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INDUSTRIAL COMMUNISM--THE I. W. W.
IIY HAROLI.) 11ORI) VAItNI]Y.
Itarold Lord Varney, the author of the following treatise,
is a writer of exceptional ability, and has an ihtimrate knowl
edge of history, particularly as it applies to the struggles of
the masses, both in the political and economic fields. In a
pamphlet just off the press, which we reprint in The Bulletin
in two installments, beginning today, Mr. Varney writes enter
tainly and instructively on. the origin and development of the
Soviet movement in Russia and the I. W. W. movement in
America, and points out the difference between the two move
ments. The pamphlet is well worth reading by anyone who
is at all interested in the momentous struggles now going
on throughout the world, and copies of the pamphlt ----" n
dustrial Conlnmunism--The I. W. W."-m-nay be se'ulred at
I. \'. W. headquarters, 318 N. Wyoming street.-- Editor.
PTON SINCLAIR, in one of his novels, tells of the strange
and fateful journeyings of African ant-colonies. Froml
time to time, they mnigrate, and in great ctra'ivans of
millions they crawl forward to their new homes. Sometimes
they come to ditches and trenches on their way. But they
never stop. The front ranlks plunge down, and inl thotusatnds
their followers crush upon them until at last the ditch is
tilled-a living bridge of bodies. And over tile victims the
caravan continues to crawl--never wavering---never halting--
driven on by the very urge of destiny.
And such has been the march of labor through the ages.
All human history has been a story of nlarching mten- - stIullb
ling blindly onward. The goal has not always beeni clear.
Again and again, the moving line has halted. Again and
again they have fallen, and history is peopled with a multi
tude of martyrs. But always the shattered ranks have re
formed, and over the bodies of the nameless ones the army of
labor has staggered forward-star-led-to its destiny. Like
moving ants of fate, mankind has pursued its inexorable march
But in the old days freedom was but a dlream. It was a
wish, not a program. Man thrilled at its call. but he was
blind to its meaning. He fought for it and he died for it,
but always his battling was in vain. For freedom had not
yet been defined in economic terms,-it was still a Utopia.
There is a pathos about the Ipast. We look back through
the ages, as through a great corridor of agony. Dimly. trag
ically, man has groped for the way of emancipation. lie has
fought a thousand revolutions. He has dreamed a myriad of
dreams. He has followed a host of prophets in the eternal
crusade for liberty. And all the time evolution has been
slowly lifting the structure which has made freedom, at last,
This structure is machinery. And the threshold of free
dom--paradoxical as it may seem-was capitalism. When
the world reorganized itself upon a capitalist basis, it changed
freedom from a Utopia to a practical program. Capitalism is a
world ruled by the owners of machinery. Today these world
rulers are the handful of plutocrats who have monopolized the
ownership of the new machinery. 'ro gain freedomt, we need
merely expropriate them. Let labor own the machinery!
Then labor will at last rule the world, and freedom will come.
Such was the new conception of liberty which shaped itself
in the early years of the 19th century, and which took the
name of conlmunism.
The period of groping passed. Labor began to realize that
freedom is not to be gained through religious struggles. Labor
began to learn that freedom does not come through the futili
ties of political democracy. Labor became conscious of the
fallacy of individualism, and the hopelessness of single-handed
struggle. All the old Utopias suddenly withered. Freedom
awoke in the form of class-consciousness. Its program became
the class struggle. The diagram of the revolution was at last
.hiseled out. It disclosed two classes in society--the working
.lass and the employing class. The program of freedom was
to overthrow the employing class. Society would then be re
integrated about a working-class commune. This, in brief, is
the message of the Communist Manifesto--given by M1arx to
the working class in 1848. And with the penning of this
Communist Manifesto, the dream of freedom at last becalne
a scientific program.
Today, there are two great world movements of the work
ing class, built upon this Marxian program of the ('ommuniist
Manifesto. One in Europe, and one inl Anirica, they divide
the revolutionary proletariat of the world between. in EIu
rope it is the Bolsheviki, or Comlnlmunists, wiho carry on the
traditions of Marx. In the United States it is the I. W\\. WV.
