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THE SUNDAY .MORXIXG APPEAL- SEPTEMBER 26, 1869.
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SI .YD AY APPEAL
SUNDAY MORNING.
SEPT. 26, 1869.
NEWSPAPER SALES.
On the 31st of March last, the closing
day of what newspaper men all concede
to be the busiest quarter of the year, re
turns were made by the several newspa
per concerns of this city, showing the fol
lowing result:
Appeal Wm 98
Avalanche "
Two very interesting conimunica
tions relative to the Senatorial contest
will apiear in our issue of to-morrow.
It seems that William KfTitoai
who was nominated for Co a gross, at
the Jackson (Miss.) Convention, is not
received with great favor in his Dis
trict, which is tlie Second. Enemies
aire rising around him most cruelly.
They declare him ineligible, and not
even a legal voter, having resided in
the State but four months. They say
he came there from Illinois with (ien.
Ames' commission for a Circuit Judg-
sliip in hiu pocket, and is a regular
carpet-bagger, and a "bitter end"
Radical. In May, ISO-, he was a
member of Congress from Illinois.
1'age llo ol the Congressional Globe,
XXXVIIth Congress, contains one of
bis speeches, in which he urges vin
dictively the confiscation of all rebel
property, in his language, " with a
view to cripple the energies and p iwer
of the enemy, and to reimburse our
selves for the expenditures of the war."
He charges that the reikis have " left
a record of ruthless warfare, more
dark than that of barbarous ages," and
that prisoners " have beeu treated by
them with more than savage cruelty."
They also charge that he was the au
thor of the three cent Cotton Tax
having introduce the resolution
which was tirst referred to the Com
mittee of Ways and Means lor that
purpose. They also charge him with
denouncing, with Lovejoy, the wo
mb of the South, and with being one
of the original signers of Hei.pkk's
liook. Rather an unfortunate record
for popularity in Mississippi, we
should take this to be. There is only
one allowance for it possible, and that
is that it was made before and during
the war, and not since. We under
stand there will be a Convention held
in the Second District, to make a new
and more acceptable nomination.
The Nashville Pre and Time, un
der the head of "A Hint for Tennes
see," publishes an estimate of the
number of votes the Southern states
will gain by negro suffrage. We place
a very low estimate on such hints.
The editor calculates that thirty-throe
members will be gained. That is just
what we don't want the more tin
worse. If negro suffrage prevails, the
fewer representatives we have the bet
ter it will Is- for us, and the lietter for
the whole Union of States. What
good will it do Tennessee, or anybody
else, to ad (V three negroes to the pres
ent number of her Representatives?
And that is what we shall have, if we
have negro suffrage. We proclaim now
that we are out in this District for ne
gro Shaw or Carter in that event,
we don t know which. That Is the
the lair thing. If the States gain
thirty-three Representatives bv the
;iMition of negroes to theirjlvoting
population, then negroes should be
I'hjOseu in that proportion for Cong
ress. They will have as good
a right to he represented by their
own color as white people, and we
do not intend to be guilty of denying
them that right. Tentiesseejt'ill claim
about three more Representatives,
and, in the event "universal suffrage"
prevails, we intend to nominate three
Guinea m-groes to run on the univer
sal suffrage ticket, hoping they may
beat all the white trash out of sight.
These white folks who argue that we
ought to adopt negro suffrage because
it will give us three more Representa
tives in Congress have an idea, by
creating more offices, of getting into
Congress themselves. We are in that
event tor John Flatxosk, Sam
Swell-lip and Jim Bioheei. against
the world. We are against negro t u f
frage, and negro representation, ami
negro idleness, ignorance and chicken
lifting. But once vote for tln-sc
things, fix them on us, put them in
your Constitution and make them
the supreme law of the State, and we
then promise to go for the nigger,
w hole hog, bristles wool ami all. We
shall want him for Representative,
Senator, President, Foreign Minister,
Governor, Mayor, landlord, tenant,
and husliand of other people.
This argument that the South is to
gain Representatives in Congr-ss is a
plausible one for neirro suffrage. Lik'-
the proposition of the Government to j
Virginia, " ratily and come in," it
conies as a bribe to Tennessee, saying,
" vote for it and we will give you
thrtf IfonresentAti vou " Hilt the
thinsr to lie ratified is an atrocious anrrf
proveil evil, calculated and qualified
to reduce us to anarchy. There is no
price bigenough to buy the sun lionof
the State of Tennessee to such an
enormity, and nothing which could
compensate it. But wo subjoin, m
matter of curiosity, the following from
the Chicago Tribune:
Tn tho if-nnortionment of representa
tion in C'onarress, on the basin at
census of 170, the center of po
litical power will swing Westward
from somewhere In the neighbor
hood of Columbus. Ohio, to a point at or
near Lafayette. Ind. The six New Kiijr
land Slates, which in ls40 had 38 repre
sentatives, will in 1S70 have only 2i as
follows:
1S1.
.... 8
1S70.
.... 4
Vfainc
New Hampshire.
Vermont
Massachusetts...
Connecticut
Rhode Island
Nfaine
New Ham peli ire
Vermont
M assac h setts . . .
Connecticut
Rhode Island...
The Northwestern States, which, in 1S40.
had 32, in 1S70 will have S5, as follows:
1-40.
1.V0.
Ohio
Ohio
Indiana
Illinois
M ichiiran ...
Missouri ....
Iowa
Wisconsin..
Minnesota .
Kansas
Nebraska
Total...
1
11
16
7
11
8
..... 7
3
2
I
BJ
Indiana . .
Illinois
Michigan.
Missouri.
Total 32
In estiniatinir the increased political
power Of the West we must ala to these
the Pacific States, which, in 1S4A, were
not. which now have only fire memliers
of Conirress, but which, after lStfO, will
probablv hare seven or eiirht, makine in
all ninetv-two or ninety-three memlwrs
wst of Pittsburg and north of Cairo.
The change letwe;n the periods named in
the representative strength of New Eng
land and the other " Eastern or Atlantic
sih:- combined will be sultantiaily as
follows :
Isi. 1870.
New York...
. ..4 New York 29
New Jersev
Pennsylvania .
Tvel aware
Maryland
. A
.28
New .Terser 5
Pennsylvania 2T
.. 1
il
Delaware
Maryland
Add N. England.
