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The Voice of freedom. volume (None) 1839-1848, April 13, 1839, Image 2

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TIIK VOICE OF FREEDOM.
a rule to either white or Mack. In conclusion the
certificate was refused, and the man discharged.
This was received with loud demonstrations of
joy by the audience the man clasped his wife and
children, and they embraced him. The wife in
her ecstacy of joy cried out ' Give God the glo
rir rrive God llie glory.' The hearts and conn
tenances spake one languasre, ' the dead is alive
again, the lost is found.' He was borne away in
triumph by his brethren, amid the greetings and
pratelul feelings of hundreds, to the chagrin of the
despicable-Albert!, the slave-catcher and his asso
ciates..
Thy friend, JAMES MOTT.
Profound Distinction.
We opine that the slaveholders will deem them
selves greatly indebted to the author of the follow'
ing elaborate discription to prove that slaveholding
is different from stealing. The writer has not
made himself as well known as he ought to the
reading world, but now occupies, temporarily, but
with ram" merit, the Kditnrial chair of the Penn
sylvania Freeman, during the temporary respite
from labor of J. G. Whiltier. The knowledge
which friend ' E.' has of legal and political sci
ence, and his singular accuracy of discrimination,
and clearness and correctness of language, render
it his imperative duty to employ his pen freely in
the elucidation of the various delicate and funda
mental principles which the Anti-Slavery Reform
is bringing forward for final settlement.
IS SLAVE HOLDING STEALING ?
It is said that some individuals, opposed to
slaveholding have declared it to be stealing, and
that some of our southern brethren have complain
ed of this, as an act of injustice. We, therefore,
propose briefly to examine the accuracy of thus
denominating the offence. Stealing is the taking
of the goods of another in a secret or furtive man
ner. There is nothing of this manner in slave
holding, for it goes openly about its work. Here
then is one difference. Stealing is the taking from
an individual, a portion of the surplus fruits of his
past industry, leaving him free to enjoy the re
mainder, as well as his future earnings ; but
slavcholding is the violent seizure of the whole
surplus earnings of an individual, during the
whole term of his natural life. Here is a second
difference. The thief does not prevent his vic
tim from being clothed and fed, for he takes only
what he has remaining, after providing for his dai
ly wants ; but slaveholding arrests the requisite
portion and quality of food before it reaches the
mouth of the laborer, and prevents comfortable
clothing from covering his back. This is a third
difference. Stealing does not inflict injury on
the person; but slaveholding covers it with stripes
and wounds. This is a fourth difference. Steal
ing does not deprive its victim of the enjoyment of
personal liberty and recreation, according to his
fancy; but slaveholding chains him down ton
particular spot, according to the will of another,
and forbids his innocent amusements, except at
the pleasure of another. This is a fifth differ
ence. Stealing does not separate the husband
from the wife, the mother from the child ; but sla
very severs these relations, never to meet again up
on the earth. Here is a sixth difference. Steal
ing does not deprive its victim of redress for
wrongs, through a fair trial in a court of justice ;
but slaveholding takes from him this privilege : it
forbids . the reception of testimony from the. only
witnesses to outrages against him. Here is a
seventh difference. Stealing does not war against
the restoration of the goods, upon the repentance
of the thief ; but slaveholding combines its forces,
and prevents by legal enactments the repentant
slaveholder from restoring liberty to his captive.
Here is an eighth difference. Stealing shuns the
gaze of the injured party, and confesses its own
comparative unworthiness ; but slaveholding glo
ries in its shame, and taunts its oppressed with airs
of superior excellence and virtue. Here is a ninth
difference. Stealing does not prevent its victim
from mental improvement and recreation ; but
slaveholding seals against him the book of knowl
edge, and vengeance upon all who would open ii
before his eyes. Here is a tenth difference.
Stealing does not deprive its victim of the consola
tions of religion, under his affliction ; but slave
holding forbids their enjoyment, otherwise than
through the hearing of the gospel of justice and
mercy expounded by those who arc required so to
construe it as to justify the wrongs he sutlers.
