Newspaper Page Text
16
THE VICE PRESIDENT'S
Complete Text of the Speech Delivered by Colonel
Roosevelt This Morning in Opening the State
Fair—An Effort Marked by Earnest-
Following is the complete texi of Col
onel Roosevelt's speech at the state fair
this morning:
In hla admirable series of studies of twen
tieth century problems Dr. Lyman
Abbott hae pointed out that we
are a nation of pioneers; that the
first colonists to our shores were pioneers,
and that pioneers selected out from among
the descendants of these early pioneers, min
gled with others selected afresh from the old
■world, pushed westward into the wilderness
and laid the foundations for new common
wealths. They were men of hope and expec
tation, of enterprise and energy; tor the men
of dull content or more dull despair had no
part In the great movement Into and across
the n»w world. Our country has been popu
lated by pioneers; and therefore it has in it
more energy, more enterprise, more expanaivs
fcower than any other in the wide world.
The Home Maker Builds the State.
You whom I am now addressing stand for
the most part but one generation removed
trom these pioneers. You are typical Ameri
cans, for you have done the great, the char
acteristic, the typical work of our American
life. In making homes and carving out ca
reers for yourselves and your children, yo^u
have built up this state; throughout our his
tory the success of the home-maker has been
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ELOQUENT .ORATION
ness and Eloquence.
but another name for the upbuilding of the
nation. The men who, with ax in the forest
and pick in the mountains and plow on the
prairies, pushed to completion the dominion
of our people over the American wilderness
hays given the definite shape to our nation.
They have shown the qualities of daring, en
durance and far-sightedness, of eager desire
for victory and stubborn refusal to accept
defeat, which go to make up the essential
manliness of the American character. Above
all they have recognized In practical form the
fundamental law of success in American life—
the law of worthy work, the law of high, res
olute endeavor. We have but little room
among our people for the timid, the irreso
lute and the idle; and it ia no less true that
there is scant room in the world at large for
the nation with mighty thews that dares not
to be great.
No Envy of the Idle.
Surely in speaking to the sons of men who
actually did the rough and hard, and infi
nitely glorious work of making the great
northwest what it now is, I need hardly in
sist upon the righteousness of this doctrine
In your own vigorous lives you show by every
act how scant is your patience with those
who do not see in the life of effort the life
supremely worth living. Sometimes we hear
those who do not work spoken of with envy.
Surely the wilfully idle need arouse in the
breast of a healthy man no emotion stronger
than that of contempt—at the outside no emo
tion stronger than angry contempt. The feel
ing of envy would have In it an admission of
inferiority on our part, to which the men who
know not the sterner joys of life are not enti
tled. Poverty is a bitter thing, but it is not
as bitter as the existence of restless vacuity
and physical, moral and intellectual flabbi
ness to which those doom themselves, who
elect to spend all their years in that vainest
of all vain pursuits, the pursuit of mere plea
sure as a sufficient end in itself. The wilfully
idle man, like the wilfully barren woman,
has no place in a sane, healthy and vigorous
community. Moreover, the gross and hideous
selfishness for which each stands defeats even
Its own miserable aims.
The Happiest Man.
Exactly as infinitely the happiest woman Is
she who has borne and brought up many
healthy children, so inflitely the happiest
man is he who has toiled hard and success
fully in his life work. The work may be done
in a thousand different ways; with the brain
or the hands, in the study, the field or the
workshop; if it is honest work, honeotly done
and well worth doing, that is all we have a
right to ask. Every father and mother here,
if they are wise, will bring up thetr chilrren
not to shirk difficulties, but to meet and over
come them; not to strive after a life of Igno
ble ease, but to strive to do their duty, first
to themselves and their families, and then to
the w rhole state; and thia duty must inevitably
take the shape of work in some form or other.
You, the solus of pioneers, if you are true to
your ancestry, must make your lives as
worthy as they made theirs. They sought for
true success, and therefore they did not seek
ease. They knew that success comes only to
those who lead the life of endeavor.
The Fundamental Law of Work.
It seems to me that the simple acceptance
of this fundamental fact of American life,
this acknowledgment that the law of -work is
the fundamental law of our being, will help
us to start aright in facing not a few of tha
problems that confront us from without and
from within. As regards" internal affairs, it
should teach us the prime need of remember
ing that after all hae been said and done, the
chief factor in any man's success of failure
must be his own character; that is, the sum
of his common sense, his courage, his virile
energy and capacity. Nothing can take the
place of this individual factor
I do not for a moment mean that much
cannot be done to supplement it. Besides
each one of us working individually, all of
us have got to work together. "We cannot
possibly do our best work as a nation unless
all of us know how to act in combination
as well as how to act each Individually for
himself. The acting in combination can take
many forms; but, of course, its most effec
tive form must be when it comes in the
shape of law; that is, of action by the com
munity as a whole through the law-making
body.
