound currency, little foreign debt, inex
haustable natural resouroes, a great and daily
augmenting population, and a power to communi
cate, in the utmost freedom, with all quarter of
the globe. 'In spite of ibis mad rebellion of the
South, if wo are only tra to ourselves we cannot
help prospering. The war, if it comes, will be
deplorable. I is horrid that brother should meet
brother io bloody etrife; and not for the world
would we say anything that should mitigate the
seas of that. In it social bearings it i a terri
ble misfortune. We simply deny that in it eco
nomic relation it i to work, or come anywhere
near working, tbo ruin to tbe North that tame
hav pictured. We have treated the case at if
the wbole South were to join the rebels, of which
there is no probability, and have thus presented it
in it worst possible aspect,
Tdeolckjical Students Banished. New York,
April 23. Tbiity-five Northern student Iu the
Episcopal Theological Semioary, Fairfield eouoty,
V.,' having received Information thai they were
to be waited upon by Vigilance Committee, re-
solved to flee to the fre State fast at possible
j one ha armed tier.
From the Principia.
HOW AN HONORABLL AND PERMANENT
PEACE, RECONSTRUCTION AND UNITY
MIGHT BE SPEEDILY, EASILY, AND
As Commandor-in Chief of the Army and
"Thus saiih tho Lord of hosts, the God of Israel,
Amend your ways and your doings, and I will
eause you to dwell in this place.
ye thoroughly amend your ways and yt ur doings,
if ye thoroughly execute judgment bctu-een a man
and his neighbor ; if ye oppress not the straoger,
the fathcrloss, and the widow, and shed not inno
cent blood io this place, neither walk after other
gods to your hurt; tl'-o will I csuso you lo dwell
in this place, in t'.iu land that I gavo to your fath
ers, for ever and ever." Jor. vii, 1,7.
"Hide the outcasts, betray not him that wandor-
eth. Let my outcasts dwell with thee. B: thou
a covert to them from the face of the spoiler."
Ida. xn, 3,4
' Tboushnlt not delivet unto his master, tho
servant that hath escaped from hi master unto
thco. lie shall dwell with you, even among; jour
in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy
gates, where it liketh him best ; thou shalt not op
press him." Deut. xxm, 15,10.
"Loose the bands of wickedness,
undo the boavy burdens lot the op
pressed go free break every yoko.
ihen ,hBt thy light break forth in
the morning, and thy health shall spring forth
speedily; and (by rightoousness shall go before
thee, and the glory of the Lord shall bs thy rear
ward. And there shall be of thee
that shall build up the old waste places, thou shalt
raise up the foundations of many generations, and
thou sbalt be called the repairer of tho bread), the
restorer of paths to dwell in." Isa. lviii, 0,12.
"Proolaim liberty throughout all the land, unto
all the inhabitants thereof.'' Lev. xxv. 10.
"Ceaso to do evil. Learn to do well. Sook
judgment; relieve the oppressed, judge the father
less, plead for tho widow. Come
now, an 1 let us reason together, saitb the Lord:
though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be white
as snow ; though they be rod, liko erimstin, they
shall be as wool. If yo be willing and obedient,
ye shall cat the good of the. land, tut ii
ye refuse and rebel, ye shall be devoured, with
the sword, for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken
it." Isa. i. 10,20.
President Lincoln I Believost thou tho Piopli-
ets 7 I know that thou bolievest, and Tasit asked
the prayers of God's people for Ilia guidanoo and
protection. Be entreated then, to read carefully,
the first chapter of Isaiah, from whence ihi e last
of the above extraots is taken, especially the 11th
to the 20th verses, inclusive; also the 58ih chap
tor of the same book, and notice how strongly it
affirms that prayers without liberating the oppressed
are an abomination in God's sight. Do not plead
that you have Let the Constitutional power. Study
"Our Rational Charters" and you will find, as
thousands are now finding that you hare. Re
member too, how John Qiincy Adams, on the
floor of Congress, asserted, without contradiction,
the war power of tho Federal Government to abol
ish slavery. And Gen, Jackson, to repel invasion,
impressed slaves into tho service, without compen
sation to tho owners, and without asking their
Navy"; it is yours, in such an emergoncy as the
preeent, to proclaim wiaitial law, and save the na
tion. Etnvatod to joer t?B!fc! .V.""?. ?iSwX' '.5
people, and by the Provideno of 0d,Ui,rtittr's
to protect them by obeying Wi'wr.-rememlrcring' that
Uii Constitution of Civil Government is para
mount to all others, and supreme over all.