Total
81
.38
Add N
England
Total 119 Total 86
In any issue, therefore, in which the en
tire New Kngland and Middle Htstes. in
cluding Delaware and Maryland, might
lie arrayed on one side, ami the Western
and Pacific States on the other, the latter
would prevail by a majority of seven
votes. In any issue wherein Kentucky,
Tennessee and the Sout liwestern States
are nnited with the Western and Pacific,
as for instance in the removal of the cap
ital, the improvement of the Mississippi,
the development of mining resources, the
equitable national adjustment of taxa
tion, and the like, th 'majority would lx
larger. Thk Northern Democrats begin to
be confident the Fifteenth Amend
ment will be defeated, and the Radi
cal journals themselves ar driven un
willingly to confess UBBBkmbte. But
after all, if they sueeeetTT their whole
procedure will be null and void by
the measures the administration has
taken to place the States under duress.
We have seen how some of the late
Confederate States have MB con
trolled for it, by bribes and threats in
the process of reconstruction, how the
remaining unreconstructed States are
offered the bribe of readmlssion and
threatened with the severity of mili
tary control to compel ratification;
ami we called the attention of our
readers only a few days since to the
intimation made in Radical quarters
that Tennessee, already in form and
fact in the Unkm, would le required
to obey. She too is ope of the infe
riors in the lanniy oi .-suu.es t i :)(
stars which swingle the banner of
the datoB arc of unequal magnitude!
They cannot separate, ami mast be
come equal or melt into one, Tennes
see like Mississippi is threti teued, mid
thus it is expected to carry the iniqui
tous amendment. We subjoin the fol
lowing from the Louisville Courier-
The Chicago Trihune u. lumens Tennes
see with punishment if she fails to be du-
submissive to the Demsls ot Kauicsi-
jsiii. It says mat "ii too lennesseu iUji
MaUuM fails to ratify the fifteenth
:iiiiendm nt, Oouruss may take some ac
tion to displace theSele- -Tivernment.
The Tritium: is a reputable paper, but its
threat is not a reputable threat. Bather
the sjenter government, as "it is called, is
the legal government of Tennessee, or it
is nut. If it is the lawful government of
the State, it has as mud) rig'11 ,n reject
the proposed amendment a any other
State in tho Union. If it is not the law
ful government of the State, its accept
ance or the aiiienumeni cannoi niaae ii
so.
If a State has not a right to accept or re
ject a proposition just an she leas(s, the
u omission oi it w nor vom is uui moea-
ery. in hiiuiuii a urofHjuiioii w ner asiu
at the same time tell her, that, unlet she
shall decide upon it in a apeeftted way,
that is, in the way to please t'ongress, her
Statehood shall Is. extinguiHed. isa-bur-leK.)ueoii
Republicans institution anil all
tiler Kllloa OI inslii illions, e?M'e!ii iiiat
oi common sense. Une can scarcely say
whether it is more villainous than ridicu
lous or more ridiculous than villainous.
It is certainly tsitli in an extreme degree.
We have not the least apprehension that
the Conservatives of Tennessee, proudly
undent in their mighty majority of
nearlv seventy thousand, will laar to as
sert then-own independent will m regard
the ratification of the Fifteenth Amend
ment. Congress, wo know, is none loo
good to execute, or to attempt to erectile
the threat put forth through its Chicago
organ, but it may find itself engaged in a
fatal eiiteipriuv, Ker.v reckless political
body has its stopping j l. ic. cither in life
or in death, f'ongrijas WW undoubtedly
reach its own before long.
Tin Mobile Ragktar brings to light
a story of Judicial procedure in South
t'arolitia which furnishes the strong
est proof of Northern men being
abused and mistreated in the South
w hich has come under our notice.
As we have asserted that such men
were always well treated here, we are
mortified to be compelled to admit, as
due to the truth, a single exception
from what we k now to be the general
rule. But we wish to deal fairly and
let the whole truth come out, so that
it may not be misinterpreted. It
throws the responsibility on the right
shoulders, and our Northern neighbors
will not then be deceived in view to
immigration hither, and will have the
opportunity to determine more fairly
whether it is btsst to come, aud what
to do when they do come. W regret
to add that a similar case occurred in
this city recently, which so far as we
know has never been published. We
quote from the lityitUrr as follows:
The old saving that " curses, like chick
ens, come home to roost," is often verified
in this world of compensations. We have
a case in poiul in the following little mnr
eeau of South Carolina history. It appears
that there lives in that province of the re
alms of treu. Oram a northern man by.
the name of Smith. Smith had a planta
tion Smith bad a falling out with a rie
gress bv the euphonious name of Hannah
Deveaux. Hannah sued Smith for assault
and battery, before Logan, a negro inagis-
! rate 1-Agan nan aisu ins giu.ige agaiusi
Smith. Ho Smith was arrested umnuorti
bv four armed nogroes sent for that pur
pose bv Loataii, and dragged before the au-
gust IjOgau inuuuw, a "m 0,117
miles from bis home.
VVIicn he arrived he
waited tor me i-
gu JtTrle to nuish hi brkf"i. That
,lone. the prisoner was introduced, and
the following eminently judicial proc i
iinrs were had :
Logan fto Mr. Smith 1 " Take your hat
off."
Mr. Smith" Yon have not opened you
court, and there is no necessity to do what
you say. '
Logan savagely) "You had bettor!
Some time passed and Logan gave
sign of hearing the case. Mr. Smith then
told Logan that he would waive an exam
ination and give bail to appear for trial
Logan replied that he would not take
bail; would examine the case himself.
There was nothing to do but await the
pleasure of this negro magistrate, am
several hours later the prosecutrix, Han
nah Deveaux, came. Logan then opened
a book, read a statement previously made
rv the prosecutrix, and asked her rt heth
er that was what she swore to. Of course
she said yes, the charge being assault and
battery. Log in next asKeu Mr. smith l
lie had any witnesses. Mr. Smith said
that whenever the case was properly heard
so that he might know the evidenis? and
cross-examine the witnesses, he would
give his testimony.
Logan " Have you anything to say?"
Mr. Smith " Not until I hear the evi
dence against me."
Logan "If you don't answer I will
commit vou if I see fit. .Will you answer
I say 7 Do von decline to give eviaencoT
Smith "Yes! except under proper cir
cumstances.
Ijogan "Then I find you guilty of
sault arid battery."
It was Login's evident desire to send
Mr. Smith to jail, but he promptly gave
bail. When the recognizances were signed
Logan said to Mr. Smith, " will commit
uou to iail for contempt of court." Logan
drew up the commitment, imposing a fine
of $10 and twenty-four honrs' imprison
ment. Mr. Smith asked to be allowed to
get a change of clothing. This was re
fused, and the prisoner was carried to
Charleston and to jail by Logan's negro
guard.