Opportunity the Greatest Gift.
But it is not possible ever to insure pros
perity merely by law. Something for good
can be done by law, and bad laws can do
an infinity of mischief; but, after all, the
best law can only prevent wrong and injus
tice and give to the thrifty, the far-seeing
and the hard-working a chance to exercise
to the best advantage their special and pe
culiar abilities. No hard and fast rule can
be laid down as to where our legislation shall
atop In interfering between man and man,
between interest and interest.
All that can be said is that it is i
: highly undesirable on the one hand :
! to -weaken individual initiative, and, :
I on the other hand, that, in a con- :
: stantly Increasing number of cases ;
: we shall find it necessary in the fu- :
: ture to shackle cunning as in the :
: paat we have shackled force. :
It is not only highly desirable, but neces
sary, that there should be legislation which
shall carefully shield the interests of wage
workers, and which shall discriminate in
favor of the honest and humane employer
by removing the disadvantage under which
he stands -when compared with unscrupulous
competitors who have no conscience, and will
do right only under fear of punishment. Xor
can legislation stop only with what are
termed labor questions. The vast individual
and corporate fortunes, the vast combina
tions of capital, which have marked the de
velopment of our industrial system, create
new conditions afcd necessitate a change from
the old attitude of the state and nation to
ward property. It is probably true that the
large majority of the fortunes that now ex
ist In this country have been amassed, not
by injuring our people, but as an incident
to the conferring of great benefits upon the
community; and this, no m#tter what may
have been the conscious purpose of those
amassing them. There 13 but the scantiest
Justification for most of the outcry against
the men of -wealth as such; and it ought to
be unnecessary to state that any appeal
which directly or indirectly leads to suspi
cion and hatred among ourselves, which tends
to limit opportunity, and, therefore, to shut
the door of success against poor men of tal
ent, and, finally, which entails the possibili
ty of lawlessness and violence, is an attack
upon the fundamental properties of American
citizenship.
Interests Are Common,
Our interests are at bottom common; in the
long run we go up or go down together. Yet
more and more It is evident that the state,
and, if necessary, the nation has got to pos
sess the right of supervision and control as
regards the great corporations which are its
creatures; particularly as regards the great
business combinations which derive a por
tion of their importance from the existence
of some monopolistic tendency. The right
should be exercised with caution and self
restraint; but it should exist, so that It may
be invoked if the need arises.
World Duties Also.
So much for our duties, each to himself
and each to his neighbor, within the limits
of our own country. But our country, as it
strides forward with ever Increasing rapidity
to a foremost place among the world powers,
must necessarily find, more and more, that
It has world duties also.
: There are excellent people who be- :
: lieve that we can shirk these duties :
: and yet retain our self-respect; but ;
: these good people are in error. Other r
: good people seek to deter us from :
: treading the path of hard but lofty :
: duty by bidding us remember that :
( all nations that have achieved great- :
: ness, that have expanded and played :
: their part as worid powers, have in :
: the end passed away. So they have; :
: so have all others. The weak and :
: the stationary have vanished as :
: surely as, and more rapidly than, :
: those -whose citizens felt within •
: them the lift that Impels generous :
1 souls to great and noble effort. :
This Is another way of stating the univer
sal law of death, which is itself part of the
universal law of life. The man who works,
the man who does great deeds, in the end
dies as surely as the veriest idler who cum
bers th© earth's surface; but he leaves be
hind him the great fact that he has done
his work well. So it is with nations. While
the nation that has dared to be great, that
has had the will and the power to change
the destiny of the ages, in the end must die.
Yet no leas surely the nation that has played
the part of the weakling must also die; and,
■whereas, the nation that has done nothing
leaves nothing behind it, the nation that has
done a great work really continues, though
in changed form, forevennore. The Roman
has passed away, exactly as all nations of
antiquity which did not expand when he
expanded have passed away; but their very
memory has vanished, while he himself is
etill a living force throughout the wide world
In our entire civilization of to-day, and will
bo continue through countless generations,
through untold ages.
Impelled to Outward Activity.