There are thus eleven marked differences be
tween stealing and slaveholding : a number equal
to the ten commandments of Moses, with the ad
dition of the new commandment of Christ. Have
not our southern brethren cause, therefore, lb corn
plain, that things so different should be confound
ed together ? Who are our southern brethren?
If we believe the scripture doctrine, that of one
blood the Creator hath made all nations of men to
dwell on the face of the earth, then we must ac
knowledge, that both slaveholders and slaves are
our southern brethren. This being done, it will
become evident, that at least some portion of our
southern brethren have good grounds for charging
those with injustice towards them, who assert that
slaveholding and larceny are one and the same
thing.
From Zion's Watchman.
Melancholy Accident.
Mr. Editor, The following letter is from my
brother-in-law, Jas. S. Shedden, Esq., one of
your firm friends and patrons, and a devoted friend
of the slave. I forward it to you for publication,
hoping that it may not only excite the sympathy
and prayers of Christian friends for the afflicted
parents, but also serve the interests of the public
as a warning to guard them against similar occur
rences. A. WlTUERSPOON.
MooEits, March 15, 1S30.
My very dear Friends, It is with aching heart
and under circumstances the most painful, that we
nddress vou at this time. It is not the loss of
worldly property that pains our hearts or causes
tears to flow. No, my friends, we are too much
accustomed to scenes of that kind to permit them
to move us. It is nflijetion of another kind, of
more terrific form. Start not when we tell you
our Junius is no more ! When we inform you
his little spirit is gone ! is goni ! ! But this, too,
would have been tolerable were it not for the cir
cumstances of his exit. Had he been taken from
us in the usual course of Providence, we could
have endured it, comparatively without a mur
mur. But it has pleased the Almighty to lake
him in a way we thought not of.
Yesterday while the men were at dinner, he
went from Mr. Walker's over to the new house,
and as we suppose, commenced burning shavings
which communicated with others, and in a mo
ment enveloped the building in flamR encircling
our Junius in the midst.
Immediately the alarm of fire ! fire ! fire ! ran
along our streets, and we all to the number of 30
'or 40, were on the spot, and still the fire raged.
But we little thought that the- devouring element
was then preying upon the form of our little Ju
nius, nq wn imt then missed him. When we
(mypil ninnno- tlm children nresent and saw him
?,nt .n Mn m i imi'n mV as he used to call
him, and he was not there, when we became con
firmnd in the. helief that we should never find him
m n ljfoUee mnss. rescued from the raging
element. We then took a position the best calcu
lated to reach the fact which we had too truly be
lieved ; and wo were the first to discover our dar-linn-
boy amid the curling flames, a dark, mutilat
ed Corpse ! We then went around to the kitchen
window and commenced flinging water in the di
rection we saw him, and by so doing we rescued
a part of him. from being wholly consumed.
To-day Mr. Seaton preached his funeral ser
mon from Pro v. 27 : 1 ; and we committed his
remains to the silent tomb, there to rest until sum
moned by the archangel to the judgment of the
great day.
We know that you have parted with your chil
dren, and have felt a parent's pangs as you have
seen the last fhckerings of sintering nature de
part. We know you can, in some measure, sym
pathise with us, but we think none can realize
how hard it is to part with a dear child under the
above circumstances, them excepted. who have had
like trials. Yours, &c,
James and Ann Shedden.
Their little son, about 4 years of age.
The Clergy of Vermont.
Elijah Paine, Pres't. of the Vt. Colonization So
ciety, bears the lollowing honorable testimony to
the clergy of the ureen Mountains, m a letter m
which he proposes, if Vermont will raise $G,000
for the Colonization Society by the 1st of Decem
ber, 1839, to add another '$1000 from his own
nurse, very safe pledge ! He says :
" Before I close this long letter, I hope the cler
gy of Vermont will permit me to address a few
words to them. It is but a few years since a
goodly number of ministers took up contributions
in their societies. That number has been decreas
ing for five or six years, until this year. This
year, since the first of January, i. e. till the 11th
Dec. 183S the number is small indeed. Only
seven congregations have contributed any thing
since that time." file then names Williamstown,
Woodstock, Brookfield, Bennington, Brattleboro'
West Parish, Danville i.nd Bridport; which
gave in all eighty-four dollars and fuiir cents .'1
And I know that one of these contributions was
not asked for by the minister."
