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ALBUQUEHOUE EVENING CITIZEN.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 11, 1905. '
Will Buy You A Beautiful Fifty Foot Lot In The
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"Get the habit."
J. D. EMMONDS
Successor to W. V. Futrelle.
(Continued from Page 1.)
things in our history in which we
should take more genuine pride than
the way in which we liberated Cuba,
and then, Instead of instantly aban
doning it to chaos, stayed in direction
of the affairs of the island until we
had put it on the right path, and final
ly gave it freedom and helped it at ia
started on the life of an Independent
Santo Domingo has now made an I
appeal to us to help it In turn, and
not only every principle 01 wisuum
but every generous instinct within us
bids us respond to the appeal. The
conditions in Santo Domingo have for
& number of years grown from bad to
worse until recently all society was
on the verge of dissolution. Fortun
ately Just at this time a wise ruler
sprang up in Santo Domingo, who,
with his colleagues, saw the dangers
threatening their beloved country,
and appealed to the friendship of
their treat and powerful neighbor to
help them. The immediate threat '
came in the shape of foreign inter
vention. The previous rulers of San
to Domingo had recklessly incurred
debts, and owing to her internal dis
orders she had ceased to be able to
provide means of paying the debts.
The patience of her foreign creditors
had become exhausted, and at least
one foreign nation was on the point of
Intervention and was only prevented
from intervening by the unofficial as
surance of this government that it
would itself strive to help Santo Do
mingo in her hour of need. Of the
debts Incurred some were just, while
some were not of a character which
really renders it obligatory on. or
proper for, Santo Domingo to pay
them in full. Hut she could not pay
any of them at all unless some stabil
ity was assured.
The Santo Domingo Treaty.
Accordingly the executive depart
ment of our government negotiated a
treaty under which we are to try to
help the Dominican people to straigh
ten out their finances. This treaty is
pending before the senate, whose con
sent to it is necessary. In the mean
time we have made a temporary ar
rangement which will last until the
senate has had time to take action up
on the treaty. Under this arrange
ment we see to the honest adminis
tration of the custom houses, collect
ing the revenus, turning over forty
five per cent to the government for
running expenses and putting the
other fifty-five por cent into a safe de
posit for equitable division among the
various creditors, whether European
or American, accordingly as, after in
vestigation, their claims seem just.
The custom house offers well-nigh
the only sources of revenue In Santo
Domingo, and the different revolu
tions usually have as their real aim
the obtaining possession of these custom-
houses. The mere fact that we
are protecting the custom-houses and
collecting the revenue with efficiency
and honesty has completely discour
aged all revolutionary movement,
while It has already produced such
an Increase in the revenues that tho
government is actually getting more
from the forty-live per cent that we
turn over to it than it got formerly
when It took the entire revenue. This
is enabling the poor harrassed peo
ple of Santo Domingo once more to
turn their attention to industry to
be free from the curse of intermnable
revolutionary disturbance. H offers to
nil luinn fide creditors, American and
European, the only really good
chance to obtain that to which they
are Justly entitled, while it in return
gives to Santo Domingo the only op
portunity of defense against claims
which It ouph not to pay for now if
It meets the views of the senate we
shall ourselves thoroughly examhre
all these claims, whether American
or foreign, and see that none that are
improper are paid. Indeed, the only
effective opposition to the treaty will
probably come from dishonest credi
tors, foreign anil American, and from
the professional revolutionists of the
island Itself. We have already giod
reason to believe that some of the
creditors who do not dare expose
their claims to honest scrutiny are
endeavoring to stir up sedition in the
100 - Q150 - $200
Corner Coal Ave. and Second St
island, and are also endeavoring to
stir up opposition to the treaty both
in Santo Domingo and here, trusting
that in one place or the other it may
be possible to secure either the re
jection of the treaty or else its
amendment in such fashion as to be
tantamount to rejection.