It is because we believe with all our heart
and soul in the greatness of this country,
because we feel the thrill of hardy life in our
veins, and are confident that to us is given
the privilege of playing a leading part in
the century that has just opened, that wo
hail with eager delight the opportunity to
do whatever task providence may allot us.
We admit with all sincerity that our first
duty is within our own household; that we
must not merely talk, but act, in favor of
cleanliness and decency and righteousness, in
all political, social and civic matters. No
prosperity and no glory can save a nation
that is rotten at heart. We must ever keep
the core of our nationat being sound, and see
to it that not only our citizens in private
life; but above all, our statesmen in public
life, practice the old commonplace virtues
which from time immemorial have lain at
the root of all true national well-being.
Yet while this is our first duty, it is not
our whole duty. Exactly as each man, while
doing first his duty to his wife and the
children within his nome, must yet, if he
hopes to amount to much, strive mightily in
the world outside his home; so our Eation,
while first of all seeing to its own domestic
well-being, must not shrink from playing
its part among the great nations without.
Henceforth the World Is Our Wlt-
Our duty may take many forma in the
future as it has taken many forms in the past.
Nor is it possible to lay down a hard and fast
rule for all oases. We must ever face the
fact of our shifting national needs, of the
always-changing opportunities that present
themselves. But we may be certain of one
thing; whether we wish it or not, we can
not avoid hereafter having duties to do in the
face of other nations. All that we can do
is to settle whether we shall perform these
duties well or ill.
No BlulHub.
Right here let me make as vigorous a plea'
as I know how in favor of saying nothing
that we do not mean, and of aotlng without I
THE MESTNEAPOLIS JOUENAL.
IX^^ "■; THE GUEST OF THE DAY, . VV ■ I
• From the latest Washington photograph of Col. Roosevelt. \^V A
THE GUJisT OF THE DA.V,
Frou the latoit Washington photograph of Col. Roosevelt
hesitation up to whatever we say. A good
many of you are probably acquainted with
the old proverb: "Speak softly and carry a
big stick—you will go far." If a man con
tinually blusters, if he lacks civility, a big
stick will not save him from trouble; and
neither will speaking softly avail, if back
of the softness there does not lie strength,
power. In private life there are few beings
more obnoxious than the man who is always
loudly boasting, and If the boaster is not
prepared to back up his words, his position
becomes absolutely contemptible. So it is
■with the nation. It is both foolish and un
dignified to indulge in undue self-glorification,
and above all, in loose-tongued denunciation
of other peoples. Whenever on any point we
come in contact with a foreign pewer, I
hope that we shall always strive to speak
courteously and respectfully of that foreign
power.
: Let us make it evident that we f
: intend to do justice. Then let us :
: make it equally evident that we :
: will not tolerate injustice being :
: done us in return. :
Let us further make it evident that we
use no words which we are not prepared to
back up with deeds, and that while our
speech is always moderate, we are ready and
willing to make it good. Such an attitude
will be the surest possible guarantee of that
self-respecting peace, the attainment of which
is and must ever be the prime aim of a self
governing people.
The Trne Monroe Doctrine.
This is the attitude we should take as re
gards the Monroe doctrine. There is not the
least need of blustering about it. Still less
should it be used as a pretext for our own
aggrandizement at the expense of any other
American state. But, most emphatically, we
must make It evident that we inieud on
this point ever to maintain the old American
position. Indeed, it is hard to understand
how any man can take any other position
now that we are all looking forward to the
building of the Isthmiam canal. The Monroe
doctrine is not international law, but there
is no necessity that it should be. All that
Is needful la that it should continue to be
a cardinal feature of American policy on
this continent; and the Spanish American
states should, In their own interests, cham
pion it as strongly as we do. We do not
by this doctrine Intend to sanction any policy
of aggression by one American common
wealth at the expense of any other, nor any
policy of commercial discrimination against
any foreign power whatsoever. Commercial
ly, as far as this doctrine is concerned, all
we wish is a fair field and no favor; but
If we are wise we shall strenuously insist
that under no pretext whatsoever shall there
be any territorial aggrandizement on Ameri
can soil by any European power, and this,
no matter what form the territorial aggrand
izement may take.
Touches Reciprocity.