Well done for the clergy of V ermont ! But Mr.
Paine proceeds, as well as he knows how, to spoil
the compliment :
" 1 do not permit myself to doubt that there are
many clergymen friendly to the cause of Coloniz
ation ; and 1 have sought in my own mind for
the reason why such ministers have not asked for
contributions ; and I have come to the conclusion
that where there are a very few abolitionists in
their congregations, they are afraid of giving of
fence if they should ask for contributions.' But
abolition ministers do not discover such timidity.
When they have any Colonizationists in their so
cieties, they are not afraid to nsk for money topay
their itinerant lecturers. Is it because the latter
possess more moral courage than the former ?"
rso, Mr. Paine, it is because they possess a bet
ter cause. Mass. Abolitionist.
From the Vermont Telegraph.
Selling the Church.
Brother MuniiAY, A lady of more than ordi
nary intellect, of high respectability and on whom
perfect reliance for vcraeily can be placed, who
had spent several years in Lexington, Kentucky,
informed me that there was in that place a free
colored man, a blacksmith by profession, who had
by his industry become rich, that he owned and
lived in a large brick house, &c, that he was a
member of the church, and that for some misde
meanor his brethren labored with him to produce
a confession of his wrong, but in vain. At length
he grew weary with their constant iiripoitunities,
and he finally told them if they did not desist
from further interference with his concerns he
would purchase all of them and sell them to ' the
soul-driver,' who would send them down the river
to a southern market. As most, if not all the
church were slaves, and as they dreaded a separa
tion from their friends and a southern bondage
next to death, this had the desired effect. The
subject was entirely dropped, and he who had
caused so much grief to his brethren, remained
in full communion, notwithstanding his offence.
Cordially yours, J. A. Allen.
Middlebury, March 27, 1839.
From Zion's Watchman.
Sliclburne, Vt.
Mr. Editor, We have recently held a protrac
ted meeting in this station, and it pleased the great
Head of the church to give us one of the most
blessed seasons that lever witnessed. The church
were united in feeling and effort to a man ; in
deed, I never saw the like iumy life before. We
had good, affectionate, convincing preaching, from
brothers M. Bates, P. Elder of the district, J. F.
Chambf.rlain, and J. Frazer, and the solemn,
melting influence experienced by the congregations
resulted in the salvation of about 30 souls ; 23
have joined already, some of them very interest
ing cases. Immediate emancipation to the soul
and body ot all enslaved is the true doctrine.
Praise the Lord for his goodness? to my flock in
Shelburne.
In haste and affection,
C. PrINDLE.
Shelbunic Sta. Troy Conf., March 2G, 1839.
Morris' Speucii. Wc do not endorse the par
ty bearings of Mr. Morris" speech. In other re
spects, it is all we could desire. He has carried
the war home into thecampof the enemy, in a style
which no man has before done, on the lloor of con
gress. Adams has been the A jnx of the rightofpeti
tiofi. Slade has proposed &defendel abolition in the
District, in a substantial and sound manner. Mor
ris has struck still deeper has confounded the
sophistries of Mr. Clay, and carried all before him.
Others have done very well, for Congressmen.
Morris rises higher and lake3 the stand of a thor
ough going abolition lecturer and disputant, on the
floor of Congress. We are glad to learn, from
the Emancipator, that our New York friends are
putting this speech in a pamphlet form, for general
circulation. Friend of Man.
THE VOICE OF FREEDOM.
MONTPELIER, SATURDAY, APRIL 13, 1839.
Itcv. Chester Wright's Address.
(concluded.)
To the Enemies of American Slaveholding:
Yes, Mr. Clay, in all that we say and do a
gainst the sin of slaveholding, we say and do as
we would that you and your brother slaveholders
should do to us if you find occasion. If you send
missionaries, however, to reason with us against
what you deem wicked institutions, it were better
not to send duellists, who apologize for fashionable
murder by the plea that it is a subject on which
we cannot reason tho' wc should. From the lips
of those inculcating such morality, it is to be fear
ed we should be loth to take lessons.