So, Mr. smith, a Northern man, was
fined and imprisoned for not taking off
his hat to a negro otnciai before his (otirt
was opened.
Ve pray our Northern brethren of the
press to hand this round for the benefit of
those Northern men who think ot immi
grating to the South, but are terrified bv
the reports of white " Rebel " Ku-Xluxes.
thk Secretary ot the Treasury is
now said to be somewhat in a quan
darv. between the demands of his
speculating friends in New York and
the effect ofhis financial policy on the
political situation. Gobi is now, like
railroad and other stocks, an article
for speculation, and it is a small mat
ter for New York millionaires to buy
it all up every other day, amj so im
prove their fortunes by compelling an
advance. In this the aid of the Secre
tary is important to them. The Her-
aid of Tuesday says:
When Secretary Bontwell passed
through here the other day they "inter
viewed" him; but that not sufficing they
banqueted him, all to the end of persuad
ing him that "the interests of the coun
try" required him to sell the Treasury
gold and so get them out ot their scrape.
Even the Radical organ came at him with
a double-leaded editorial. It happens
however, that the administration is try
ing to carrv water on both shaulders.
That troublesome Pendleton is making
speeches out in Ohio, showing the farmers
whv the prii:" of preaosiuus has gone
down and calling fur more greenback -.
Pa ll gold would only furtherdenrease
the price of wheat and corn, and so, per
haps, change the result mere next mouth.
Hence the Secretary is unable togive heed
to the piteous entreaties of the political
speculators, around whose nicks t It
gold clique are slowly but surely tighten
ing the cord. How w ill it all end?
TELEGRAPHY.
American and European Telegraphs
Compared.--ho. 4.
To Col. James Coleman. Superintendent
W, I-r Telegraph to., Memphis:
Dear Sir I have heretofore chiefly
considered the comparative ad van
tairesofthe telegraph, as conducted
bv private enterprise, auil the evils
that must necessarily result from a
Government monopoly and manage
nient of the same. 1 Ins has led into
the examination of the systems, as
they exist 111 Europe and America, the
former having absorbed to itself the
absolute disposition, management
and regulation of this great interest,
as it has every other important and
vital matter, while the latter has
wisely devotVoj) its control upon indi
vidual and associated nljort. both act
ing in accordam-e with the genius of
its institutions. Tt is difficult to sever
the principle of controlling one inter
est from that of controlling any other.
The same reasons which would ren
di.r it expedient to place the owner
ship of ieli rajihs in the Government
would surrender the railroads into the
same hands. In IOuropc those iea
sons probably are I he jealousy of every
power which exercises the least intle
pendenoe of the iovernment, and the
apprehension that it may become an
instrument or an auxiliary in spread
ing0 l'l('ral and enlightened a spirit
among the masses. The telegraph is
a power the railroad is a power.
Mislern civilization demands that they
be fostered. But the despotism of Eu
ropean political institutions reuiers
that they be so fosterwl as to increase
the power of the Government, as in
Belgium. Hence Belgium owns and
manages them both.
But no such reasons exist in the
I'tiited States, A Constitutional Re
public extends the freedom of its citi
zens as far as may be done without
!-clricting the general welfare. Indi
vidual enterprise.competition, energy,
talent and capital, are encouraged to
achieve the highest possible results.
In the light of these known and car
dinal mints of the two systems, it
may lie profitable to inquire what has
been the eom'iarative progressive de
velopment of the telegraph under each
of them, considering this development
ill respect to the number ot persons eu-
joyitrg ita advantages the tarill or
rates of telegraphing too osjtnu 01
territory covered by their lines, and
the equal opportunities afforded to ail
classes to communicate by their wires.
1 think I have already clearly shown
that the portion of the people who
depend upon the pubiiu press for their
lnlormation en oy superior au vanta
ges, under our existing system, since
the cheapness of the press dispatches
being oni aiottl two mi lit a word
enables the proprietors of newspapers
in tiie L'uited Stntes to furn
ish two miliions more of mes
sages than the Continental or Euro
pean telegraph furnishes to every des
cription of its patrons.
It only remains, therefore, to deter
mine how far this tendency of the
American system of telegraphing to
elieapeii its tariff and extend its bene
ttto, with regard to press dispatches,
bears an auulogy to the messages
which are received by individuals: or.
an other words, whether or not private
dispatches stand on the same footing
of newspaper messages.
Before, however, proceeding to this
inquiry we may remark that the bill
of Mr. Washburne, Initiating the
movement of a postal telegraph, pro
vides for a tariff of one cent a word for
:;ich dispatch, udding three oenta for
postage and two cents for delivery,
and malting a reduction of only fifty
per cent, for press reitorts. This rate
would increase the average cost of
news mure than three hundred per n.,
as any one can sne by estimating the
difference between the present rates of
press reports (two mills a word) and
those proposed by Mr. W. I am told
by telegraph men that this new rate
would levy an extra tax upon the
newspapers of a million of dollars ev
ery vear. From its operation, we
should probably see the number of
press reports diminish to the scanty
portion doled out to the press of Eu
rope. Returning to the question of private
telegrams, ana Degmning wnn tne
tariff, it is asserted by the Wosteru
L'nion Telegraph Company, in an
elaborate and exhaustive publication
on the merits of this question, that the
iijliest A tneriertn rate dre toirer thttn
the higlieLreiyn rate ; the average
AtnerifanWjfex are tower than the av
erage foreign rates; and that the lowest
American rate are lower than the lowet
foreign rate. This assertion is accom
panied by a statistical table showing
a list of sixty principal stations in Eu
rope and America, with the tariffand
distances, in air lines, from London
and New York respectively. The dif
ference, as presented in this table, av
erages, in favor of the cheapness of the
tariffs in the United States, nearly
forty per cent. This, of itself, ought
to settle the question of tariffs.
But lest it may h supposed that I
have resorted to a partial source for
these statistics, I beg leave to refer
you to the following extract from tho
able report of the Committee on Post
office and Post Roads of the United
States House of Representatives, osl
which Mr. Farnsworth, of Illinois,
was Chairman. This extract cannot
be controverted either as to the accu
racy of its statistics or the impartiality
of its statements. Says this report:
The statistics of the telegraph in
Europe for Ihtio (the latest year of
which there are full returns) are as
follows: Total number of messages,
1S,083,727. Receipts, reduced to
American gold, tlO,.'!28,9!H 37, or with
gold atfito, nwyan n n rmted
st.it.-s currency, showing an average
of 77f cents a message.