Under the course taken, stability
and order and all the benefits of peace
are at last coming to Santo Domingo,
all danger of foreign intervention has
ceased, and there Is at last a pros
pect that all creditors will get jus
tice, no more and no less. If the
arrangement is terminated, chaos will
follow; and if chaos follows, sooner
or later this government may be In
volved in serious difficulties with for
eign governments over the island, or
else may be forced itself to intervene
in the island in some unpleasant
fashion. Under the present arrange
ment the independence of the sland Is
scrupulously respected, the danger of
violation of the Monroe Doctrine by
the intervention of foreign powers
vanishes, and the interference of our
government Is minimized, so that we
only act in conjunction with the San
to Domingo authorities to secure the
payment of Just debts and to secure
the Santo Dominican government
against demands for unjust d'ibts.
The present method prevents there
being any need of our establishing
any kind of protectorate over the isl
and and gives the people of Santo Do
mingo the same chance to move on
ward and upward which we have al
ready given to the people of Cuba. It
will be doubly to our discredit as a
nation If we fail to take advantage of
this chance; for it will be of damage
to ourselves, and, alwve all. It will
be of Incalculable damage to Santo
Domingo. Every consideration of
wise policy, and, above all. every
consideration of large generosity, bids
us meet the request of Santo Domin
go as we are now trying to meet it.
Our Domestic Policy.
So much for one feature of our for
eign policy. Now for one feature of
our domestic policy. One of the
main features of our national gov
ernmental policy should be the effort
to secure adequate and effective su
pervisory and regulatory control over
all great corporations doing an inte
state business. Much of the legisla
tion aimed to prevent the evils con
nected with the enormous develop
ment of these great corporations has
been ineffective, partly because it
aimed at doing too much, and partly
because it did not confer ou the gov
ernment a really efficient method of
holding any guilty corporation to ac
count. The effort to prevent ad re
straint of competition, whether harm
ful or beneficial, has been ill-judged;
what is needed is not so much the ef
fort to prevent combination as a vigil
ant and effective control of the com
binations formed, so as to secure just
and equitable dealing on their part
alike toward the public generally, to
ward their smaller competitors, and
toward the wage-workers in their em
ploy. Under the present laws we have in I
the last four years accomplished much
that is of substantial value; but tho ,
difficulties in the way have been so
great as to prove that further Kgiala
tion Is advisable. Many corporations
show themselves honorably desirous
to obey the law; but, unfortunately,
some corporations, and very wealthy
ones at that, exhaust every effort
which can be suggested bv the highest
ability, or secured by the most lavish
expenditure of money, to defeat the
purposes of the laws ou the statute
Not only the men in control of these
corporations, but the business world
generally, ought to realize that such
conduct is in every way perilous, and
constitutes a menace to the nation
generally, and especially to the peo
ple of great property.
I earnestly believe that thl-s is true
of only a relatively Miiall portion of
the very rich men engaged In hand
ling the largest corporations in the
country; but the attitude of these com
paratively few nieu does undoubtedly
harm the country, and above all, harm
the men of large means, bv the Just.
but sometimes misguided, popular in
dignation to which It gives rise. The
consolidation In the form of what are
popularly called trusts of corporate in
W. H. Greer, Pres. Solomon Luna, V-Pres. M, W. Flournoy, Sec. D. K. D. Sellers, Mgr.
igrfnrtfc er?SK7R TXiWt
terests of immense value has tended
to produce unfair restraints of trade
of an oppressive character, and these
unfair restraints tend to create great
artificial monopolies. The violations
of the law known as the anti-trust law,
which was meant to meet the condi
tions thus arising, have more and
more become confined to the larger
combinations, the very ones against
whose policy of monopoly and oppres
sion the policy of the law was oicfly
Many of these combinations y sec
ret methods and by protracted litiga
tion are still unwisely seeking to
avoid the consequences of their illegal
action. The government has very
properly exercised moderation In at
tempting to enforce the criminal pro
visions of the statute; but it has be
come our conviction that In some
cases, such as that of at least certain
of the beef packers recently indicted
in Chicago, it Is impossible longer
to show leniency. Moreover, if the
existing law proves to be inadequate,
so that under established rules of evi
dence clear violations may not be
readily proved, defiance of the law
must inevitably lead to further legisla
tion. This legislation may be more
drastic than I would prefer. If so, it
must be distinctly understood that it
will be because of the stubborn deter
mination of some of the great combi
nations in striving to prevent the en
forcement of the law' as it stands, by
rcij ur iet?, legal aim oiegui. vtry 1
many of these men seem to think that !
