of ihe Creator : are we td infer from this, that he
considers the amalgamation so prevalent in slave-
holding countries as a natural one, and conform
able to the designs of Providence ? For that he
has no words of censure.
He winds up. with a declaration of his hostility
to slavery, but alleges the necessity of the case as
the ground of his hostility to emancipation, 'gradu
al or immediate.' This reminds one of Milton's
account of Satan's argument for injury to unof
fending people in the Garden of Eden
"So spake the fiond, and with necessity,
The tyrant's plea, excused his devilish deed."
The abolitionists hope to convince the slavehold
ers that there is no such necessity in the case, but
that emancipation will be safe and advantageous
both to the master and the slave.
He repeats the hacknied assertion, that the re
cent efforts of the Hlmlitinnists hare been the i
cause of the laws which operate most severely on
the slaves, and forbid their being taught to read
and write. This may impose on thoso who have
notstuuied the question, but the friends of abo h
tion know that those laws preceded what is call
ed the- abolition excitement, and that there are di
vers evidences that the condition of the slave has
been ameliorated in consequence of the attention
which abolitionists have recently caused to be
turned to the subject. Among other proofs, is the
most remarkable case which recently occurred in
South Carolina, of the infliction of the same pun
ishment on a white man for the murder of a black
one, as is inflicted on a black for the murder of a
white.
It is proper to remark in conclusion, that two
reports of Mr. Clay's speech have been published,
and that these differ considerably. I have taken
a small portion of my references from a report
published in a Baltimore paper; the remainder
from the National Intelligencer.
From the Emancipator.
Mr. Clay's Speech.
In noticing briefly some of the positions of this
great speech, as it is called, our limits confine us
to a few points. Mr. Clay is doubtless right in
supposing that the abolitionists have gained by the
manner in which their petitions have been treated
by Congress. We wish abolitionists to notice,
however, that this great Whig oracle says, that
"there was no subslcuitial difference",between the
treatment which has been bestowed, and that
which he would have advised. Let this be borne
in mind, when our votes are claimed by the parti
sans of Mr. Clay on the ground of their favor to
the right of petition. But he is wrong in ascrib
ing the "apparent" success of our enterprise chief
ly to this cause. It is one of the paradoxes of di
vine Providence, that the right gains, if properly
supported by its friends, whether its enemies help
or hinder. We devoutly acknowledge the good
hand of our God upon us, that has overruled the
malice of our enemies, and the folly of our prej
udiced countrymen to the furtherance of our cause.
But we by no means admit, that with so much
truth and righteousness on our side, and the favor
of the God of the oppressed always pledged to
our aid, the holy cause of abolition would not
have been much further advanced had its advo
cates met with no outrages upon their persons and
no constitutional violations of their own wriirhts.
At any rate, we are willing to try it for a while ;
and if the mobs, the editors, the politicians and
the clergy will let us alone for three years, we
will see what can be done, and be content to abide
the issue. As Mr. Clay has embodied in his
speech a full sample of the topics which he would
have embodied in a report, and which he thinks
suited to "check the progress if not altogether ar
rest the efforts of abolition," we are willing to let
it have a fair chance to influence the public mind,
and see how many abolitionists it will unmake,
und how much effort it will arrest, and how much
agitation it will putts rest. Trying is the naked
truth.
The admirers of Mr. Clay claim the credit of
great acuteness for the three-fold division which
he has made of those who are "oppressed, or ap
parently opposed, to the continued existence ol
slavery in the United States. As a division, we
would not complain of it particularly. Those
who like it are welcome to class themselves either
with those who are only "apparently" opposed to
slavery. The caricature which he has drawn of
the third class, "the real ultra-abolitionists," will
hurt no one so much as its author. We recog
nise but three classes in the whole community,
those who are openly in favor of the continuance.
of slavery, those who are apparently in favor of
its abolition, and those who are really for going
with just and lawful measures to abolish it. But
as many now claim the name of abolitionist, we
would divide them into theoretical abolitionists and
abolishing abolitionists. The former affect the
abolition of slavery just as theoretical Christianity
affects the conversion of l!;e world.