In this way, you may easily, cbeap'y, and
speedily restore peace, unity and prosperity to our
From the Liberator.
THOUGHTS ON TREASON.
Mr Dear Garrison W ill you permit nio lo
suggest a few thoughtH to your readers on the
subject of "Treason," a subject on which, with
your characteristic vigor and eloquence, you in
sist in your reply to B. G. Wright, in your last
The commission of a crime, so to be dtfioed,
implies tbe existence of a legitimate govern men,
towards which it is directed. Treason is a violent
resistance of its natural demands a deadly at
sault upon its characteristic prerogatives. The
very foundations of it the traitor ntteuipts to sut
ver ; and, for this purpose, brings hostile forces
into full requisition, Of coureo, treason canuot
exist without tho presence of a government to bo
supported or assailed ; and govcimn;ut cannot
exist, apart from the constructive principles on
which it is naturally organized, and from which
it derives all its authority. Wherever these are
embodied and applied, there, and no tchere elts, 'u
government. Truth, Order, Justice, fraternally
cherished uud expressed these are its soul and
substance they are it lifo, and elreogth, and
neauty, ana giory. a reason consists in waging
war on these majestic ideas, these sovereign piio
ciples, as the basis and being of an orgfuizid po
litical society to which the traitor naturally be
longs. This, and this only Ibis, and this al
ways, is the crime, so to be described and die
A political society, which under tbe name of
government, end in its organization and activity,
assails essential Troth, Order, Justice and Hu
manity, is itself, and as itself, flagrantly guilty
of treason. Every feature oi its organization, and
every passage in its history, are stained with tbe
guilt of this "gigantic" wickedness. It is itself
and e itself, treason, in loosely, malignantly, ru
inously. Its very existence and activity are lo
themselves subversive of the very foundations of
awful authority. Under it influence, the natu
ral object of civil government are rudely and
murderously trodden under foot.
John Brown was no traitor. Not be t He
maintained, lovingly and reverently, to Ins last
breath, bis allegiance to everything substantial
and vital io the principles and urtangomcDts, by
which Human Nature Is to be controlled. Treas
on wa and it the presiding demon of Virj-iniau
society. The so-called State there was, and is,
wholly and remorselessly traitorous, Tho plot
ting, cunning and armed violence, there enlisted
and employed, are wielded to embarrass or crush
Humanity. Tbe assault on John Brown, there
mad a, ws wholly treasonable. Virginia was
bound to do him boa age as a king it buog bin.
rjl.V"; "reS, ''
v.v,, . u vu mil uvimiui ICUUUIIUICB rCtlCU III ft
turity, we shall all see John Brown ou the ono
band, and Henry A. Wise on Ihe other, rsolored
to their proper place, respectively.
Id the struggle between tht Secessionists and
the Union, we see "the potsherd of the earth
striving with etch other." Trailer thiottles
traitor. Tbey are enlisted, tht one and ths other,
in deadly warfare with Humanity. IVy assail,
the one and tho other, tho dearest and most hal
lowed rights of tho nature we have inherited.
They wage war, both the one and the other, on
tbo very soul of legislation. Thry belong csson
tinlly to the suns party are mutually, however
blindly, auxiliary to each Other. Thoy are offer
ing themselves eagerly to the avenger as His exe-
cutionors on each othor. There is no eieif govern-
meat, as there nro no Order, Justico and Human
ity, enlisted on either eido in the quarrel. It is
treason in deadly array against treason. Perhaps
they may blindly clear the way fur something es
sentially other than now obtrudes its ghastlincst
upon our loathing thoughts. Heaven grant It I
wiiiTEsnoRo,' N. Y. Beriau Grex.v.
We gave In a previous number Lincoln's Proc
lamation, hero is
MONTGOMERY, April 17.
Whereas, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United Stales, has, by proclamation, announced
bis intention of invading this Confederacy with an
armed force, with tho purposo of capturing its
fortreeses, and thereby subjugating its indepon
deuoe, and subjecting the free peoplo thereof to
tho dominion of a foreign powor, and
n heroes, It has thus become the duty of this
government to repel the threatened invasion, and j
defend tho rights and liberties of ihe people by all
means which the laws of nation and usa of
civilized wurfars placed at its disposal.
Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President of
tho Confederate States of Amtricn, do issue thii
my proclamation, inviting all those who may de
sire, by ecrtice in private armed vessels, on the
high seas, to aid this government in resisting so
wanton and wicked an aggression, to make appli
cation fur commissions or letters of marque and
icpriaal, to be issued under tea! of these Confed
And I do further notify nil persons applying for
lottcrs of marque to make the statement in wri
ting, giving tho name and suitnblo description of
character, tonnage, and force of vessel, and place
of reeiJcnce of each owner concerned tbereirj, and
the intended number of crow, and to sign such
statement nnd deliver the same to the Secretary of
State or Cjllector of the port of entry of these
Confederate Statrs, to be by him transmitted to
the Secretary of Stato.
And I do further notify all applicants aforesaid,
that before any commission or letter of marquo is
issued to any vessel, the owner or owners thereof,
and the commander fur the time bein;, bo requir
ed to give bund to the Confederate States, with at
lea?t two lcsponrible sureties cot interested in
such vcrsuls, in tho penal sum of fivo thousand
dollars, or if such vestel bo provided with more
than 150 men, then in tho penal sum of ten thou
sand dollars, with the condition that the owners,
officers and crew, who shall be employed on board
of such commissioned vessels shall observe the
laws of these Confederate States "and instiuctions
given them lor tiio regulation tt tlicir conduct
thut shall satisfy all damages done to the contra
ry to tho tenor thereof by such vessel during her
commission, and delivery up of tbe same when re
voked by the President of tho Confederate States.
And I do further specially enjoin on all persons
holdjcg effien, civil nnd military, under authority
of the Confederate States, that they be vigilant
ao4.ea.lous jn tbV&'t&arilVOf the duiie. incident
thereto. And I do moreover solemnly exhort tbo
goo3 people of thesd Confederate "States, as they
love tho country, as tbey prize tbo blessings of
free government, as they feel the wrorgs of the
past, nnd thoso now threatened in an aggravated
form, by thoso whose enmity is tho more implaca
ble because unprovoked, tt at they exert them
selves in reserving order, in promoting concord,
in maintaining the authority and efficiency of tho
luws, and iu supporting and invigorating all the
measures which may bi adopted for tho common
defence, nnd by which, under the blessing of Di
vine Providence, we may hope for a speedy, just,
and honorable peace.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto affixed
tho seal of the Confederacy, this 17'h day of
April. ISCt. Jefferson Davis.
Robert Toomb, S-.-cretary of State.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PRESENT
The swift current -of events has swept us far out
of- sight of fie old landmaik.
A le journals still continue to repeat with parrot-like
itira'.ion, the empty clamors of former
days, nod you still hear from some lips the words
Abolition, Coercion, Compromise
But we have really done with all these things,
and every thiuking Amorioan now grapples with
the grand idea which never presents itself in a
At this moment wo have lo do with the ques
tions whether majorities or minorities shall rule
this country; whether democracy or aristooracy
shall prevail; whether the President shall be elec
ted by ballot or by revolution; whether the people
shall be soveroign or subject.
It is nothing else whatever.
How obsolete are all tbe other politiaal ideas.
Extonsion of Slavery: that sounds like an echo
from the tomb of the United States Bank! Popu
Isr Sovereignty: a whisper from tbe age of fable!
Slavo Code for tbe territories: the vague cry of an
Even tbe idea of "a peaocuble solution of the
existing complications" is mossed over with as
gray a growth as that which graced the brow of
tho vcnerbblo men of the Peace Conference.
Tbcj say that tht deaf can bear in a great up
roar. Thank God! amid the thunders of the can
non at Charleston, tbe voice of honor and of pat
riotism has at last reached the dulled sense of the
peoplo. This blaze of battle lights up the path of
duty with it glare, and tbe nation movot forward
to a sublime destiny of freedom and of power.
Prosperity bad made us too sluggiab, too secure,
too seltUb, Our morals were tbe oicrals of com
merce. As a people we bad a theory that hones
ty was (he best policy, but cur public actions pro
claimed that wo liked the theory only and not the
Our politics wcro utterly corrupt; our govern
ment was a shame to civilisation so weak, so
malignant, Sj dithonert was it. Tbe Unite.'. States
were the bully among the natious insolent and
uggressive with the weak, and only respeotful to
great power. Tho people wer vainglorious, and
- - - e fur pelf and place bad forgotten .1
most there were other things to live for.