For a reply to Mr. Clay's statement of the a
mount of slave property at the south as one of the
insuperable obstacles in the way of abolition, he
and his friends are referred to tho strictures of
brother K. Bayley, in a late number of the Voice
of Freedom. Tho position taken by Mr. Clay on
this point brings to mind a rich man, who, under
the influence of an awakened conscience, made an
estimate of the sum it would require to restore his
ill-gotten gains, and finding it would require a
large portion of his estate, mustered resolution to
say, I will not make this sacrifice. Whether his
decision was a wise one, the day of final retribu
tion will show. In regard to the frightful images
that haunt the mind of Mr. Clay, of the conflicts
and blood and carnage which would follow a gen
eral emancipation of the slaves in their future
struggle for power, it is enough to say, let him
apply to the case the passage of holy writ he has
quoted for the unholy purpose of guarding us a
gainst concern for the consequences of the contin
uance of slavery in ages to come, " Sufficient to
the day is the evil thereof." And surely it would
require a wiser casuist than he to make out that
greater evil is likely to result, in days to come,
from the removal of a most cruel and wicked sys
tem of oppression, than from its continuance. Ac
cording to his doctrine, we are not to think the
present slavery of three millions, with all their
ignorance, degradation, wretchedness, heathenism
and promiscuous concubinage, and all the concom
itant horrors of the accursed traffic in human flesh,
severing, as it often does, all the tender ties that
bind heart to heart, and soften to endurance even
the rigor of negro bondage, as any serious evil.
This horrible condition of three millions of im
mortal beings, viewed in connexion with the gen-
eral prosperity of the country, Mr. Clay would
have us regard as no serious evil, and even sup
poses it will be no serious evil fifty or a hundred
years to come. When the slaves have increased
to from fifty to an hundred millions, the question
will be asked, as it was more than fifty years ago,
arc they ever to remain in bondage ? The pros
perity of fifty past years, he says, has been but lit
tle chequered by slavery. If he values so low the
freedom and happiness of three millions of people
because they are black, no man on earth, not even
the slave that has a heart of sensibility, need envy
him. He says, with the blessing of Providence,
we have hitherto taken care of ourselves. But
what care have we taken of the black man ? Pos
terity will, he says, find the means of its own pres
ervation and prosperity. It may be so. But in
which way are they most likely to find this? By
maintaining slavery, or by abolishing it? By fra
ining and practising iniquity by law, and uphold
ing a system of the most grinding and cruel op
pression, or by dealing equal rights and justice tcl
all?
Docs righteousness exalt a nation ? And will
any man, at this late day, reply, what is right ? i
What does God riquire in the premises ? God re
quires, man, that we undo the heavy burdens, am
let the oppressed go free, and that we break even
yoke. But the consequences! At the prospec
of these the great statesman trembles, and think
even abolitionists would shrink back at the sight
with horror and dismay. Nay, Mr. Clay, " suf
ficient to the day is the evil thereof." Abolition
ists look at the evil of the present day. They
think the present mass of guilt, and pollution, and
wretchedness, connected with the slavery of three
millions at the south, an evil sufficiently appalling
for the present day, and calling for the . putting
forth of all their energies to bring about its remo
val in a peaceable and constitutional way, without
troubling themselves with the -frightful pictures
which slaveholders are so busy in drawing of the
consequences of their measures. As American
citizens, they understand their rights, and feel, in
some measure, their responsibilities. And Mr.
Clay should know that they do not confine their
sympathies nor their efforts to their suffering
countrymen, tho' they believe a large share is due
to them. They remember that of one blood God
hath made all nations of men. Their wishes,
their prayers, and their contributions, to n greater
or less extent, are put forth for the promotion of
the elevation from ignorance, slavery and sin, of
nations and people in distant parts of the earth and
in the islands of the sea. If they bestow a larger
portion of their efforts in behalf of their own coun
trymen, in behalf of three millions of their breth
ren nt home, and in chains, it is not because they
suppose their happines worth more than the hap
piness of an equal number in Europe, Asia, or
Africa; Imt because, from their proximity and
their peculiar political relation to them, they .have
greater facilities for doing them good. They re
member, too, that their fathers rose in arms for
the deliverance of three millions from British op
pression, and for securing them and their posteri
ty in the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty,
even where personal liberty was not in danger.