But we utterly repudiate the sentiments, with
which this honorable Senator has stooped to black
en the character of his third class, the real aboli
tionists. We are not reckless of consequences,
but it is a wise regard to consequences that impels
us onward, it is because we lear the certain
consequences of doing wrong, that we so press-
mgly urge our countrymen to do right and leave
the consequences to God. It is tho slaveholder,
the advocate of continued and perpetual slavery
in our Republic, Henry Clay for Instance, who
id justly chargeable with this madness. "With
them the right of property" which God has given
to every man in himself "are nothing;" the res
ponsibility to God and the world for the right em
ployment of all "the powers of the General Gov
ernment, is nothing j the acknowledged and in
contestible powers of the States," and their duty
to their sister States and to the Union, "are noth
ing ; a civil war, a dissolution of tho Union, and
the overthrow of a government in which are con
centrated the fondest hopest of the civilized world,"
all which slavery hourly threatens and must ere
long inevitably produce, "are nothing. A "single
idea has taken possession of their minds," the de
termination to continue the practice of enslaving
their countrymen, and to protect their crimes lrorn
all attacks, at all hazards, "and onward they pur
sue it, overlooking and overleaping "all barri
ers" of reason, religion, humanity, law and con
stitution, "reckless and regardless of all conse
quences." If Mr. Clay believed that the designs of the
"real ult'n -abolitionists" were ever sought to be
"concealed by the thinnest veil," we can only
pitty his ignorance of the subject which he has
undertaken to discuss. The Anti. Slavery Socie
ty at its first formation, seven years agof wrote its
.designs in letters of light on the banner which it
ung to the winds. "Immediate and Universal
Emancipation" was our word from the beginning.
But we do not believe Mr. Clay is so ignorant as
to suppose it a grand discovery in him to find out
that our wishes are not bounded by what we now
ask of Congress. We ask of Congress to do
that which they can do constitutionally. We
mean to do, through Congress, what we can do
best in that way, and what we cannot do in that
way, wisely, we mean to do in some other way
always w it'hin the bounds of the bible, the consti
tution and the laws. The declaration that we go
for abolition, "peaceably if we can, forcibly if toe
must, ' is a mere laisenoou, ior wmui e unj
Mr. Clav or his glonhers, norm or oouui, to iur
nUl. tlip'slmdow of proof. We go for abolition
" peaceably.
not "if." but UliCAUSU "WH
CAN." And the laet that we have put Hen
ry Clay up to a speech, and that this is all the
speech he can make against ns, proves that we
have begun and can finish.-:
With regard to ulterior designs, we think we
see through the plan which led Mr. Clay to make
so great a figure about his grand discovery. It is
the first move towards a compromise, such as the
"Great Pacificator" is famous for, the basis of
which shall be, first, stipulation on the part of
the abolitionists to cease agitation the subject of
slavery in the States, provided the slaveholders
will either abolish slavery in the District, or re
move the seat of government to the soil of a free
State on the Ohio river. And as he has always
lived among politicians, with whom present expe
diency passes instead of principle, he does not
dream but that this great moral question can thus
become the subject of bargain and sale in politi
cal shambles. That many of the petitioners
limit their wishes to the removal of the seat of
government from the disgraceful scenes by which
it is now surrounded, is very likely. And we
are ready to prove, that there are good and sufl
cient reasons for the exercise of the power of
Congress on this subject, independent of its bear
ing upon our "ulterior designs." And therefore
we claim it as the duty of all citizens to exert
their influence for the abolition of slavery in th
District, even although they are opposed to the
general objects of the abolitionists, but, tor our
selves, we freely admit, that our zeal and perse
veranceare greatly stimulated by the firm belief
we cherish, that slavery in the District of Colum
bia is one of the main pillars of slavery itself, and
that its abolition there will be a deadly blow at the
whole system. But our warfare is with the sys
tern itself, and whether we succeed or fail with
regard to the District, the friends of slavery may
rest assured that our great work is begun to be
finished, and will not be remitted until the horrid
American Bastile is left with not one stone upon
another.