We most earnestly hope and believe that
the chance of our having any hostile military
complication with any foreign power is very
Bmall. But that there will come a strain,
a jar, here and there, from commercial and
agricultural—that is, from industrial—com-
petition, is almost inevitable. Here again we
have got to remember that our first duty is
to our ovn people: and yet that we can best
get justice by doing justice. We must con
tinue the policy that has been so brilliantly
successful in the past, and so shape our
economic system us to give every advantage
to the skill, energy and intelligenoe of our
farmers, merchants, manufacturers and wage
workers; and yet we must also remember,
in dealing with other nations that benefits
must be given when benefits are sought. It
is not possible to dogmatize as to the exact
way of attaining this ecd; for the exact con
ditions cannot be foretold. In the long run
one of our prime needs is stability and
continuity of economic policy; and yet,
through treaty or by direct legislation, it
may at least in certain cases become ad
vantageous to supplement our present policy
by a system of reciprocal benefit and obliga
tion.
Oar Career of Expansion.
Throughout a large part of our national
career our history has been one of expansion,
the expansion being of different kinds at dif
ferent times. This explanation is not a
matter of regret, but of pride, it is vain
to tell a people as masterful as ours that
the spirit of enterprise is not safe. The true
American has never feared to run risks
when the prize to be won was of sufficient
value. No n&tion capable of self government,
and of developing by its own efforts a sane
and orderly civilization, no matter how small
it may be, has anything to fear from us. Our
dealings with Cuba illustrate this, and should
be forever a subject of just national pride.
We speak in no spirit of arrogance when
we state as a simple historic fact that never
in recent years has any great nation acted
with such disinterestedness as we have shown
in Cuba. We freed the island from the Span
ish yoke. We then earnestly did our best
to help the Cubans in the establishment of
free education, of lsw and order, of ma
terial prosperity, of the cleanliness neces
sary to sanitary well-being in their great
cities. We did all this at great expense of
treasure, at some expense of life; and now
we are establishing them in a free and in
dependent commonwealth, and have asked in
return nothing whatever save that at no
time shall their independene be prostituted
to the advantage of some foreign rival of
ours, or so as to menace our well-being. To
have failed to ask this would have amounted
to national stultification on our part.
What Have We Done for |he Islands.
In the Philippines we have brought peace,
and we are at this moment giving them
such freedom and self-government as they
could never under any conceivable condi
tions have obtained had we turned them loose
to sink into a welter of blood and confusion,
or to become the prey of some strong
tyranny without or witbin. The bare recital
of the facts is sufficient to show that we
did our duty; and wbat prouder title to honor
can a nation have than to have done its
duty? We have done our duty to ourselves,
and we have don? the higher duty of pro
moting the civilization of mankind. The first
essential of civilization is law. Anarchy is
simply the hand-maiden and forerunner of
tyranny and despotism. Law and order en
corced by justice and by strength He at the
foundation of civilization. Law must be
based upon Justice, else it cannot stand, and
it must be enforced with resolute firmness,
because weakness in enforcing it means in
the end that there is no justice and no law,
nothing but the rule of disorderly and un-
scrupulous strength. Without the habit of
orderly obedience to the law, without the
stern enforcement of the laws at the ex
pense of those who defiantly resist them,
there can be no possible progress, moral or
material, in civilization. There can be no
weakening of the law abiding spirit at home
if we are permanently to succeed; and just
as little can we afford to show weakness
abroad. Lawlessness and anarchy were put
down in the Philippines as a prerequisite to
inducing the reign of justice.
Civilization In Place of Barbarism.
Barbarism has and can have no place In a
civilized world. It is our duty toward the
people living in barbarism to ccc that they
are freed from their chains, and we can on'y
free them by destroying barbarism itself.
The missionary, the merchant and the soldier
may each have to play a part in this destruc
tion, and in the consequent uplifting of the
people. Exactly as it is the duty of a civil
!zed power scrupulously to respect the rights
of all weaker civilized powers and gladly to
help thoee who are struggling towards civil
ization, so it is its duty to put down savagery
and barbarism. As in such a work human
instruments must be used, and as human in
struments are imperfect, this means that at
tlmea there will be injustice; that at times
merchant, or soldier, or even missionary may
do wrong. Let us instantly condemn and
rectify such wrong when it occurs, and if
possible punish the wrongdoer. But, shame,
thrice shame to us, if we are so foolish as to
make such occasional wrongdoing an excuse
for failing to perform a great and righteous
task. Not only in our own land, but through
out the world, throughout all hiatory, the
advance of civilization has been of Incalcula
ble benefit to mankind, and those through
whom it has advanced deserve the highest
honor. All honor to the missionary, all honor
to the soldier, all honor to the merchant who
now in our day have done to much to bring
light into the world's dark places.