This pamphlet is written to explain these two movements;
to describe their birth and growth; to picture the link of
solidarity which binds them together, as well as to recount the
points of divergence which cut between them. To show, in
other words, why the communist proletariat an,' lolsh(evists
in Europe, and why, in America, they are inl the Industrial
Workers of the World. We will take up Bolshevism first.
THE SECOND 1NTR'IIINATIONAL
F ROM 1889 to 1914 all the Socialist lparties of the world
were affiliated with what was known as tihe Second Inter
national. This body was a clearing house for pIroletarian
thought. It was believed to be a real organ of Internatiotial
ismt. "Workers of tile World -Unite!" This was its motto.
It cut across the lines of nationality, of race, color and con
tinent. It declared that the working classes of all nations
were brothers, and that they owed to each other a higher loy
alty than the loyalty which they gave to the States. Time and
again, when the clouds of war impended, the Second Interna
tional threatened the ruling classes that the proletariat of
every nation would no longer light their brothers. And for
a quarter of a century this threat kept the world at pIeace.
The aim of the Second International, and tof the Socialist
bodies affiliated with it, was to overthrow capitalismn in every
country. And while there were many divisions. it seemed that
all were agreed upon Marxian Communism as the new system
which should replace the present caplitalism. This new system
would be established peaceably, by political action. CapitalismIl
would be destroyed by VOTING.
The reasoning of the Second International seemed plausi
ble. The working class are a. majority, they said. Let. us
carry on a world-wide drive of education. And then, we will
mobolize the working class votes and vote to overthrow the
present system. Our numbers will win the polls.
It is a naive program. It recommended itself to the
Socialist leaders of that period because of its incredible sims
plicity. It offered to accomplish a world revolution without
the striking of a blow. It promised to create a new world
without the breaking of a law. And what was perlils more
important, in the minds of the leaders, it entailed no tdanlger.
One could be a Socialist and still be respectable. One could
be a Socialist and be safe fromt jail. One could even find a
career in political Socialismni, for there were otfices to be tilled
and Parliaments to be elected to.
But this "safety-first" political program soon reacted upon
its believers. Socialism became a Iprofession--altnd not a revo
lution. Socialists began to enlter politics--nott in 'tleter to
overthrow capitalism, but in order to "play the gatie." Tihe
Socialist parties began to acquire large holdings of pr)operty-
newspapers, people's houses, clubs, co-opleratives, etc.--atnd
the property instinct whetted their respect for tlhe law. And,
although the Social Revolution of Marx was to be a iproletarian
revolution, the Socialist parties began to be swampedt with
intellectuals and petty bourgeosie.
The latter soon dominated. The spokesmen of the work
ing class ceased to be workingmen. The elected representsa
tives in the Parliaments were increasingly bourgeoisie. The
whole spirit and atmosphere of the Second International be
came opportunistic and feeble. Even the old-time rebels-the
Bebels, the Guesdes, the Keir Hardies-drifted with the cur
rent and forgot the revolution. Ini those final years Ibefore
the deluge of the world war, the Second International hadtl
already become a pale and stricken thing. It still mumbled tof
Marx but it needed but one shock to turn it into chauvinisim.
UT there were minorities in the Second International who
still remained true to proletarianism. These minorities
although they clung to political action and to the political
form of organization-insisted upon the working class char
acter of Socialism. They combatted the opportunism of the
middle class leaders. They scouted social reforms and social
meliorism. They demanded that the Second International and
its affiliated parties be frankly revolutionary. This minority
were known as "Reds," or as the "Left Wing."
The strongest Left Wing group was the Left Wing of the
Russian Social Democrats. This Left Wing was known as the
Bolsheviki. It was formed in 1903 at the General Congress
of the Russian Social Democrats. This Congress resulted in
a permanent split, and the majority, under the strong leader
ship of the Marxian, Nicolai Lenin, formed the Bolsheviki.
The fundamental position of the Bolsheviki during the pre
war days was Marxianism, as opposed to reformism-. .They
called fot a proletarian, rather than a bourgeois party. And
they ltook the revdtlutlionary stand that the political stateI must
be wiped outl, and that the cotiing of Socialism wouldltll mean
the creatlion of i new industrial framework of goverlllllent.
This was antli-pa lrlianientaristn.