The statistics of the Western Cnion
Telegraph Company, whose business
constitutes more than nine-tenths of
the whole American service, and from
whom alone returns have been re
ceived, give the following results for
the year ending June ill), 1S67. Total
number of messages K,(lK7,ii7.S. Re
ceipts for the same, mjRXfm !. Av
erage cost of each message 57 cent.
These returns do not include railroad
messages, of which the number Is
very great, as on many of the princi
pal lines the running of trains is man
aged by telegraph, nor the regular re
ports for the press, which in the num
ber of the wortls delivered exceeds
all the other business put together,
having amounted in the last year to
Otmjmi words, equal to 14,72T,1S1
telegrams of 2(1 wonts each.
In comparison with these figures,
the press business of Europe is very
inconsiderable, not exceeding a tenth
part of that of the United States.
Another illustration of the compara
tive cost of European and American
telegrams has been presented to the
committee in the form of a table,
showing the cost of a message sent
from New York and from London to
(il principal places on the two conti
nents of similar distance the Ameri
can distances being generally greater.
In almost every Instance the hnglish
rate Is much the highest, the average
exceeding the American average by
nearly 4u per cent.
Vs to the other two points, touch
ing the facilities afforded to the people
of the two continents to enjoy tele
graphic communication, which in
cludes both the number of persons
served in each and the extent ol terri
tory covered by their lines. I again
introduce an extract from this lucid
report, which is absolutely decisive of
the question, and settles, beyond all
cavil or dispute, the superiority of the
American system ot telegraphic com
munication, under the con trol of pri
vate enterprise over the restrictive
Governmental control adopted in Eu
rope, thus demonstrating that the ge
nius of the two Governmental systems
has worked out the results peculiar to
Bach tho, one being for the benefit of
classes and the other for the welfare of
the masses; the one being guarded by
the utmost jealousy and the other free
as the flag that floated over the eapi-
tol when the Constitution was inaugu
rated: We have already showu the vast
superiority of the American telegraph
over the European, tn the diffusion of
general information through the press;
let us now show to what extent the
opportunities of telegraphic inter-
ourse are atlorded to the people of
the l'uited States as compared with
those of Eurois-an countries, and the
extent to which they are respectively
availed of. We give only the more
favored countries. The numlier of
telegraph stations in Prussia is one to
every .i',:vi 01 tne nopuiatiouT in
France, one to every .'I1,W1 ; in Great
Britain and Ireland, one to every 18,-
ii; 111 iieigium, one to every 12,410;
in Switzerland, one to every 1o,ihiii,
md in the United .-states one to everv
r&49. In the Paciiic States of the
Union there is an office to every i'liMi
people.
"According to tne returns oi isw,
the number of messages annually sent
11 ! ranee is one to every thirteen per
sons; in i'nissta, otic to every nine;
11 Great Britain and Ireland, one to
evi ry five: in Belgium, one to every
four; in Switzerland, one to every
four, and in the United States one to
every two and a half.''
I might introduce talile alter table
of statistics showing the somewhat
varying but always comparatively
uniform superiority of the existing
individual telegraph agency in this
country. But the results here shown
amsuftieiont to establish the proposi
tion 1 have affirmed. It is foreign to
my purpose, and would lie far beyond
the limits 1 have assigned for these
letters, written from friend to friend,
to heap up iacts, all of which are
cumulative of the iijea that for the
leople ot the l nited States to volun
tarily surrender to the Government
an estittplisnment whose perfect tree-
lom is so necessary to their commer
ial advantage, as well its to their po
litical safetv, woultl be an act of sui
cidal lolly scarcely known in the his
tory rf mankind, wropean institu
tions are founded on repression.
Pliere the end is worked out and justi
fies the means. But in the land where
freedom always encouraged genius to
xuatid, and where iiemg thus free to
explore ,aturc ' fields and learn .a
ure s laws, it taiight-Hif oieotrui quid
to do its bidding, it would lie a sacri
legeto harness tins subtle yet power
ful agent in the car of political and
party Despotism not unlike the su
uers'titious tyranny which crushed
out the intellectual discoveries of the
llustrious Gallileo In the dungeons of
the Inquisition.
ours truly.
LEON. TROLSD.VLI-.
True Economy.
" Mv dear," said loving spouse to
bur lord. " do come Home oany ill ttie
evening and I oansit and read to you,
or listen to you read, and we can have
the nicest possible time." "Why,
how's that?'' said the husband. "You
used to be too busy with your sewing
to talk or read or listen." "Oh, since
vou bought me that Wheeler V- Wil
son Sewing Machine, I have no fur
ther troubles, and have more time to
spare than 1 know what to do with."
What husband who values his wife's
health, beautv or comfort, will deny
her the blessing of a Sewing Machine?
I low many gloomy evenings wouui De
past iti happiness with such an "angel
of relief" in the house. By paying
tn dollar t r mtmth you can obtain a
Wheeler Wilson at 6-r Second
street, opposite Court Square,
The Joneslioro Heraldund Tribune
is frightened. It sees evils of a very
grave character in a Constitutional
Convention, and it gives vent to its
objections aud fears in a double-leaded
leader, after the manner of the Pre
and Time.
The Huntingdon H'et Tennetteean
(Radical) says " we were one people
we must be again." The Union and
Araerlcun very pertinently asks: Does
our cotemporary expect to make us
"one people" by denouncing all who
oppose its party as
its party as "Rebels," whom
it is unsafe to trust?
CONFEDERATE
TION.
CONSTITU-
Reasons for Differences Between it
anil the Constitution of the
United States.
An Unusually Interesting Historical
Resume.
We have much pleasure ifi making
room for the following which we are
sure will be read with great interest
by the friends of the Appeal:
Editors Appetd: I send you a letter,
written some time since by my uncle,
theHon.lt. B. Rhett, in answer to cer
tain inquiries i addressed to him as to
the authorship of the various altera
tions in the Constitution of the Confed
erate States, from the Constitution of
the I nited States. n consequence of
suggestions made to him that the ar
chives of the Confederate States,
showing the formation of its Constitu
tion, may never see the day, and that
his statement, as made to me, had
better be published now whilst the
actors with him are alive and tan cor
rect misstatements, if any there be,
he has at length consented to my pub
lishing his letter. Pleasegiveit room
in your columns, and oblige,
Your obedient servant,
T. M. S. mi ETT.
Memphis, Te.nn., September JZ, lsijy.
Charleston, ts. C, April l.r, BBJt
Mi I tear Sluart: Vou request me
to infortn you whether I was not the
author of all the alterations in the
Confederate States Constitution, from
the Constitution of the United States?