Mr. Clav repeats the sophism, of which th
honor'of authorship may yet create a contest be
tween the politicians and divines, that we have no
"rightful power over the subject of slavery at the
oouin, oecause we are "living m uistinct commu
nilies." We dare say the Grand Turk would
have been delighted with such an argument to
throw in the face of Mr. Clay for his meddlin
with the Greek business. But such sophistry is
too subtle to originate in a Moslem mind, an
could only have been devised under that system
of dialectics, which is taught in our mis-called
Christian schools, where principle bends to expe
diency, and "carnal wisdom" is substituted for the
simplicity of Christ. We have a "rightful power"
over the subject of slavery, and oppression, and
sin, wherever they exist ; a power entrusted to
every good man by the divine command to "have
no fellowship with the unfruitful works of dark
n?ss, dui rattier tiifiiu vii irmjl.' And this
power is exclusively guarantied to us by the con
stitution of the United States in the sacred "free
dom of Speech and of the Press." It is a power
of which the slaveholder already feels the press
ure, and which the monitor within has told him
he cannot bear long. It is a power which has al
ready shaken the citadel of slavery, and which,
if God designs enough of mercy to our guilty
land to allow its continuance, will ere long lay the
proud fortress even with the ground. 1 he "right'
Jul power" to think that slavery is wrong, andim-
mediate emancipation a dutyani to speak what
we think, and to print what we speak, and to
spread it before the rninds of a free people, is all
the power we ask. It is a lever already fixed
and only requires a united heave, to yield us all
we want. We throw back the charge upon Mr.
Clay and the defenders of slavery. Thai have
no "rightful power" by which they can effectually
repel our assaults, and hence they resort to mobs,
and falsehoods, and lynch law, secular or eccle
siastic, and gag-law, and the Senatorial meanness
of lying on the table every thing that savors of
liberty. Hence they are straining the constitu
tion, and sending loby-members to hang around the
legislatures of the free States to wheedle from
them new safeguards for slavery. Hence the
deep political plots, in Church and State, to se
cure the subserviency of the "leading influences"
of the North to the interests of slavery. Lot
them rely only on their "rightful power," and we
will furnish "rightful power" on our side enough
to guaranty the abolition of slavery in every State
of the Union in the space of three years.
Mr. Clay blames us for depicting the "horrors
of slavery" in "exaggerated colors." To this
charge, so far as intention Is concerned, we plead
not guilty. And we challenge an investigation.
Let Congress appoint an "Investigating Commit
tee" on "the horrors or slavery," with full "pow
er to send for persons and papers," and to compel
the attendance and guarantee the security of
witnesses, and was described by Alvan Stewart in
his speech last spring, and we pledge the whole
abolition host to take back every allegation against
the system which we cannot fully prove. Was
the driving of thirty men, by the capitol in clains
an exaggeration? Let the friends of slavery dare
the light of truth and of free enquiry, before they
make the charge of exaggeration. We have un
der all our restrictions, proved enough about the
system to satisfy any unprejudiced mind that there
is no conceivable enormity which is not credible.
Truly, it is a honid crime for us to collect and bla
zon forth the advertisements of slaves. What
then nlust be the character of those who fill the
newspapers of the Sotith with the same things '
Our "recent Southern scenes" tell us tho state of
society at the South.
We deny that these things are published with
the intent to "array one portion against another
portion of the Union." But they are designed,
and well calculated, to array thinking men, of all
portions of the Union, against tho prolific parent
of all these admonitions-rsLAVERY, What other
object can we have ? . Are not tho people of the
South our countrymen, as vveil as those of the
North? And are not the slaves our countrymen
too ? And are we not as much concerned in the.
THE VOICE OF FREEDOM
welfare of our country and the continuance of its
institutions, as other men? We are content to a
bide the issue of a correct census, whether the ab
olitionists have not, as a class, as much at stake
in the commonwealth, and,whether the public has
not as good pledges for our fidelity as citizens,
any equal number of our oppressors North
South.