Of course, their ideas were hopelessly i itvoted in the
ibouirgeois Second Illternational. And since ilussiah was not-
like Gerlmnany, or the United States- a develolped indusl lial
nation: since tihe Russia of those dlays was still politically
feudalistic an:ld economically agrarian, the l;olshlieviki lacked
the industrial note in their thinking. Their v)economics were
shadowed by the vast reaches of ariculltural life in Russia,
and they clung to politics as a means of ilinding together the
peasantry and the industrial workers. It is this peculiarly
Rliussian paadtlox which explains the ground ,if difference be
tweei the developmlent of Bolslievisi. in Eastern EiIurope and
1. \V. W.ism in America. We will i'return Io it later.
The, coming of the war kille.id Ith Intelnational. A few
hot brheathless days of negotiathion reveale.d biltterly Ihe color
lessness of tlie Second International. lslnres died, Scheide
ianlll )becamlte a patriot, Guesde lenteredl tit' mllinist ry, RItatsay
MclDonalld was silent. Anndleni and his followers were far
fl'Orii their coutntry. Of course, thei S :econditl Intte'rnationall could
have checked the cataclysmi, had it blen the plirohletarian bIody
which it claimedl. But tile worst pre'dictionlls of hle old Lefl
Witngers were confirlled. The Second Internaltioul ;shivered
\Vith the ieginning of the war Ithree type's of Socialist:
developed. To use Lenill's class:; ilicalic l th , he.y were:
(1) The Social Patriots.
(2) The Social Pacilists.
(3) The (Commiunists, or Zitlllllcrwalldianis.
In the fall of 1915 an intlernationial coinference was con
vented at Zilnnlierwall, in Switzerlanld. Those Iiiitnoriities which
had constituted the Left W\ing in the Secondl International
were invited. This includedl the Social Pacilist : (followers of
Kautsl .y), allnd Ithe ('(ollllllllllists (d.lO inated Ib Ienil). The
object of Zimmnerwald was to form t Thirli Internationattl.
But the conference split again. The Social 'acifists, like the
frankly Social Patriots, were infused with Itiddlle cla;ss leaders
and mnitdle class irresolution. They reifused to follow Lenin
anti iebhknecht in a secessionl friiott ihe old, tll()l'iib)llnd Second
International. They had learned no lesson froll the wailr and
the wished to go bnclk to the oild status qull.
But the liolsheviki, after the Zimmierwaldl iasco, pro
ceeded rutlllhlessly to formlll a lnew mllovement. They aballndoned
the tian.e of Socialist, as onle sullied by ]history. 'They rietullrled
to Marx and revived his old umllllte O ('o ( nlllllniLt.
The progravm which they unitedl upon Ilhs silnce passed
into the law of Ruissia. And this program ws. a slavish
adaptation of tMarx's ('omllllunist Mlanifesto. 'l'They would over
throw the political state and establish an industrial democracy.
They would menrcilessly exprlopiate the bIoullrgeoisie anuld orgall
ize tunionls of the workers in every indulstlry toi take ovcer and
operlate the workshops. They would coltiunize tihe land,
demobilize the atirmy, abolish all parasitic ttoccupatitons. They
would abolish money, nationalize banking, and distribute the
food supply uplon the basis of usteful servic.. toi the collllllune.
And these chuanges would be accitomtplishtd dtrilng the traunsi
tional period, by establishing au iron "dictlatrship ofii tihe
By an irony of history it has hailppened that this- -the
extrenle Marxianll prIogllram--h-is ibeen tllhe lirst to "go over tile
top." Midway in the war the culitbrouls Russialn )iburmellleracicy
crulmbled. 'Feeble, Ibourgeois-Socialist lihands took the helm
of state. Throtugh eight months of fumblling they revealed
the incredible bIankruptcy of thle ourgeois-Socialist mind.