the alternative Is simply betweeji sub-;
mittlng to the mild kind of govern-;
mental control we advocate and the
absolute freedom to do whatever they
think best. They are greatly In error, j
Either they will- have to submit to '
reasonable supervision and regulation j
by the national authorities, or else
they will ultimately have to submit '
to governmental action of a far more
drastic type. Personally, I think our
people would be most unwise if they
let any exasperation due to the acts
of certain great corporations drive
them into drastic action, and I should !
oppose such action. But the great cor
porations are themselves to blame If
by their opposition to what is legal
and just they foster the popular feel
ing which tells for such drastic action.
Some great corporations resort to
Regarding Interstate Commerce,
every technical expedient to render
enforcement of the law impossible,
and their obstructive tactics and re
fusal to acquiesce in the policy of the
law have taxed to the utmost the ma
chinery of the department of Justice.
In my judgment congress may well
Inqui-o vhetner it should not seek
other means for carrying into effect
he law. I believe that all corpora
tions engaged in interstate commerce
should Jie under the supervision of
th' national rovernniciit. I do not
believe in taking steps hastily or
rashly, and it may be that all that
is ncoessaiy in the Immediate future
is to pass an Inurstate commerce bill
conferring upon some branch of the
executive government the power of
eff'-ctive action to remedy the abuses
in connection with r:.ilway transpor
tation. But in the end, and in my Judg
ment at a : iiite not very far off, we
shall hfve to or at least we Fhall find
that we ought to, take fu-.h"r action
as regards all ccpouitions doing 'in
t'.rsiate business. Tho i-uor ii-.us u-.
cr-t-e in interstate trade, resulting
trom the industrial development of
tin; last qua-.er of r. ceii:er. makes
:i proper that the federal government
should, so la. as may be necefsaty to
carry into effect its national policy,
assume a drgre of admlnlstrntivp
control of these great ct.rpoif.tions. I
It may well be that we shall find!
that the only effective way of exercis
ing this supervision is to require all
corporations engaged in interstate
commerce to produce proof satisfac
tory, say, to the Depaitment of Com-,
merce, that they are not parties to!
any contract or combination or en
gaged in any monopoly in interstate
trade 111 violation of the anti-trust
law, and that their conduct on certain
other specified points is proper; and,
moreover, that these i o: im. rations
shall agree, with a penalty of forfeit-:
tire o! their right to engage In such:
commerce, to furnish any evidence or.
any kind as to their trade between:
the States whenever so required by
the Department of Commerce. j
It is the almost universal policy of'
the seve.al states, provided by stat
ute, that foreign corporations may law-1
, lully conduct business within thtirl
boundaries only when they produce
ccrtiiicdtes that they have complied
witn the requirements of their re
speetive statts; u other words, that
coi-Huations shall not enjoy tho priv
ileut s and immunities afforded by the
.state gove. nments without first com-
Plying with the policy of their laws.
Nmv the benefits which corporations
'iia:'i d In interstate trade enjoy un
,dirtho United States government
. are incalculable; and in respect of
j such trade the Jurisdiction of the Fed
I eral government is supreme w hen it
chooses to exercise it.
j When, as Is now the case, many of
I tho gn at corporations consistently
, strain the last resources of legal
technicality to avoid obedience to a
law fur the reasonable regulation of
Call at our office
their business, the only way effect
ively to meet this attitude on their
part is to give to the Executive De
partment of the government a more
direct and therefore more efficent
supervision and control of their man
agement. Regulate the Trusts.
In speaking against the abuses com
mitted by certain very wealthy cor
porations or Individuals, and of the
necessity of seeking so far as it can
safely be done to remedy these abuses
there Is always danger lest what is
said may be misinterpreted as an at
tack upon men of means generally.