We say Ibut this stroke of adversity has it les
son, its igni(iuaace. It leaches us that we can
not idly suffer' our privileges to be usurped, or
recklessly plaoe our liberties in tbe keeping of
weak or wicked men, and not suffer barm.
. War is a terribleahing. But has the last four
years' poacu been less disastrous and demoralizing
than a wni? It is very questionable, And tliis
war that Is now forced upon us, can have, in the end,
nothing but the best effect though it must Involve
terrible suffering and loss, For it will end In the
triumph of freedom and defeat of slavery. Wheth
er the Union be maintained or not, slavery perish
es in the conflict. If dissolution takes plaoe, w
in the N orth are forever rid of the one distracting
and corrupting element of our politics. If rebel
lion is orushed out, then tbo North remains mas
ter of tho situation, and slavery no longer being
the power In the land, dies of its own vileness.
In any event, good will result. And iu view of
this, wo regard the present war as a blessing, and
not a oalamity to tbe American poople. Ohio
From the Principia.
THE CAUSE OF THE WAR.
"Tho curse, causeless, has not como." The in
testine war is not without a most guilty cause.
What is that cause 1
Is it tho agitations of tho abolitionists? No.
There must be a cause ljing back of abolitionism.
There could have been no abolitionism, had there
been no slavery requiring to be abolished. And
abolitionism, especially in the hands of a few de
spised, hated, and villified abolitionists, could
not have influenced the politics cf tbo nation, so
as to have produced intestine war, unless the na-
lion had itself b?en conscious that thore was some
thing in slavery and its operations, that laid a
foundation and necessity for political action, oi
some sort, against It.
If abolitionism is, in any sense, lo be reckoned
among the causes of the war, it is not the guilty
cause, unless slavery is in itself righ', and if it
ought not to be abolished.
Tbe intelligent and consistent opposer of abo
litionists, who charge them with the guilt of hav
ing produced the agitations of the country, which
have now resulted in war, have been driven to
Ihe necessity of defending slavery as a divine and
providential institution, approved by tho word of
God. This is the position of the Rational Unity
Society, tho latest organized machinery for fasten
ing upon the abolitionists the crime of plunging
tho country in oonfueion, difsention ard war.
But it is a position against which the conscience
nnd common sense of mankind in common with
the spirit of true piety, revolts. The people do
not and oannot believe any such thing
Abolitionism therefore, the condemnation of
slavehulding as sinful,, nnd the corresponding de
mand, in the came of God and humanity, that it
be immediately and unconditionally abolished,
cannot be tho guilty cau-c, or the real, primary
cause of tbe agitation that have resulted in war.
As well might it be chr.rgcd upon Christianity,
that tV is tho guilty cause of the domestio and in
testine wars that have been occasioned by it, and
that Christ himself foresaw nud furetold, eo that
a man's foes should be those of bis own house
hold. The enemies of Christianity have often re
sorted to this charge, but it has always been soen
to be unreasonable and unjust. The charge
against abolitionism is but a part of the saui?
sophistry, employed for similar ends, to turn tbe
edge of divine reproofs against wickedness.
Slavery then, and not alolitionirm, or anti
slavery, in any of its degrees, phases, or mani
festations, is the guilty cause of tbe war. The
common sense of the common people, in harmony
with tho political science of the wisest statesmen,
is rapidly coming to see and to underrtand this.
Slavery and nothing elso, bae disturbed our na
tional unity and peace.
Remove slavery, and you will have removed ab
olitionism, and henceforward, you will have no
agitations, dissentions or wars, from that cause
Remove slavery, and you will have romoved
the only real ground of political dissension in tbe
nation, sufficient to produce insurrection, rebel,
lion, or intestine war.
It is said that we were once on the verge of in
testine war, on account of the Tariff. But the
difficulty was settled without a resort to urmt or
to secession. And, if tho whole truth were told,
it would loseen that slavery was at the bottom of
that controversy, concerning the Tariff. Who
was tho father of the protective tariff, syetem ?