They comlpleted the work of spoilationl which the ('zarist had
begun in the tRussian indulstries. They halkeid eviery lhope
of the tRussian iproletariat. They were false toi blah Iur
anid the bourgeoisie. Andti at last, onIt a Ibleak Novembllle!r night,
they faded away, and thie tolshtviki boCaie the rulers iof
llt IPOI'()NT' which onet tust Iear in mind tlhroughot, isI
that theill' olshviki, and all other European (Collnulnists,
ar'e I'OI'I'I('AL t partleh's. They are 'organized geographi
caly. Tl'hely are not, c!sentially, woriking-class IlmOVIlenlaits,
althougllh ithey have al)pproached nlearer to l'roletarianisnl than
ally previous purely political movenment. They are not organ
ized upon thei basis of industry, and they have no economlic
framllework which can be converted into the core (of the new
economII ic de'lliocracy. It is in this respect that the I. W. W.
differs front the ltolsheviki.
Upon assuming power in Russin, the lolsheviki faced the
task of itutting Coinullnismll into effect. Obviously, the!y themll
selves --a nIl)re political plarty- couldl not personllally olper'ate
industry. :And the governllent which they had seized was ai
POI,ITI('AAL STATE; they seized it, only to abolish it. The
reforlmled Socialists, in such a situatllion, woull have naltiolnal
ized tile industries by transferring their ownership to this
existing political state. But this would have b)een mnere gov
ern1n11111 owne(rshil)--or Statle (Caplitalismlll. And this final con
dition would have been no bletter than the lirslt, to the en
sltaved industrial workers. COllllllilllsli mlleantl so)lllethllRng
11more' than111 hat.
Oil the other hand, Russia fad ]no economiC organizations
of the industrial workers, as other nations had. I'nder the
C'zar labor unions had been illegal, and the organizations
which had bornell that name were countlle'r-reI'vollutionary. TIhelre
seelllmed to bveo authoritative voice ill IRussia which could
speak for the p)roletariat anld assune tillhe nstership of indus
try. It was nLeceessary, thell, to create it.
lence arose the Soviets. The origin of the Soviets is tradi
tional ratllher thain historic. The Soviets were essentially lmass
movemlents. Th-here was nothing scientific in their formation.
The'y were great, dialllphalloius tmass groulpinlgs which cautle to
gether now, as th(ey hlad comine together Ibeforel in tile 1!05
R levolutit on. lllut ill tilles of crisis illnstilnct( is solnetil es ill
tritest guide. And the instinct which led the Russian Ipeople
to hit uipon thlie device of Soviets, in this tellse momentllt, was
a fateful one. In folrming their Soviets they bridged the gap
to the industrial denmocracy'.
The slogan of tilhe Bolshevik revolution was, "All Ipower toI
1he Soviets!" Tl'e first lct of the new reIgimlle was to atIllish
thie political sltate. In Engel's prophetic language, "the polit
ical state died off." '['he( Soviets stepped into the vacant pluRe
itand iecanlll' the neI Iw govelrnmlllnt of Russia.
The Soviets, ill the ('CommunUist plan, lare only temporalll in
therll natulre. They conslltlitutel a mallcllhinery by whiict thle hlge
plroblllems of Russia can he ladlllillistered durillg the transi
tiotnll pteriod to completl e ('onlltulisml. Bolshevi,,qn cqlainls
that humiiiiiin progress is the workt of the class-conscio-us, highly
organized iiiiiorities. That the great stupid lass of th' Il rac
canlnot ihnaugui'ate chanlges that they olnly follow behind tlhe
arbitrary tmilitant minority. And in the Russian crisis the
lollshlviki realized that ollllllllllintunism could only be realized
by establishing a stern I)ICI'TATOltSIP ii'OF THIlE Pt'IOL.
TAItIAT'. Full (lemloceacy will only coime when the lIsk is
completed. Blut while 1the battle was still oiln. reasonll tli, ol
slievist, it would be folly to ''uckle to the bourgeoisie (lid
their laickeys. Alld so liussia Ipassed under the dict'lalt':, hiIi
of the Soviets.
Soviet governmlllentl, however', is only dtlictatorship to Il1hose
who are not proletarialls. Within the Soviet itself tI. r,, is
utter demoeraey. IBut the franllhise to vote in the So\i, IJ is
enjoyed lonly by tile \workingill class. To vote, olle mu1111 he
attested as a proletarian. either by the industrial uiionl ini tih
cities, or by the peasanti 'inlllllittee in the country.