I answer no; but as I was the author
of a part of them, perhaps the most
important part, I will briefly state
what clauses in the Confederate States
Constitution I am responsible for.
You are aware, I presume, that I
was appointed by the Convention the
Chairman' of the Committee to Frame
a Permanent Constitution for the Con
federate States.
The Southern States hail seceded
from tho United States, on account of
one cause only the usurpations of the
Northern States, upon the Constitu
tion of the United States. Concerning
the ejyrre powei .granted by the Con
stitution there had ixien no contention.
It was the inferential construct
ive powers rhrtraod by the North
ern States, for the Government
of the United States, which the
Southern States had opposed as
usurpations on the Constitution,
beginning with Bank, Alien and Sedi
tion laws.Taritrand Internal improve
ments, finally concluding with slavery
and in sectionalism. We determined,
therefore, to make the Constitution of
of the Confederate States simply the
Constitution ot the l'uited States, as
the South had always interpreted its
powers, with only such alterations as
would remove ambiguity and better
carry out its plain intents. The
South was always satisfied with he
Constitution of the L nited States
v lien, ny usurpation on the part ol
the North, this whole Instrument lost
its character, and from a limited gov
eminent the Government of the Uni
ted States was was clearly lapsing into
a limitless despotism, the Southern
States weeded. They determined by
the Constitution of the Confederate
States to perpetuate the. Govern men t
transmitted to them bv their fathers
fins is its whole purport.
the two great vital powers in all
Governments are the laying of taxes
and tne expenditure ot taxes. Tnew
power iiecuie tne cnaracter of even,'
ctovernmeiii, wnetuer His limited or
unlimited, federal or consolidated;
nence irom tne commencement of the
Government of the United States
stnle arose as to the extent of
their powers. The one, party,
chiefly at the South, contended
that power In the Constitution of the
L nited states bestowed oil Congress
" to levy and collect taxes, duties,"
etc., was merely lor revenue to carrv
on the Government of the United
States. 1 be other party, chiefly at
the .North, contended that this power
should be exercised for apdifferciit and
antagonistic purpose to prohibit im
portation, on which taxes mav he col
lected, and thereby promote ami encou
rage different branches of industrv bv
giving them the markets of the United
States. The one party contended that
the expenditure ol the taxes should be
limited to the exegencies of the Fede
ral Government merely, withiu the
objecte designated in the Constitution.
The cither party contended that thev
should be expended to promote the
general interest of commerce, aud the
indefinite general weiiare 01 the Uni
ted States.
1. At the head of the powers grant
ed to Congress by the Constitution of
the I niltsf States, stands the lollow
ing clause: Sis-. 8 Act. 1, " The Con
gress shall have power to lay and "ol
ject taxes, dirties, imposts, and excises
to pay the debt and provide for the
common iteiense ami general weuare
of the United States." An attempt
was made to alter the scope of this
clause by taking away the comma at
the word "excises," but on reference to
the original manuscript of the Consti
tution the comma was shown to lie
correct.
Before I went to tho Convention at
Montgomery I had prepared a book
containing certain amendments to the
Constitution of the tinted states.
which might be adopted by the Con
federate States. That book was iiefore
the Committee which framed the
Provisional Constitution of the Con
federate States. In that book the
above clause from the Constitution of
the United States was modified as fol
lows: "The Congress shall have
power to lay and collect taxes, duties,
imports and excises, jur re venue neees
ar;i to Hiy the debts and cafrij on the
Government of the f buftderacu.' ' The
clause, thus modified, was reported as
!l part of the I'rorisionat Constitution,
and adopted by the Convention.
When the Committee on the i'erma
nent Constitution took up this clause
for consideration, it was also adopted
as a part of this Constitution and re
ported to the Convention. Of course,
as it had already been adopted by the
Convention W the Provisional Consti
tution, it met no opposition as a part
of the Permanent Constitution;
but confering with the members of
the Convention, I became satis
fied that it would not accomplish the
object of limiting taxation to the sim
ple purpose of rovenue. To accom
plish this object, when the clause was
under consideration in the Conven
tion, I offered the following prohibi
tion as an addition, "but no bounties
"shall be granted from the Treasury,
"nor shall any duties or taxes on im
portations from Foreign nations be
"made to promote or foster any branch
"of industry." "This ameudment
"was carried in th Convention. So
"the clause in the Confederate States
"Constitution, act 1, sec. 8, is as fol
"lows;" "The Congress shall have
"power to lay and collect taxes.duties,
"imports and excises for revenue ne
"cessary to pay the debts, provide for
"the common defense, and carry on
"the Government of the Confederate
"States; but no bounties shall be
"granted from the Treasury, or shall
"any duties or taxes on importations
"from Foreign nations be laid to pro
mote or foster any branch of indus
"try." '2d. The appropriation of
money from the Treasury of the Unf
ted States, for purposes of internal
improvements, had been for more than
thirty years, one of the great disputed
usurpations which the South opposed,
and had been repeatedly arrested by
the vetoes of different Presidents. It
hud been claimed chiefly under the
power, granted in the Constitution of
he United States to Congress, to
THE
"regulate commerce with foreign na
tions," and among the several States
and with the Indian tribes. When
this clause was reported by the com
mittee, in the permanent Confederate
tates Constitution, as it stands in the
Constitution of the United States, and
came up in the ( '(invention lor consid
eration, Mr. Toombs, from Georgia,
offered the following amendment:
" But neither this, nop any other
clause contained in the Constitution,
shall be construed to delegate the
power to Congress to appropriate mo
ney for internal improvements, in
tended to facilitate commerce." I had
prepared an amendment very much to
the same purport, but abandoned it,
and supported this offered by .Mr.
Toombs. After considerable debate
Mr. Toombs withdrew the amend
ment. I immediately rose and
offered it as an amendment.
On the vote being taken, it was
carried as a part of the Constitu
tion of the Confederate States, as fol
ows: " To regulate commerce with For!
eign Nations and among the severa,.
States anil with the Indian Trilies, bu
neither tips nor any other clause con
tained in the Constitution shall ever
lie construed to delegate the power to
Congress to appropriate money for
any internal improvement intended
to facilitate commerce." lid. But
there was yet something more to be
done with this clause to make it com
plete. A method ought to lie provi
ded by which our harbors and rivers
might have their navigation improved.
I accordingly drew up and read to the
Convention ( its presentation at that
time not being in order) the following
additional amendment : " Except for
the purpose of furnishing lights, bea
cons and buoys, and other aid to nav
igation upon the coasts, and the im
provement of our harbors, and the re
moving of obstructions in our river
navigation, in all which wises such
duties shall lie laid on the navigation
facilitated thereby as may lie neces
sary tft pay the cost and expenses."