John C. Calhoun, who proposed, and vehemently
insisted on tho first distinctively protective tariff,
that of 181G. What was hi objeotf To under
mine Northern commorce, by which the North
was becoming rich, whilo be complained that the
South was growing poor. By a protective Tariff,
ho broko up some of tbe most lucrative branches
.of Northern commerce, and compelled the mer-
cuauts to turn manuiaotnrers oi southern grown
cotton, for the benefit of slavery, The same John
C. Calhoun, demanded, in 1833, tbe repeal of the
protective Tariff. For what reason T Because he
found that tho North was still growing rich,
while tbe South was growing poor. Slave labor
could not compete with free labor. And so Nor
thern industry must again be deranged to obeck
its disproportionate prosperity. This was tbe
real cause of the difficulty about the Tariff,
Slavery is the guilty or.use of the war. Its nat
ional tolorcnce is the great national sin, for which
God is now visiting the nation with His judg
mcnts. God overthrew Pbaroab and the Egyp
tians for tbe sin of oppression. He removed, first
the Ten Tribe of Israel, and then Juduh and
Benjamin, into captivity in Babylon, for the sin
of oppression. This be threatened by bis inspired
prophets, before band, and the inspired histo
rians hare recorded the fulfilment of those proph
ecies. All tbe ancient cations were threatened
with overthrow by the inspired prophets, for tbe
same sin of oppression. And tbe history of these
nations proves the fulfillment of those prediction.
Tbe known law of moral and political cause
and effect, established by the Creator, teach u
tbe lame lesson.
This nation is an oppressive nation. And from
this oppression, and as a just punishment for it,
the nation is now iovolved in war. To deny this,
is to deny tbst there is any euub thing as political
scionce, it is to deny that any instruction is to
be derived from history. It is to deny the con
nection between moral cause and effect. It is to
deny an overruling Providence, tbe moral aoooun
tability'of Governments and nations, and tbe Di
vine Inspiration of tbe Bible. Men must become
etark atheist or lunatics before tbey can help
knowing (however they may wilfully deny it,)
that SLAVERY I THE GUILTY CAUSE Or Till WAR.
Tux Secession Flao in the Riodt Place. Tbe
Hopkinsville (Ky) Mercury remark :
Tbe Kew Orleans Crescent ay tLat some of tbe
negroes have Secession flags flying on their dirt
cart. We are not surprised at this. Judging
from tbe number of runaway bills we have prin
ted, great many of tbe nigger are in favor of
immediate secession. And we really think that
secession flag is Tar tuoro appropriate for nig
ger dirt cart than for a State House.
$f)C Slnti-Slaocrtj Bugle,
1 Poious Ms Kl us ax ACTOR, add (latssv, as
OUTLAW." Jubn Drown of Ouwstonl.
SALEM, OHIO, APRIL 67, 1861.
THE CAUSE OF THE WAR. TO NON-SUBSCRIBERS WHO RECEIVE
Non-subscribers need not deoline receiving the
Bugle, fearing that they will be called upon to pay
for it. We send no paper except gratis copios
unless paid for in advanoe. So we say to each of
the above class, tbe papdr Is either sent to you a
a gratuity by the publisher?, or elso paid for in
your name by some friend.
It has been some sixteen years since we first
took th editorial charge of tho Anii-Slnvcry Buelr, '
The motto It adopted, was ' No' Union witk
slaveholders, " and ibis motto it has unflinching
ly borne to the present time. Thee, it was t dW
iiiub m uuiuud iu puiuittr esiininiinn as can pos
sibly be imagined. It was scouted, its advocate
were everywhere reviled and spoken against, and
often insulted and mobbed. It was alleged ibat
we wero harsh and uncharitable toward the South'
in exposing tbe iniquities of slavery, and insisting'
that the North owed it to her self respect, and to
the requirement of jusiVe that tho cease to sup-'
port tht institution politically, or give couuten'
nnr, tn tt In mnm nlkn. vM
.. ... J -...V. " - j .
We stand to-day in relation to the South pre-,
cisely where we stood then, advanoing the same
doctrine and urging the same duty, summing up
both in tbe same motto as in the beginning. But
to day we are censured, and threatened with vio
lence because we are too lenient toward tbe South,
because, although they are slaveholders base and
Inhuman we reeognixe them as possessing rights
as men, because we are not ready to forswear the
peace principles that we ioherited, and wbich by
convincement and adoption w made oar awn
when we arrived at manhood, and to take up
arm against the South and force her back into
union with the North.