The "Liberator of Ireland" will doubtless fee
awfully, when he comes to read the withering de
nunciation of the slaveholding American States'
man. Mr, Clay ought to calculate on the vote;
of every son of Erin at the next presidential ele
lion, w e hope our Irish citizens will treasu
up this compliment to O'Connell a slavehold
declaring that he "can only obtain a contraband
admission" into society, and "is received with
scornful repugnance into it." As Mr. Adams
says, terrible ! very terrible 5. !
x :iu luiuarus oi .ur. uiay on ttie alleged cnang
oi operation!) by tne anolitionists, furnish, to th
philosophical observer, a curious illustration
the progress of men's minds during a reform.
The Senator from Kentucky is now prepared
be quite tolerant towards the movements of abo
litionists, if they will confine themselves to "per
suasive means," and "enlightening the enderstand
ings of the slave-holders ; for although it looks
little "presumptuous" for us to think that we wh
nave experienced liberty Know better its value
than those who are steeped in sluvery, yet there
is so much kindness in this avowed motive," that
we might even be allowed to go on in our harm
less idiocy, if we will only consent to do nothing,
. e may preach our principles as much as w
please, if we will not attempt to practice theni our
selves. Our temperance friends in Massachus-
etts are experiencing the same stage of convales
cense. 1 ho champaign drinkers, importers, an
even rum sellers, are all now mightily in favor
temperance as a moral enterprise. Keep to your
"persuasion," gentlemen, and "enlighten the tin
derstandings" of the people, it is a glorious enter
prise, and every body wishes you success, if you
will confine it to its original plan, as a moral move
ment, but don't let it down into the dirty arena of
political action. Very good advice, and no doubt'
very well meant, in either case, especially as com
ing from those who have deliberately and definite
ly made up their minds to standout against a
possible influence of persuasion and light ! Vi
know how to appreciate the favor.
But the senator is in error, (no doubt misled by
the lalseuoods of a venal press, when he o
to have informed himself at the fountain head,
in stating that abolitionists have "recently resolv
ed to change their system of action" and "now
propose to substitute the powers of the ballot box
Now, we can inform this wise statesman, that th
Convention which formed the American Anti-Sla
very Society recognized in their public Dcclara
tion of Sentiments, "the highest obligations rest
ing upon the people of the free States, to remove
slavery by moral and political action, as prescrib
ed by the Constitution of the United States."
And therefore, it he will prove upon us a depar
ture from our original plan of operation he must
convict us of a violation of the U. S. Constitu
tion.
The true secret of the matter is, that our politi
cat action was not deemed of any consequence.
when we were a handful of some dozens, scatter
ed through the Union. But now, when it is de
monstrated that the abolitionists, by holding the
balance of power, can if they choose to act togeth
er, control the elections in every state and in the
nation, our awakened and scarred sentry rubs his
eyes and exclaims, " W hy, I did not think you
would act abolitionism at the polls." What
you did not think of it? We told you we should
do it, and we mean to employ all the just and law
ful instruments and influences in our power, til
slavery is abandoned. Our warning is fair, and
has been so from the becrinninc. Let those who
slight it blame themselves.
When, at the close of the fall election, the servile
prints declared that political abolition was a mere
minus quantity, we ventured to predict that the
slaveholders would not so consider it, and that the
calculating political wire-workers would not de
spise it. And now we find the great slaveholding
statesman saying on the floor of the U. b. Sen
ate, "Mr. President.it is at THIS ALARMING
STAGE OF THE PROCEEDINGS of the ul
tra abolitionists, that I would invite every consid
erate man in the country solemnly to pause, and
deliberately to rellect, not merely on our existing
posture, but jipon that dreadful precipice down
which they would hurry us." Is Henry Clay
startled at a shadow, or alarmed at the political
movements ot a power which is proved to be a mi
nus quantity ?
but we, too, reiterate the solemn warning of
this political seer. It is time for " every consid
erate man to pause." Let the din of political strife
cease for awhile. Let the hurry of trade be sus
pended. Let even speculation stand still. Let
the nation " solemnly pause, and deliberately re
fleet." It is time, when the slaves of this nation,
already equal in numbers the nation that achieved
our independence : When nations of freed blacks
are springing up all around us : When" the eye
of the civilized world is turned in full glare upon
our crime: When it is become apparent that the
first shake of the political earthquake which
reaches our shores must throw down the walls of
the prison-house, and loose the chains of the
captives : Surely, it is time for a solemn pause, that
we may for once reflect on our position. O, that
the nation would cease from mobs, and gags, and
murders, and " reflect." Reflection may save us.