Mistakes Should Not Frighten.
Let me insist again, for fear of possible
misconstruction, upon the fact that our duty
is twofold, and that we must raise others
while we are benefiting ourselves. In bring
ing order to the Philippines, our soldiers add
ed a new page to the honor-roll of American
history, aud they incalculably benefited the
islanders themselves. Under the wise admin
istration of Governor Taft the islands now
enjoy a peace and liberty of which they have
hitherto never even dreamed. But this" peace
and liberty under the law must be supple
mented by material, by industrial develop
ment. Every encouragement should be given
to their commercial development, to the in
troduction of American industries and prod
ucts; not merely because this will be a good
thing for our people, but infinitely more be
cause it will be of Incalculable benefit to the
people the Philippines.
We shall make mistakes; and if we let these
mistakes frighten us 'from work, we shall
show ourselves weaklings. Half a century
ago Minnesota and the two Dakotas were
Indian hunting grounds. We committed plen
ty of blunders, and now and then worse than
blunders, in our dealings with the Indians.
But. who does not admit at the present day
that we were right in wresting from barbar
ism and adding to civilization the territory
out of which we have made these beautiful
states? And now we are civilizing the Indian
and putting him on a level to which he could
never have attained under the old condi
tions.
The Spirit Rather Than the Form.
In the Philippines let us remember that the
spirit and not the mere form of government
is the essential matter. The Tagalogs have
a hundred-fold the freedom under us that
they would have If we had abandoned the
islands. We are not trying to subjugate a
people; we are trying to develop them, ani
make them a Jaw-abiding, industrious and
pdueated people, and we hope, ultimately, a
self-governing people. In short, in the work
we have done, we are but carrying out the
true principles of our democracy. We work
in a spirit of self-respect for ourselves and
Of goodwill toward others; in a spirit of love
for and of infinite faith in mankind. We do
not blindly refuse to face the evils that ex
ist; or the shortcomings inherent in human
ity; but across blundering and shirking,
across selfishness and meanness of motive]
across short-sightedness and cowardice, we
gaze steadfastly toward the far horizon of
golden triumph.
If you will study our past history as a na
tion you will see we have made many blun
ders and have been guilty of many short
comings, and yet that we have always in the
end come out victorious because we 'have re
fused to be daunted by blunders and defeats
have recognized them, but have persevered ;n
spite of them. So it must be in the future
We gird up our loins as a nation, with the
stern purpoae to play our part manfully i n
winning the ultimate triumph, and therefore
we turn scornfully aside from the paths of
mere ease and idlneps, and with unfaltering
steps tread the rough road of enfleavor smit
ing down the wrong and battling for the right
as Greatheart smote and battled in Bunyans
immortal story.
Mr. Crawford Smiles.
Special to The Journal
Huron, S. p., Sept. 2.-There is all sorts of
political music in the air although the cam
paign is far in the future. The contention
over the United Staes senatorship is assum
ing large proportions and attracting no little
attention. The candidacy of Coe I. Crawford
of this city, is what apparently disturbs the
elements." Newspaper editors holding post
offices or expecting political preferment
through the influence of Congressman Burke
who is openly opposed to Mr. Crawford are
excusable in their opposition to Mr. Craw
ford, as are also those who hope to receive
positions at the hands of Senator Klttredg*
A few of this class appear to have taken us
the fight against Mr. Crawford with some
show of earnestness, but he smiles at their
opposition and pursues the "even tenor of
his way."
Who Owns the Waterf
Special to The Journal.
Ames, lowa, Sept. 2.—A, J. Barclay asks
the court for an injunction restraining the
flow of an artesian well belonging to Wilson
Abraham. The plaintiff claims that the flow
of water from this well is affecting his and
other wells in that locality which are depend
ent on the same vein.
Ble Sales of Timber Land.
Special to The Journal.
Pvhinelander, Wis., Sept. 2.—A heavy land
and timber deal has been perfected through
h.. b. Shepard, pine land dealer and esti
mator, who purchased for C. A. Goodyear of
Chicago 16,000 acres in St. Louis county
Minnesota. The tract contains an Immense
Quantity of white and red pine. Logs can
be cent down the tributary to Pelican and
Vermillion rivers for Canadian points, or
can be railed to Duluth or the Mississippi
river. The consideration is $600,000
MONDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 2, 1901.
to visit ' 111
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