Tilhe Soviet is a series of geographical bodies, swellint . tiut
of each other. Each village is admlinistered by its local S.liet.
Each local Soviet sends re'presentati ves to a district Sivi
which corresponds to olr state governmlents. The diri It
Soviets seind delegates to the All Russian Council oif Sl"~its,
which assembles in Moscow at regular intervals as a l.eat.
suprenie legislative con\vention. This All Russian i('eiunil
elects an Executive Comillitteeo of two huiindred, who sil pe1r
mIlanently as the Russian execulttive goverl'tnlent. And 'i.t of
this Executive Committee are chosen the Miinistry, or I'ell, 's
C('oltiiissars, eacih of whollm presides over a speci;ll alt!lli
Irative departmlent. This is the govrllenllt over which I.Illinll
is today the head Comlinissaiur. And from peak to b;asl Ihis
Soviet pyramid is ru)led ,1 Iproletarians.
The functions of the Soviet are political in their niaureI.
It has policing power to preserve order within the coIlllll!u(lllu .
It controls the army anld naIvy and protects )Russia frol' l,r
eign foes. It lmanages thlie foreign policy of the colunti)nlttel. a;lld
signs treaties, etc. It acts as it court of last appeal ill inlldls
trial matters, by regulating and standardizing the industries
in such cases as the indiustrial unions collie ill conilict. .\nd
it controls the process of indlustrial socialization throillhili its
commissariat of Public Economy. But, with the ev'entuall cllnm
pletion of the socializing process, the duties of the So\ilets
will fall, more and mtore, to the industrial unions. The role
of the Soviet is mlerely temporary. It is a makeshift to carry
Russia over the precipice into ultimate Communism.
Side by side with the Soviets are the industrial unionsll.
These unions are not a survival of the old craft bodie's. 'h1ii''
are new, revolutionary organizations. After the victory of
the prolelr i; l; II I workers in every industry organized. They
took over lhe fittories, expropriated, in most cases, the capi
talist o\vWll alut abolished exploitation. These unions have
been intlegrrtil together into a Central Trade Federation.
The wort.!-, are organized scientillically, according to product
rather t hlt n ( i .I t old craft style) according to tool. WVorkers
pass fromil niioii to I.union, at their will, as in the I. WV. W.
-unionsl ofi ia;tl workers, illiners, tranlsport workers, textile
workers, n(.I, ll ionll workers, leather workers, etc.---antd cln
stitute a gra i udustrial pattern, in which the mold of Russian
conmmuniisi i:: slowly being run. And at Moscow sits the
Executive ('lnilitt.ee of the Federation, with power over all
the INTI:I.NA\I affairs of the industries. The setting of wages,
the applortining of output, the distribution of rations, the
insurance uilh relief of workers, their technical education and
their reer,,tliios are decided by this Executive body, which
they hat\ ctI.sI'i fro'in their industrial unions.
Paratll,,l . ith the Executive of the Trade Federation is the
ConTllllis:;ll;n of Publllic Econotlly, which is chosen by the
Soviets. .\!AlI this Commlllllissariat, as we have before related,
is the sil uti .i ar'biter inl the EXTERNAI, relations of the
industrial ..i'n s,. It is tlhus that the inlldustries are adlllillis
Such, :IIIW r tighteen imonths, is the coinmunisin of IRussia.
It is inll ci!llltie, of course. Mistakes anld nliscaLlculations have
crusted (oI,.v te11 plans of the ltolsieviki like bharnacles. Dl)utring
all thlese tI;i:il: Intiths Itussia hais poured herself otlt lavishly
ill a ,war a .aiust foreign capitalist armies. She has been
sabotaged. hairied and betrayed by internal traitors. She has
etet fenLe-,I in froit foodt and raw imaterials by a brutal block
ade. Si hias stood with the thireat of Germalln terrorismll on
her west, .\llid terrorism on her north, Cossack terrorisml
on her sou(Im atond Jalpanese terrorisnl oni her east. And all her
acts havei b,(, en like ai race with time.