And they believe that if, through the blessing of
God on the bloodless and peaceful enterprize in
which they have embarked, they can at length
prevail on those who have the power to unclench
the hand of oppression, and restore the rights of
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, to the
three millions now, as Mr. Clay says, in bondage,
it will be a more glorious achievement than that
which established the independence and self-government
of their country. In this cause, trusting
in God, they are resolved to labor ; and from the
vigorous prosecution of it, no bug-bears of duel
lists and slaveholding politicians will ever frighten
them. CHESTER WRIGHT.
Caledonia Comity, March, 1839.
Anti-Slavery at 3Iontpelier.
The evening of Fast Day was appropriately inv
proved by a large number of citizens of this vil
lage and vicinity, who assembled according to no-
tice, at tho Free Church, to consider the claims of
our countrymen in bonds.
William Upham, Esq. was called to the chair,
and after prayer by Rev. Mr. Kellogg, several res
olutions, embracing the great principles of the anti-slavery
cause, and setting forth the duties and
responsibilities of Northern men, were presented
for consideration.
The first resolution asserted the cause of the
slave to be essentially and vitally connected with
the prevalence of the gospel and its open advocacy
an indispensable duty.
The second resolution related especially to the
duty of ministers of the goepel, it being the same
that was unanimously adopted at the late county
meeting, viz : " That in the minister of the gos
pel, the slave has an advocate, set apart by the
nature of his office and the authority of his Mas
ter, to the great work of emancipation."
The discussion on the second resolution was
opened by the Rev. B. W. Smith, who was un
derstood to express his hearty concurrence in its
sentiment, although he has not, hitherto, publicly
committed himself on the side of immediate eman
cipation. Mr. Kellogg, Mr. Secly and others,
participated in thediscussion till a late hour, the
audience manifesting unwearied interest through
out, when the meeting adjourned to meet again,
at the same place, on Friday evening of this week
(April 12.)
On the last Sabbath, Mr. Seely, by invitation,
occupied tho desk of the Brick Church, it being
expressly understood, beforehand, that the claims
of those who have " fallen among thieves " would
be presented and urged upon the congregation.
In the afternoon discourse, which we had the priv
ilege of hearing, the preacher laid down with much
force and faithfulness, the great christian duty of
pleading the cause of the poor and needy, and of
remembering those who are in bonds, as bound
with them. We cannot but hope that the spirit
of inquiry which has been waked up by the re
cent movements here, will result in, a more per
fect union of feeling and action in reference to a
question so vitally affecting the temporal and
eternal interests of man, the prosperity of the
church and the glory of our Lord.
Rev. Ben. Shaw. We gather from a lengthy
letter from this brother, that he has been laboring
as an agent in the southeasterly part of the state,
with considerable success. From first to last he
has assisted in organizing 23 anti-slavery socie
ties, with an aggregate number of 915 members,
besides lecturing to some extent among societies
before organized, numbering in the aggregate 777
members. By the way, in giving new organiza
tions, the names of the president and secretary
should be stated, with the post office address.
Mr. S. is a preacher of the Methodist connexion,
his post office address, Weston, Vt.
Mr. Shaw's Lectures.
(7 In a letter dated April 4, Mr. Shaw writes,
" I wish you to rccal all my appointments, after
Pomfrct, 17th. I will endeavor to fulfil that, and
all till then, but my lungs have been injured by
repeated colds and much speaking, and I must de
sist soon and rest , a little."
Errata, An obvious error occurred in the
phraseology of the first paragraph of the second
column of our last paper occasioned by an alter
ation of figures after the report was written. In
the fifth paragraph, same column, read "they
drop from haughty dictators into irrepricvalle cul
prits," &c.
Wc tender our hearty thanks to Mr. Wright for
his excellent address.