There is yet hope for us. The mercy of God is
not clean gone. But " our present position" is full
of danger, and there is a " dreadful precipice" just
before us, from which we firmly believe the exist
ence and influence of the Anti-Slavery Society is
now tho only barrier.
I We have more to say of this speech, but the
space required by other matters, compels us to
pause ' and leave our readers to "reflect," till
another week.
Effects of the Gag;.
The following extract of a letter to the editor
of the Friend of Man will show how abolitionists
feel.
I found our friends in fine spirits, and they be-
ieve that the hour of the slave's redemption can
not be far off, when a northern man like Atherton,
of New Hampshire, in Congress, can make him
self the contemptible cat's-paw of slaveholders, to
violate the constitution, nnd make our name a bye
word and hiss of contempt among the nations of
the earth. They believe the nation will arise and
vindicate its insulted constitution, and cut itself
oose from that mill stone of slavery which has so
long been sinking us in tho great slough of eternal
disgrace. Look at the three worthy gaggers,
Pinckney, Patton, and Atherton, a triumvirate of
poor creatures, whose names will pollute every
page of history, where their ineffaceable actions
shall be recorded..
The Atherton. resolutions, in the House of Rep
resentatives for December, 1838, are better for the
cause of abolition, as a moia) capital with which
to assail slavery, than an hundred thousand dol
lars to be employed in books and agents to en
lighten the public mind. These resolution? show
us the real character of slaveholders, who are wil
ling to sacrifice their country, its constitution, the
right of petition, yea more than dissolve the Un
ion, to destroy the Union, and make slaves of the
white men, as well as colored. This will not last
long. There is a great crisis hastening to an ex
plosion. Our friends are determined to pile upon
the table of Congress the to-be-unread-and-uncon-
siuereu pennons ior me siave, anu see how our
state legislature will act in behalf of human liber
ty' on the petitions to be presented. Every thing
i i r - . v , i .
Irom every quarter, is lull ol encouragement ; th
prospects of the slave were never so flattering as
at this very hour. All we have done yet, has
been in this great school of human benevolence
to learn the rudiments of human riohts, disabuse
the mind of ten thousand errors in relation 1
man, religion, law, and political rights. By th
time the year 1840 shall have ended, I believe we
shall satisfy our opponents, that we shall wage
war against oppression in this land, which shall
not terminate until the slave is a freeman.
Your friend, and that of
the oppressed,
Alvan Stewart,
THE VOICE OF FREEDOM
MONTPELIEIt, SATURDAY, MARCH 2, 1839,
Vermont Anti-Slavery Society.
The annual meeting at Middlebury last wee
was emphatically a good one. In defiance of bad
travelling, a goodly number of delegates and vo.
unteers were on the spot in season for the prelim
inary meeting on Tuesday evening. The dele
gates from Waitsfield, we were told, performe
their journey on foot. If they took Lincoln moun
tain in their way, they must have thought of Bun
yan's hill Difficulty by the time they reached its
snow-clad summit. But to the meeting.
At the appointed hour, the large Methodist
Chapel was well filled. On entering, it was grat
ifying to recognize the stern countenance of Or
ange Scott in the desk. After an impressive pray
er by Rev. Mr. Shaw, the audience were enter
tained with a chaste, well-timed and eloquent ad
dress, not from one who had 'fought with beasts at
Ephesus,' but who seemed to possess much of his
spirit, and who stood up so nobly for the right be
fore the Methodist General Conference at Cincin
nati. The marked attention of the audience for
nearly two hours, unbroken save by the hearty
'amen' of one and another, whose heart was too
full for silence, left no room to doubt that the im
pression was most salutary.