Biut til'e the surface shortcominigs of the Itolshevik at
teltmplt t.i.re is the core of real comtiiuniitIstlmi. ITRussia has
become.i i.lncenttlic abouti proleltariat. For all pturpose of gov
ernttiiimit, ithere are )onlly plroletarians ill Russia today. lBoth
the Soviets; andlll tlhe Industrial t niotns are expressions of the
workil., cl;is. Andt althloughl the Soviet imay seem to overtop
tile uninlllill at this stage, the Soviet is assured against even
peasant domllinition by grantlig tlo the industrial proletariat
a larger lroolrtion or representatlives. Vhen coninliunisilm
reachlis otiher nationls, then Soviets can give way to unions.
But while lthire is a foreigii nietLace at theI fronlltier, the Soviet
must reinsin to mieet it.
Tlhe histoy of ltilshevism is the history of a peculiarly
ussian grol . TheI indulstrial situation ill Russia is a pecu
liarly iussiai sitiuation. And the Russian revolutiton, when
it cameli, caile as it will colne inl no other lanid. With no unions
with whiich to divide responsibility, with a great preponder
ance of lpeaisa.nt ipopulaton, with facutories closed and idle, with
foreigtn peril foircing crnt ralization anid dictatorship--thie Bol
slhevik grouplii saved the situation with a Soviet. ullt other
wotirkers itiore fortuinate thanl they--can approach their own
social revoiltionis lllore leisurely. They can study the errors
of lo..llSvis.ln aiind strlengthen their own attempts. They can
reach the Illtimatle lday with plansi full mltade and organizations
subtly prepared. And the lmost scientific anld holpeful revo
lutionary rogriam in the world today is the ptrogram of the
liiustrial \.orkiers of the VWorld- o-f the nited Stateis, Great
Britaitn and Australia.
THlE I. W. W.
T il: . W. W. springs from a touch different train of tradi
I io .s. I is not, like lI(l.hevisul, a sprout of political
Socialisnm. It does notl hlark back to the futile Second
linter naliat ll1 for its origin. It did not conie brain-blown
fronl II( theorlies of intellecluals or book-writers. It was a
grlowll -a slpolntianeouis Iprolduct: of capitalistic despotism.
Nor ii the i. W. W. a mire blratnch of world labor unionism.
lManiy \Vrilers, ha untted by the European Syndicalist viewpoint,
itiire thel I. \\. W\. as essentially a part of the labor uniion
iioveitient nII America(ll Syndicalilismi. hult this viewpoint
fails to ,considor the ulysinal difference between the Eullropealn
trlde unionismI, wilh its extreme Syndicalist wing, and Amer
ican industrial unionisml. The difference is one of goal. This
diflfevence shadows i ll the aslpects of thie conltrast. For trade
uiiionisti. , eve~ I ill its Uiost lprogressive, Syndicalist stage, is
the organiziid expression of historie Anarchism. But the
industrial unitist l of the I. W. \V. is essentially Marxian and
('llll istlic. Tle hformier is autonomous and decentralized.
The latter is; integral and highly cenitralized. Syndicalisin is
;lllchironlisti. ; it mlirttors a past mode of economic production;
its highest goal is a sort of revived, mediaeval guild-industry.
l1ut the 1. W. W. believes that capitalism is one of the stages
of the Social RIevolulion; thllat capitalism, notwithstanding its
teils, has erected a scientific scaffold for our industrial life,
and that tile new soie.ly will grow out of capitalism by pattern
ing itself upon the model of the existing economic structure.
Anti since c:apitalisml has accomnlished its wonders by central
izing and Irustifying all the riches of the world, revolution
must build its imachline of opposition in the saute centralized
fiorm. Whic, of coulllrse, is hlie traditional Communist progranm.
In other words, the I. W\. W. occupies a position midway
between international Socialism and international trade tn
ionisll. Iti differs from the former becaluse it is utterly non
political. It differs fron th e latter because it is Commlunistic
aund revolutliionary. Its nearest counterpart, in the proletarian
worlid (iday, is lRussianll Iolshevisitm.