After 1 bad read this amendment
to, the Convention and explained its
operation, Mr. Marshal, of Louisiana,
came to my seat and expressed his
approbation of it, and asked me to let
him take a copy of it for consideration.
I told him to take the amendment
and offer it himself, as an amendment
to the Constitution. He took it and
the day after offered it as an amend
ment to the Constitution, and it was
adopted. The whole clause, as mod
ified, stands in the Confederate States
Constitution, article 1, section s, clause
:t, as follows :
"To regulate commerce with all
foreign nations, and among the sev
eral States, and among the Indian
tribes; hut neither this nor any other
clause contained in the Constitution
shall ever be construed to delegate the
lower to Congress to appropriate
money for any internal improvements,
intended to facilitate commerce;
except lor the purpose of furnishing
lights, beacons and buoys, and other
aid to navigation upon the coasts, and
the improvement of our harbors,
and the removing of obstructions in
our river navigation, in all which
cases such duties shall be laid on the
navigation facilitated thereby as may
lie necessary to pay tne cost and ex
peiises.
4. The election of a I'resident ev
cry four years, and the abuse of the
otnciai patronage of the Government
that the elections produced were great
evils under the Constitution of the
United States. The re-eligibilitv
the i'resident was not without danger
as the re-eligibilitv of the C.msuls of
Rome opened the way to the Roman
Empire. I brought up this subject
before the committee preparing the
Constitution, and pro posts 1 the e.vten
sion of the term of service of the Pros
ident and Vice President of the Con
federate States to six years, and that
the President shall be ineligible to th
presidency after his term of servici
expired. But I submitted also to their
consideration that the same end migli
be obtained, by making the President
ineligible alter an intervening term
ol service oi six years had taken place
By this policy tlieexistmg Presiden
would have no motive to use His
patronage in the election, and the ser
vices of a very able man might be oh
tained for a second term. This latter
view was favored by the Committee
and I reported the clause to the Con
vention accordingly, with a six years
tenure of office. But when it came up
tor consmeration in tne convention
Mr. Boyce, of South Carolina, moved
to strike out the conditional re-eligi
bility, as this made the clause as I had
onglnsirv proposed it in Committ
I expressiil mv approbation of it, and
voted for it with the majority which
adopted it as follows: "Article 11
section 1. The Executive shall In
vested in a President of the Confede
rate States. He and the Vice Presi
dent shall hold their offices for the
term of six years, but the President
shall not be re-eligible."
5. To make anility anil worth
tho sole criterion for holding of
lice, and to prevent the corrupt use
of the offhi.il patronage of the
Government in elections, I offered
in the Committee the .id Clause,
1 me. Art. n, of the Const itu
tion of the Confederate States, wljii l:
was adopted by them, and, with unan
imous consent, was also adopted by
the Convention: "The principal offices
in each of the 'executive' departments
and all persons connected with tin
diplomatic service, may be removed
from office at the pleasure of the Pres
ident: an otner civil omeera ot exeen
tive departments may be removed at
any time, hy the President or other
power, when their services are unnec
essary, or tor dishonesty, incapacity
inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect of
dutv; anil, when so removed, tho re
moval shall be reported to the Senate
together with the reasons therefore."
ii. Amendments to tne C onstitution
of the United States, provtsl to lie m
difficult ill the course of its adminis
tration Iiefore the war, that it amount
ed to prohibitions. Since the war tho
country has been in a condition of
revolution, and practically with
no Constitution nut tne des
potic will of a Congress of
part onlv ot the states. l pro
posed in the t onimittee the tuth arti
cle of the Confederate States Constitii
tion which, both by them and the
Convention afterwards, was unaui
mousiy adopted as a part oi tne con
stitution of the Confederate States.
If it had been a part of
the Constitution of the United
states the vast discontent which
preceded the war and made it inevita
ble, would have been easily arrested
anil allayed; aim tne ,iuii atnem-
bled in Convention would have set
tled amicably ail their differences. It
reads as follows: "Upon the demand
of any three States,;iegally assembled
in their several Conventions, the Con
gress shall summon a Convention of
all the States, to lake into considera
tion such amendments of the Consti
tution as the said tttates shall
concur in suggesting at the time when
the said demand is made; and should
any of the proposed amendments to
the Constitution be agreed on by the
aid convention, voting bv States.
and the same he ratified by the legis
latures oi two-tturd ol the several
States, or hy Conventions, of twe
tliirds thereof as the one or the other
mode of ratification may be proposed
by the General Convention, they
shall thenceforward form a part of
this Constitution i but mi State shall,
without Its oonsent, be deprived of its
isjual representation in the Senate."
I have thus, I hope, satisfactorily
answered your Inquiry,
Yours, truly,
It. BAH.WVKLL KHETT.
T. M. S. RffETr.
Mrs. Gen, Stonewall Jackson is to
locate permanently at HiohinunU. Virginia.
A MOTHER'S TRIBUTE.
The foilowln V autimi and join-lung piece
was written by Mr. F. I.. Paarlial, a few -lavs
before her death. Mrs. Paaehal waa a very
ijined lady, hol written a areat many pleeea,
Uul thia one waa I lie laat:
A MOTHER'S TiUBl TK.
Tla a little grave, but It suita her best,
F.r i! HK-;ik ol -iiiu-t ...-I of real;
TIm a lowly urave, but tne flower-l here.
Waa iiieelt and - . : i--. anil oh " hoar dear.
A little hud, so fair and I
It ud not .11 earth's
But M.uicht tta home bey
And live in Paratllxe to
iline hhigh,
life a gloom.
Mm.
Gently transplanted 'neath rhy .'ar.-.
Savior 1 leave thia gilt so rare,
Take her and gulda me on the way
Which leads to an eternal day.
There in those cloudless realm above
Made bright by Christ's undying love.
There would I hope, when sorrows cease.
To tlnd ut lust His promised pence.
- Bag Antonio i Texas) llrr tltl.
DASH THE FATAL CUP ASIDE.
Dash the fatal (as aaldel
Not for one night, but forever.
Death and woe therein abide.
As sore aa in a poisoned asUTer.
O. touch It not Thouah dearest friend
tfltaeld urge may nap with beat intention,
Bewnr.-: tiiemiii.ideiiinc draught might end
in crime and ill we may not mention.
How miiny a i oHl-hke thought and dream.
And hlkii resolve, and brave; eudeavor.