Now it can not too often be repeated
in a republic like ours that i,ie only
way by which it Is possible perman
ently to benefit the condition of the
less able and less fortunate, Is to so
shape our policy that all Industrious
and efficient people who act decently
may tie benefited; and this means,
of course, that the benefit will come
even more to the more able and more
fortunate. If, under such circumstan
ces, the less fortunate man is moved
by envy of his more fortunate brother
to strike at the conditions under
which they have both, though un
equally, prospered, he may rest as
sured that while the result may be
damaging to the other man, it will be
even more damaging to himseir. Of
course, I am now speaking of pros
perity that comes under normal and
In our industrial and social system
the Interests of all men are so closely
intertwined that in the Immense ma
jority of cases the straight dealing
man who by ingenuity and industry
benefits himself must also benefit
others. The man of great productive
capacity who gets rich through guid
ing the labor of hundreds or thous
ands of other men does so, as a rule,
by enabling their labor to produce
more than it would without his guid
ance, and both he and they share in
the benefit, so that even if the share
be unequal it must never be forgotten
that they too are really benefited
by his success.
A vital factor in the success of any
enterprise is the guiding intelligence
of the man at the top, and there Is
need In the inteiest of all of us to
encourage rather than to discourage
the activity of the exceptional men
who guide average men so that their
labor may result In Increased produc
tion of the kind which Is demanded
at the time. Normally wo help the
wage worker, we help the man of
small means, by making conditions
such that the man of exceptional busi
ness ability receives an exceptional re
ward for their ability.
Hut while insisting with all em-
phasis upon this, it is also true that
experience has shown that when there j
Is no governmental restraint or super-!
vision, some of the exceptional men '
use their energies, not in ways that!
are for the common good, but in ways!
which tell against this common good; j
and that by so doing they not only
wiong smaller and less able men '
whether wage workers or small pro-'
ducers and traders hut force other'
men of exceptional abilities them
selves to do what is wrong under pen-;
alty of falling behind in a keen race;
tor success. There Is need of legis
lation to strive to meet such abuses.'
At one time or in one place tills leg
islation may take the foim of factory
laws and employers' lialdllty laws.1
Under other conditions it may take
the form of dealing with franchises
which derive their value from tho
grant of the representatives of the
people. It may be aimed at the niani
lold abuses, far-reaching in their ef
fects, which spring from overeapital-'.
ization. Or it may be necessary to
meet such conditions as those with
which I am now dealing, and to strive
to procure proper supervision and reg
ulation by the National government
of all great corporations engaged in
interstate commerce or doing an inter
state business. ;
There are good people who aie
afraid of each tpye of legislation; and
much the same kind of argument that
is now advanced against the effort to
regulate big corporations has been
again and again advanced against the
c.fiM't to secure proper employers' lia
bility laws or proper factory laws
Willi loference to women anil child
ren; much the same kind of argument
was. advanced but five years ago
against tho franchise tax law enacted
in this state when 1 was governor.
Of course there is always the dan
ger of abuse if legislation of this type!
is approached in a hysterical or senti
mental spiritr, or, above all, if it is ap-
pioaclieii in n spirit ot envy
h:"red toward men of wealth. 1
We must not try to go too fast, un-'
der penalty of finding 'hat we niav l.e j
going in the wrong direction; and la'
any event, we ought aKvays to pro
c ed by evolution an. I n t by revolu
tion. The laws must be conceived
and executed in a spirit of sanity and
j.:s'ice, and with exactly as much re
gard for the rights oft ho big man as
for the rights of the lit tin man treat
ing big man and little man exactly
Our ideal must be the effort to com
bine all proper freedom for individual
effort with some guarantee that the
effort Is not exercised in contraven
tion of the eternal and immutable
principles of Justice.
and we will drive you over the property
The Scenic Features, the Mining
Centers, the Commercial Cities,
the Manufactories, the Smelting In
terests, the Choicest Agricultural
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places, are all along or reached
most conveniently from tne
Many of the best parts of the state
can be reached by no other railway.
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T. E. FISHER, Gen. Pas Agt..
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