The history of the I. W\. W. is significant. It is the child
of Socialist theory, wedded to ecolomitic practice. It was organ
ized at a' coiivention inl 1905, whlen two confluent streallls of
r'evolutionary organlizations caiiie together. One the one lhand
were thil theoretical communists, the non-political socialists,
Ilhe exlperilllental ilndustrial unionists who were so numterous
in thie American Socialist groups prior to 1905. These crowded
to the conllvention anld brollght a diagralllllled tlleory of Marxian
uinionisitm. And at the convention they met the otiher element
the practical, experienced trench-broken industrial union
ists, who had already stumbled upon the trutll in their Western
t"ederation of Miners. The two elements united, and the
I. \V. W\. was the result. And they discovered that both tihe
t heiories of Malrx, andl t he science of Amllerican industry,
pointed to the same solution--industrial unionism.
The 1. . . W. has three functions, or objects. First, it is a
union; second, it is a revolution; third, it is the cell of a new
As a union, the 1. \V. WV. organizes the workers on the job
and leads them in Ithe everyday struggle against the capital
ists. And this phase of the I. WV. W. is only secondarily revo
lutionary. The proletariat, psychologically, are unready for
revolution. The great masses of the proletariat are consumed
with ilimediate rather than grandoise projects. The issue to
which they thrill is the every-day issue of higher wages and
shtorter hours. The labor struggle, to the masses of labor, is
solely a struggle of the bread-basket. These minour step-at-a
litne issues are tlie springs which must be touched if tihe revo
lutionist wishes to stir the inert masses to revolt.
lHence the rallying cry of the I. W. VW., in the present or
org;lnizing stage, is unionism. And a victorious unionismn
transmnutes itself inevitably into revolution.
The working class learn class-consciousness in the primer
of class victory. Successful strikes inspire larger and bolder
battles. The proletariat feed upon their own successes, and
every impllrovement in life sharpens labor's appetite. The
I. W\. W\. is essentially Mlarxian in this tactic, for tile theory
of revolutionary unionismn is but the application of econonmic
deterninism to our program. A victorious industrial union
islu would invent a revolutionary object even if one did not
exist. The organized proletariat are driven on inexoriably by
cconolltllic determinisim; by the consciousness of their power
to take the world. It is through this psychological truth that
unllliollisll and revollution merge.
Moreover, there is a distinct revolutionary gain in the
fruits of these strikes. For any gain in wages imust come from
the malnsters' profits. Any shortening of hlours mllealns a reduc
tion ill tile number of unemployed, and the diminution of
ullenlploylnent autoimatically raises wage standards. These
successive gains in wages are accotnlilliied by corresponding
falls in profits. Surplus value is reduced. The iron law of
wages is abrogated. Capitalisml feels itself slowly expropri
ated by a gradual equilibration of income. And every such
assault weakens the sagging wall of capitalisml's economic
Secondly, the I. W. W. is a revolution. The form of its
organization dooms capitalism. Not only is the I. W. W. pre
pared to wage the every-day struggle against capitalism,
within the existing system, it is the mach'ltine by which the
existing system shall Itbe completely overthrown .
The genius of the I. W. W'. lies in the fact that the same
mechanism which can be employed so successfully in wage
conflicts is the nucleus of the final mechanism which shall
abolish the wage system entirely. It is this revolutionary
goal which differentiates the I. WV. W. from all organizations
which exist merely for the present. Unlike the trade unions,
the I. W. W. organizes always with a view to the ultimate
(To be Continued.) -
National Committee Meets
in Chicago to Perfect Or
ganization of Party Ahead
of Battle of 1920.
(By United Press.)
('Chicago, May 28.-Denocratic
collmiittteeiienii today went over their
gear iland tackle in preparation for
the 19201 campaign.
The national committee, according
to imembhers here today, will devote
itself to perfecting its organization
and building plans for better knit
For the first time in its history
the democratic party was to permit
women a part in a big pow-wow.
Several women expected at place on
the national committee through prox
ies. But aside from this hope there
was a very real woman's associate na
tional committee in session. Pre
sided over by Mrs. George Bass, Illi
nois, this committee was expected to
devise plans for rounding up the
rapidly increasing woman vote of the
coulnt ry. Memnbers of state ol'gan
izations attended the committee
mlleeting to hear discussions of fem
intine politics scheduled for delivery
by Mrs. Alexander Thompson, Ore
gon; Mrs. John S. Crosby, New York;
iMrs. Henry Sherlock, Montana; Mrs.
hettie White, Arizona; --Mrs. W. 11.