The annual report of the Executive Committee;
written by E. D. Barber, Esq. was submitted on
Tuesday. It is characterized by the signal ability
of its author, and presents an encouraging review
of the progress of the cause the past year. Th
Atherton gag resolutions are discussed at length
and shown up in a becoming manner. One thous
and copies of the report are to be printed in pamph
let form.
The Executive Committee have exercised a vig-
lant supervision over th e interests of the cause
throughout the year, having held meetings regu
larly every month. Their excellent chairman
Rowland T. Robinsonwe regret to say, was not
able to attend the anniversary, by reason of if
health.
Wednesday afternoon and evening, and the
whole of Thursday were taken up in a free and
full discussion of the resolutions presented through
the business committee. That relating to the po
itcal duties and responsibilities of abolitionists was
discussed at great length, pro and con, and finally
adopted by a rising vote, only two or three of the
whole body dissenting.
When the subject of funds came up, great
promptitude was manifested. About fifteen hun
dred dollars were pledged in a few minutes. One
ielegate from Franklin county paid fifty dollars ' on
the nail' another from Washington county, twen-ty-fivo.
Among the contributions sent in was a
string of gold beads, from Mrs. Stewart of West
ford, the mother of Alvan Stewart, Esq.
The meetings were held alternately in the Meth-
dist, Baptist and Congregational Churches. Th
attendance of the inhabitants of Middlebury was
unusually large, and ample provision was m'ade
for the entertainment of the delegates.
General Agent.
We are happy in being able to announce, that
lie Rev. Joau Seely has received and accepted
an appointment as General Agent of the Vermont
Anti-Slavery Society. Mr. S. is advantageously
novvn to the community as a former agent of the
American, and more recently, of the Vermont Bi
ble Society. We doubt not he will be met with
prompt and cordial co-operation on the part of the
friends of emancipation in our state. Mr. h. is
authorised to receive subscriptions and give re
ceipts for the Voice of Freedom. His first field
f labor is Franklin county.
Rev. Benjamin Shaw, of Weston, and Col. J.
Miller, of Montpelier, have been appointed
Agents of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society.
Both gentlemen are authorised to receive subscrip
tions and give receipts for the Voice of Freedom.
A minister of Vermont was lately ad vised by an
aged! C'cJoniza.tionist to let Abolition alone, and at
tend to his appropriate work preaching the gospel.
The old gentleman was reminded that the gospel
was to " preach deliverance to the captive and the
opening of the prison to them that are bound."
One of the resolutions of the SlarksboEO'' and
Lincoln anti-slavery society, on the first page of
this number, expresses a wish " that the anti-slavery
philanthropy of Vermont might be displayed on
a larger sheet." We take occasion to say, that
we shall gladly comply with the wishes of our
friends in this respect, whenever the patronage of
the public will warrant an enlargement. Our
friends must not expect us to furnish a sheet of as
ample dimensions as some of the city papers whose
proprietors issue a weekly edition of 5 to 10,000
copies.
Education. The Vermont Chronicle. contains
a call for a convention of the friends of education,
to assemble at Windsor on the 12th day of March.
" It is prosposed to bring together those who are
interested in our schools, academies and colleges,
that they may impart and receive information ;
that they may deliberate, and take measures for
the improvement of our whole school system."
The first lecture is to be by Hon. Jacob Collamer.
The editor of the Vermont Mercury insists that
" slavery is in a measure, natural to the negro."
This is substantially the notion of Mr. Coloniza
tion Breckenridge, we believe. He holds, that
slavery is " an ordination of providence."
" Natural to the negro" that is, it is natural
for negroes to be robbed of their natural rights !
Natural for negroes to be plundered of their earn
ings ! Natural for negroes to be denied the know
ledge of letters ! Natural for negroes to be held
and treated as mere animals ! Verily, ' the school
master is abroad.'
We are indebted to a friend for a pamphlet copy
of a discourse recently delivered in Hollis street
church, Boston, by Rev. John Pierpont, on the
connection of morals and political .action. It is
an excellent and timely production. An extract,
at least, will bo given to our readers in a future
number.