Noonewhohae cared to know our position is
Ignorant of it, and it cannot be denied that we
have been consistent io the advocacy of those doe
trincs whioh we believed to be right urging them
without fear, and without hope of favor, and ir
respective of person.
OBJECT. THE RESULT.
At the time of the Presidential campaign of last
fall, many ardent haters of slavery voted for tbe
Republican nominee, with the hope, if not tbe ex
pectation, that if elected, bis administration would
be such as to greatly weaken tbe system of slave
ry. With the views which Disunionists hold of
the requirement of the) U. S. Constitution it
obligation laid upon tbe North to return fugitive
slaves, as abundantly illustrated by disgraceful ex
bibitfons of blood-houndism on our soil, and it
obligation to defend slaveholding in the State
when it permanancy is threatened, as exemplified
in Ibe capture and execution of John Brown and '
hi companion in Virginia tbey of course could '
not stand justified in violating their principles, 1
L-Jt--t m .... .
jeu nan mo nope oi accompnsning good been
much more apparent than it was; unless, indeed,
it be right to do evil that good may come, and tbe 1
axiom, that "the end sanctifies the mean," be tra.
But the abolition of slavery wa not the object '
of tbe Republican party, nor was it the design of
the party leaders; and the Inaugural of the PresL
dent gave a gratuitous assurance to tbe South that
the permanency of its peculiar property would not
be endangored by the new administration.
We are now told that tho present war will' re
sult in the overthrow of slaver. We earnestly
trust that it will; and we believe there are those
wbo go into it with the determination to fight for '
that purpose. But is the overthrow of slavery th '
object of those wbo give character to tho adminis
tration, who decide what its policy shell bff, and
who control the movements of its military ma
chinery as wholly as tbo engineer controls the
movement of the locomotive? The administra
tion has announced as distinctly as language will
permit, that the purpose for wbich it baa called
out the troops is, to maintain the laws of the Uni
ted States, the integrity of the Union, and the per
petuity oi tbo Federal government.
The fact tbat the government of the Confeder
ate States is more avowedly and utterly pro-slave--ry
than tbe government of tbe United States, doe
not make us any more willing to support tbe lat
ter than we have been for the last twenty years)
though the existence of such fact would of course
intensify our hostility to the concentiated slave
holding government of Jeff. Davis. We have nev
er recogoized tbe rightfulness of choosing s moral
evil, though a lesser one, and we cannot, so
long as we retain our present- belief. When we
ar oonverted to an opposite opinion, we shall re
tract all we have heretofore said against political!
abolitionists pursuing such a course as they did
in supporting Abraham Linooln at the last elec
tion, and admit tbat we misjudged the actions of
If the U. S. troops effect tbe object for whioh
the administration has set them In battle array,
tbe Southst a Slates will, of course, be compelled)
to abandon tbeir Confederate Government, and
retumt tbeir old placet under tbe Conttitutioa
and in tbe Union, and tbe North will remain,
bound, as heretofore, to support the unrighteous
pro-slavery clauses of tbe Constitution, against
which we have for years endesvorod to direct thr
anti-siavery sentiment. Tbe government will
come out of the contest stronger upon these points
than ever, and having whipped the South into the
traces, will be eager to evince ite impartiality by
compelling the North to faithfully observe the
guarantees it has given in tbe. bond. Whether
suoh a result ie desirable, and one which Dis
union abolitionists should labor to promote, each
must judge for himself. We are not prepared t
aid in upholding a government through whose
agency the very life-blood of Ihe slave has been
orushed out ever since its forces were organised,
and wbich to-day retaine its original construction)
aod purpose ; and still less are we prepared to
approve or sustain a government so avowedly and
wholly pro-slavery as is that of tbe Confederate
Slavery may go down In the general mtlee i if
it doet not, it certainly will per'th in the event
of a separation of the Slates, unless the separa
tion be followed by concessions from the North
from whioh slavery oan derive its further support.
We are content quietly to abide tbe issu ; and
even if our Quaker principles did not now withold
at, at tbey ever have witheld us from any partici
panoy in wtr msasures, or voluntary support,
even in time of iesce, of a government based on
the (word, our view of policy at the present lime
would certainly restrain ui from g'ufng oolite
support tttsacb an one.