Pattangall, Maine; Mrs. Gertrude A.
Lee, California, and Miss Mary Foy,
California. The women were to ban
lquet tonight, ,Mrs. Bass presiding
over the dinner. Bainbridge Colby
and Chairnlan Homer S. Cummings,
demllocratic chairmlan, were among
the speakers listed, Several women
speakers were to report suffrage con
ditions fromt the north, east, south
Two cabinet members, Attorney
General Palmer and Secretary of the
Treasurer GClgg, were slated for
proninent places in discussions of
the national committee. Both are
conlnittemen fronm their holne states,
I'ennsylvania and Virginia, respect
Tile program for today and tomor
row was a business-like looking af
fair, calling for the custonmary report
of officers. These were to be fol
lowed by reports from state organi
zations, concluding with a series of
"shop talks" on such topics as "Or
ganization Work," "Use of a Speak
ers' Hureau" and "Practical Public
The only scheduled social event
for the I cotmiitteemen is tile banqulet
set for t)nomorrow night..
SOME PEOPLE think THE HOME-TOWN merchants'
ADVERTISING IS simply BID FOR their trade,
SPENDING MONEY. AND THAT'S a good reason
BUT THE wise man knows FOR ADVERTISING
* * * * * *
IT'S THE surest way to make IN A newspaper.
more. * *
* * * AND NOT only that,
THE ONLY problem is, * " *
* * * BUT
WHAT MEDIUM to use. * * *
* * * THE MERCHANT using hand
CIRCULARS AND hand-bills bills
COST A LOT of money, AND CIRCULARS hopes
BUT YOU give them away, FOR TEN READERS to the
* * * hundred bills
SO NOBODY wants them * * *
* * * IF WILLIE delivers the 100.
ON THEIR front porches, * * *
* * * WHEREAS the newspaper ad
NOR IN their morning mail. vertiser
* * S *
THE MAN on the street IS SURE of at least four read
* * * ers
PAYS REAL money *
* * * TO EVERY copy of the paper.
FOR HIS newspaper, * *
* * * AND THEY all read and heed
AND THAT'S why he values it IIS ADS.
* HIS ADS.
MORE HIGHLY AND THAT'S why he always
THAN A circular. LOOKS PLEASANT
HE BRINGS his paper home AND GROWS fat in the
SO THAT every member BANK ACCOUNT.
BETTER CALL PHONE 52
OF THE family , , ,
CAN READ and enjoy its * S *
* * * AND HAVE
BREEZY, up - to - the - minute * * *
news OUR ADVERTISING manager
* ** ** *
AND PROFIT by heeding. EXPLAIN.
The Butte Daily Bulletin
Leaves Anaconda every evening
on arrival of train from Butte at
6 p. m., af'riving at Philipsburg
at 7 p. m.
SAY YOU SAW IT IN BULLETIN.
service will be held at
1957 Harrison Ave.
May 30, 1919, at 8 p. m.
EDITII IIAM, Medium.
Kriticisms By Jimmie
I know a boy whose name is "Fat."
When we play ball he's got to bat.
When we play Injun "Fat" will
Unless he's big chief all the time;
When we play tag he won't be it,
By gosh! I don't like "Fat" a bit!
HIe's got to have things all his way
And be the boss, or he won't play.
By golly! "Fat" is like a trust .-
They both have got so dinged much
A trust is a monopoly
Which corners everything, and gee!
They get control of food and meat,
And all the things folks use and eat.
And then they can control the price
They roll up profits fat and nice.
They want to boss the earth you see,
Just like "Fat" bosses boys like me!
These bossy fellers make me sore,
They keel) a grabbing more and
I'm glad the sun is far away
They might get hold of it some day.
They'd steal the air if they knew
Then things would be worse off than
To pay to breathe would make us
Gee whiz! Poor folks would have to
What makes trusts selfish and all
I guess they've got what's ailing
Now my solution. may be bum
BIut say, it's far better than none.
I think that selfislh pigs should .die
And you all know the reasons why.
The lightning ought to strike down
And k!ll him as he lays there flat.
And what I think about a trust
Is that such things had ought to
-F. W. W., in Yakima Valley Far