For the Voice of Freedom,
Consistency of Slave-holders,
Returning in the steamboat Sandusky from Detroit to
Buffalo, I came in contact with a loud, swaggering Alaba
ma slaveholder, formerly of Genessee Co. N. Y. (We at
the North, forsooth, have nothing to do with slavery!) He
was rating the abolitionists as stupid blockheads for pre
tending they dare not go to the South and there utter their
sentiments. He loudly assured us that it was false; for any
abolitionist, no matter how fanatical, might go to the South
and utter what he pleased without the least molestation.
Of course I knew better, and cited to bim the case of Dres
ser, Hopper, and others: but these, in his estimation, were
all anti-slavery lies. In the course of our discussion, I
took occasion to tell him frankly, as every true abolitionist
will love to do on such occasions, what I thought of slavery
and slaveholding. The haughty southerner's anger was
kindled: in much heat he repeated, "It is well for you,
sir, that you do not utter these sentiments at the South. If
we had you there, we would fix you." In reply ,I merely
reminded him of the proposition he started with, viz: that
abolitionists might say what they pleased at the South.
The shout of the bystanders reminded him of his inconsis
tency.
Having left the steamboat, I found myself on board of a
canal-boat with a company of pro-slavery men of the first
water. All who have travelled our great commercial thor
oughfares will have been surprised to find them thronged
with slaveholders and their apologists. Having commen
ced a discuussion, one of them boastingly assured me that
he had a brother a slaveholder at the far South, a number
of whose slaves he had assisted him to kidnap at the North,
and that he would like to engage in the same profitable bu
siness again. His looks, manner and character strongly
corroborated his statement. And yet, we at the North
have nothing to do with slavery, tho' our poor colored
brethren have been kidnapped by scores and hundreds,
and that too by our own people, on their own confession.
Soon after, on board of another boat, I fell in with a sea
captain, whose native place wqs Weathersfield, Ct., if I
mistake not. He frankly confessed that he had been can-
ain of a slaver for many years, and had brought many
slaves to this country. As he appeared to be dying of the
consumption, I kindly inquired "My dear sir, have you
ever repented of that enormous sin ?" "Repent! why
should I .'" he replied, " it teas lawful." Just as con
sistently does the slaveholder reply, when urged to re
pent of the enormous sin of buying and selling and imbru-
ting the image cf God, "repent! why should I ? it is law
ful." G.
Barnard, Vt., Feb. 8, 1838.
Death of Rev. Dr. Fisk.
Letter from Rev. Professor Holdich of the Wesley an
universiiy.
Middletown, Feb. 22, 183ft.
To Mr. Wm. C. Brown, Editor of Zion's Herald:
Dear Brother, lhough the tidings 1 have to tom
unicate are .nclancholy, hey are such as you and the
public feel deeply interested in. Our venerable President,
Dr. Fisk, breathed his last at about twenty minutes before
ten this (Friday) morning. His death has been expected
Imost daily for the last fortnight, and more than once he
has seemed to be in death's agonies. He has. however.
een each time relieved, and has lingered on in ureat suf
fering until the last twenty four hours, when he sunk into
stale of stupor, and, no doubt, for several hours before
is death, was destitute of consciousness. Owing to his
asthmatic state, he was not able to lie on the bed more
than one hour in twelve, and the weariness of sitting con
stantly in his chair, must have been inconceivable to us.
-Notwithstanding his sufferings, his chamber was singu-
arly edifying. So much calmness, self-possession, pa
tience and faith were surprising. Many of his expres-
ions were beautiful nay, sublime. They were noted
own by the friends at the time, and will, no doubt, ha
hereafter published. Even when apparently insensible to
everv thing, he was olive to the name of the Saviour, and
by occasional ejaculations, or signs, showed that his
thoughts were in heaven.
I know that you would be glad to near more, but 1 have
not time at present, to write farther. Our hearts are op.
pressed with grief, and all around us seems to breathe one
spirit of dosolation and sorrow. May the death of the
great and good teach us true wisdom, and lead us to tb
source of all strength and wisdom.
Voursin sincere respect, and sympathizing grief,
J. HoLDICH.