From 'itiattliii: of that siren stream
Is dlmmi-d and Uetic bed in ahumi forever
They love not Ireland's faith sublime.
Her martyrs, or her freedom holy.
Who sl-.l! lie grovelling in thesilme
Of such brule oat um vile aud lowly.
uh! Il to- lay ou.- country's ehasn
Weie b.-oLep, Hud her green Hag flying
Triumphantly o'er liiil and plain,
The ii. lied I'iuglNh foe delving.
Wlia' fieedom would Ifcar freedom bring
To you, whose hours in midnight wassail
Roll past to yon. a helpless thing
The wine-gol ignominious va.al?
Think, oh, think of dear young bride.
Whose loving, tearful eyes appealing.
Should shame your manly strength and pride.
And rouse each nobler, lottler ieellng;
And think of Heaven's swee! mercy, loo,
Tbag tirisl not while the ehangetul seasons
Belled by, hut. pitying, gaxed on you,
I'lirsuing silil your guilty treason.
Dash the fatalarup aside!
Not for one night, but forever.
Death ami WOC therein abide.
As sure a lu a poisoned rmlver.
Oh, touch it not! Though dearest friend
Should urge mayhap with best intention,
Beware' the maddening draught mind end
In slmme aud 111 we may not mention.
Dublin Stttinn.
THE CHINAMAN.
What He is- His Value to the South.
Editor Apiiral: Jhe
laws of the
United states forbid the introduction
of coolies or any other convicts who
are sent from their homes for crimes
and misdemeanors; but there is no
word on the statute book to prevent
au honest Chinese emigrant from vis
iting our shores and making a home,
any more than there is to preclude a
German or an Irishman. As an evi
dence of the truth of the assertion, we
find oO.iKMi or more Chinese inhabi
tants in the State ol California, waan
the Legislature, laboring under a
wrong impression that they were a
great detriment to the white laborer.
trho u a voter, has passed numerous
oppressive and unequal laws for the
express purpose of discouraging fur
ther immigration, and drive out thorn
already there, this, coupled with a
violent public opinion which has
forced the Chinaman to labor only af
ter the better part of the rich ores
have been extracted by white men,
has not had the desired effect. The
Chinaman still comes; and, pursuing
his uvoeations whether at mining,
railroad building, gardening, ditching,
washing or cooking invariably
thrives and batten his condition. Ac-
custonns.1 to despotic, oppression from
infancy, he pays four dollars per month
for the privilege of washing for gold
in the rear of his lietters, and does not
call upon the courts to annul the un
constitutional law. Csed to lie pa
tient and endminft, he makis the liest
cook and house servant, never de
manding above half the wages com
monly paid to white servants for sim
ilar service. Laborious, strong and
steady, he is not to be beaten as. a farm
laborer, ditcher or railroad hand. All
these things I assert, not from hear
say, but from personal knowledge.
All and much more have 1 seen witii
my own eyes, during a residence in
'aiifornin. Some years since, in look
ing over the prin'tcd reports of offi
cers made to the Legislature of tliat
SMB. my eye fell upon the report of
the Warden of the state prison, and
I was astonished to find that not more
than one Chinuman lor thirty white
men was confined in that institution,
whilst the Chinese i-ouiposed about
an Ll1h of the male adult population
of the State. I am (putting from
memory, but I am satisfied that I am
not far from right. Now when wc
ifinsider that he had less considera
tion in the courts than would have
iieen awarded to a haiifisome pointer,
if it were possible lor the dog tuspeal;,
I think this gis-s far to establish lus
claim for the possession of as much
honesty as other people have. If the
l.hiuaman will not work, who is it
produces the foist to till the mouths of
the vast population of China, with
enough surplus to send a little rice as
far away even as to Memphis. es,
the India rice sold all over this conti
nent, is the product of Chinese labor!
ho product's Hiid prepares the great
cargoes ol teas; who fabricates the
heautitu! porcelain, and weaves the
rich silks and shawls, but Chinamen .'
Who has built ihe numerous great
citie of that Kmnire, constructed nt
mils, built roads and nii.de the facili
ties of tnide easy, but an industrious,
tahorious population. Head the ac
counts given us bv intelligent travel
ers who everywhere note thrift, wealth
and econoinv, and tell me whether
such a population would not ls pro-
feralile to the one we are at pres
ent nursing through a mental disor
der'.'
Is the Chinaman so constituted
physically, as to be adapted to our
climate? is the next iiuestion to look
into. The Kmnire of China -.-t tuls
south of the tropic of Capricorn, and
produces all the staples ibe-South is
famed for rice, as we have already
mentioned, in onantitv sunVient to
export. California and Australia de
pend upon China principally for sugar.
Indigo, cotton and tobacco are like
wise pnslueed to some extent. Itice
and sugar, however, are the great pro-
;.. . . t i . - .
lunt (ii me lower countries, nice, as
we very well know, is grown under a
vertical sun, mi low lands, occasion
ally inundated. This, we also know,
is sufficient to mako an intensely mi
asmatic and insalubrious climate.
Notwithstanding this, we see that the
Chinaman has fiersevcred in its cul
ture for eeuturiea, and now heliis to
feed the world with it. Now I hold
that all climates producing rice and
sugar are alike, and that any race so
(instituted as to withstand the un-
healthful influences of such a climate
n one locality, can do t in another.
In other wortls, the men who are now
cultivating rice along the marshy
banks of the Canton river, would not
suffer if transferred to the neighbor
hood of Georgetown, Savannah or
New Orleans. And further: unv nn
who can successfully hrave the malaria
of the rice field, would prove efficient
as to health in the higher lands where
cotton is grown.
We will now consider the probable
cost of introducing Chinese laisir.
From the great distance to be tm-.
verstsl by sea. anvthimr but saillnif
esseLs would be out of theoue4ion.
Thanks to Northern skill and enter
prise, the great American clipper ship
p resell fa the verv vehicle
the very vehicle to tie de
lred. A two thousand-ton clipper
will have letral accommodations fori
one thousand passengers. Such a ship ,
would demand lf,000 for the run
from Hong Kong, Canton or Shang- j
hai, to one of our Southern ports,
with passe tigers, which wouiu no ex- ;
clusiveof provisions, fuel, water and
fitting up temporary berths, etc. The;
voyage woultl occupy ay one nun- j
dred days. It was made by the Sea
Witch, commanded by the famous
W, Herman, to New York in fifty-nine
days. From the low price of provis
ions in China, I should think that ps
senirers miirht be sulisisted from
thence at about tive
diem. This rives us
following estimate:
'barter of ship
ntllaM Ijenha
Wood and water casks
.':. si. i
cents each per
the diiM for the
tio.twe
1,1 MU
xueo
T.UWI
Total SEi.iasj
Allowing this estimate to be made
on a specie basis, we will add titty per
centum to bring it into currency, and
have $.j7,."jmi as the total cost of land
ing one thousand Chinamen in Sa
vannah, Charleston or New Orleans,
and m we bring one thousand, it will
be - en that the cost per man is7 "si.
ne thousand tons of rice cannot
brought from China and laid down on
our wharves (or an equal sum. A
thousand laborer can and they will
pnaluce yearly six thousand ton of
rittt making husiness for the rail
road and steamboat, the merchant
and the warehouseman, the cartman
and the porter, putting money in the
pocketn of pitalists and b. i-ad in the
mouths of the poor. Is not this a con--umiiiaiion
devoutly to bo wished?
One hundnsl thousand Chinamen cul
tivating sugar, rice and cotton, would
add fifty millions a year to our valua
ble products. Kight jht cent, ot that
sum will procure them. If it con Id
le shown to any association of capi
talists that by the expenditure ol"
thns and thfee-miuru-r millions of
dollars in building factories, railroads
or canals, the enormous revenue of
fifty millions annually would be re
turned, money would be forthcoming
to ten times the sum needed. Silver
and gold that has not seen the light of
day these ten years, would l chink
ingin every bank counter. Here,
1 insist, is a scheme wJiich
will iay the magnificent dividend
above indicated. l-t as no longer
import East India rice, or West India
sugar; but let us produce those staples,
not only for home consumption, hut
for export abroad. The Chinese know
no lalxrF-saving implements; all their
tools are of the rudest and most prim
itive description ; yet they, by labori
ous toil, force the earth to yield mag
niticent results. With our advanced
scientific implements and progressive
entenriscs, coupled with the labori
ous toil, there would iie no picturing
the mighty destiny of this fair and
fruitful land. The race who rearefl
the great wall of China, and excavated
Utem wonderful canals, would curb
the Father of Waters within bounds,
and make one vast garden from Mem
phis to Now Orleans, capable of sup
porting and employing, according to
Lieut. Maury, a population of one
hundred miliions ol -tools! The snort
of the -team whistle and thud of the
paddle wheel would la.-ever present.
Towns and cities, of which we have
no conception would grow as if by
magic. Chicago anil San Francisco
would fade into insignificance.
The hum of the spindle would l
heaBl everywhere, the glare of iron
furnace- would light every horizon,
whilst the mines, deep in tlto Isiwels
of the earth, would turn up mineral
wealth. Nature has jcrformed well
her part in fabricating this great ma
chine. She has given us soil, climate
and faeftkies, and we need but LA BOB,
strong and reliable, to set the whole
in motion. This picture imty become
reality if we so will it. The capital
ist is the enchanter, his money the
wand. It is for him to .say whether
he will use it.
Within the past lew years we have
witnessed the spectacle of a country
half the year bSBBj up in ice or clad
in snow grow in wealth and (Miwer
and population until it is called the
great Northwest. There we have
seen bleak prairies made to teem with
golden grain railroads, consid
ered at lirst as the emanations
only of visionary brains, have lieen
made and eoaipwted, towns on pajier
have biwoBM realities. Still further
away, on the western slope of the Si
era Nevada, an empire has sprung
from nothing; cities have apMnred,
liirms have DM opened, anil mines
worked. What has evoked this
mighty change? Labpb, strong anil
reliable. And how has tis labor lieen
led to the cold Northwest, or to the
remote shores of the Pacific? Did it
go by its own motion, or has it been
ilone by skillful management? How,
in the name id" mercy, are we to nit
idle and leave the destiny ol'
this splendid country in the hands
of the wooly-headed monstrosity who
is at present mining and blighting
everything in his roach? Forbid it,
ye men of brains and means.
I ur purpose is not at present to de
lend the civilization of the Chinese.
II is foreign to the object of this paper
to show that they wen- highly
cultivated and refined when the
Creeks were reeiving their tirst
lessons from the Kgyptians; or
that the art of printing was known
lo them in the time of Julius Ca-sar;
that tne knowledge of gunpowder and
the polarity of the loadstone wax
tirst known to them; or tliat their
proficiency in letters, philosophy, the
arts, and the sciences was great when
our ancestors were wearing skins anil
living in mud-hovels in Britain or
the North of Europe. This is irrele
vant to the present issue. Our Inqui
ry concerns not his brain. Does he
possess a quantity of strong willing
enduring muscle? That is what we
are looking for. If he is not equal in
war to John Bull's "beef eaters," so
much the better, we will control him
the more readily. The idea of exclu
ding him is a very Chinese one, and
is based upon the same principle that
steam engines are forbidden in the
"Flowery- Kingdom." We want
men to plow, sow and reap; to make
oorn, cotton, rice, sugar and tnbaceo;
we are not looking for editors, poets,
orators, statesmen, painters, sculptors,
an"hitects and engineers. We have
on hand more than enough of these
latter to meet the present demand.
Is it tol supposed that when North
ern agents are canvassing for immi
grants in Europe they care a tigwheth
er their converts are men of high men
tal attainments or not? They i-aieu-late
the number of wild acres these
new fellows will reduce to the domin
ion of tint plow, how much the tax
roll is to be swelled by their accumu
lationsin short, how much they will
benefit the country in dollars and
cents. They never stop to think about
or speenlate on the chances of sending
over fathers of Calhonns, Websters
or Clays. Nor need we trouble our
selves as to whether we will lie able
to breed in our midst another Confu
cius or Fohi.
It is considered the bounden duty of
most Christians to make every etibrt
within their power to convert the
heathen of every land ;and to that
enil a number of missionaries are
yearly sent out to preach the glory of
Christ and him crucified. In Africa
they have probably added some
hundreds to the followers of
Christ, and have, now and then, furn
ished a breakfast of missionary steak
to the cousins of our newly appointed
political masters. In China a tew
converts have lieen made. In Poly
nesia, also, a few; but here, in the
Southern Stutes of North America,
some millions of souls have lieen re
claimed from idolatry. The negro
cannibal antl barbarian-, learned our
lammage. which was equivalent to
razing a mignty wan. ami aiimuiiiig
tho approach of the Heaven-horn
truths. Will not the same thing he
possible with the Chinese heathen?
Then, upon this ground, 1 hold that
it is the duty of every Christian man
and woman to uesire a nearer ac-
quaintance with tne Chtnese, tnat they
mav learn our language antl become
ChrUtutm. X. Y. Z,