Massachusetts forever ! After the exceed
ingly servile action on the part of the Legislature
of Ohio, in effect requiring the free citizens of that
proud state to play the part of slave-cathcrs for the
South, it is pleasant to be able to place on record
the bold and freedom-breathing resolves of the an
cient Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 'where
liberty has loved to dwell, and where, as the al
moner of God's bounty, she has quenched the peo
ple's thirst from the smitten rock.' The subjoin
ed resolutions, we learn, passed the Legislature of
Massachusetts a few days since :
RESOLVES
Touching certain laws of slavcholding States,
ivhich affect the rights of citizens of Massachu
setts. '
Whereas, under the laws of several States in this
Union, a part of the citizens of this Commonwealth,
visiting those States for purposes of business, and
others driven thither by misfortune, may be, in
point of fact, often have been, and do still continue
to be, though entirely guiltlesss of crime, incarce
rated in prisons, subjected to onerous fines, and in
many instances sold into temporary, and not selt
dom into perpetual slavery therefore,
1. Resolved, That this Legislature deem it a par
amount duty of the State, to protect its citizens in
the enjoyment and exercise of all the rights, to
which, by virtue of their citizenship, they are en
titled. 1 3
2. Resolved, That this Legislature do solemnly
protest againtthe laws in question, as a direct in
vasion of the sacred rights of citizens of this Com
monwealth, as palpably contrary to both the letter
and the spirit of the Constitution of these United
States, and as in utter derogation of that great
principle of the common law, which presumes ev
ery man to be innocent, and treats him as such,
until he be proved guilty.
3. Resolved, That this Legislature, not willing
that so important a matter as the liberty of a cit
izen of Massachusetts should depend on the pre
carious bounty of individual benevolence, do here
by authorize His Excellency the Governor, when
ever it shall be made to appear to His Excellency's
satisfaction, that a citizen of this Commonwealth
is imprisoned on suspicion of being a slave, to em
ploy, at the public expense, a suitable person as
agent, whose duty it shall be, to procure the requi
site proofs in the case, to proceed, if necessary, to
the -State where the individual is so imprisoned, to
lay the matter before the proper authorities, and,
having obtained the release of the said individual,
to bring, or cause him to be brought, to a place of
safety ; and that His Excellency be hereby em
powered to draw on the treasury of this Common
wealth for the expenditures of such agency and
procedure.
4. Resolved, That His Excellency the Govern
or be requested to transmit copies of this report
and these resolves to the Executives of the sever
al States of this Union, and to each of our Sena
tors and Representatives in the 26th Congress of
the United States.
For tho Voice of Freedom.
Mr. Knapp : I thank you for giving us Mr.
Morris' speech in the Voice of Freedom. It
should be placed in every family, and read by ev
ery friend of humanity. Will' those editors who
have published Mr. Clay's speech, with high en
comiums, have the magnanimity to publish Mr.
Morris', and let their readers see both sides of the
question ? If they do not, may we not fairly infer
that they feel conscious that their champion is
vanquished and driven from the field ? I think
Goliath will not wish again to meet David with
his sling and stone. Let us be thankful that there
was one honorable Senator that did not cower be
fore the champion of slavery. And let us hope,
that at the next onset other honorable Senators
will come to the rescue. Such conflicts, such dis
cussion will not be lost. It is what we want, what
we invite. Slavery has talent on her side ; and
if she has truth and righteousness on her side, she
as nothing to fear. Why then does she shrink
om investigation, and with superlative meanness
ink under gag laics for protection ? Her con-
lct shows that she is conscious of her guilt, and
ashamed to come forth into the light. And
ven her friends practically say, that she is so de
nned and vile they will not attempt to vindicate
ter before the world. Shame, where is thy blush!
And is this a position which the chivalry of the
South can long endure ? Chafed, and galled, and
ashamed, how can they live, how meet the finger
of scorn, how endure the condemnation of the civ
ilized world ? If they are not beaten, they are a
fraid to meet the foe, and call on Mr. Gag Law
and his honor Judge Lynch to come to their help,
allies worthy the cause ! But can honorable
men stand up before the world in company with
such allies ? Must they not feel degraded in such
company be ashamed of themselves, and see
that their cause and characters must soon sink to
gether ? I envy not the man that is afraid to meet
the light, and sneaks away under the protection
of an infamous gag law. Such a man acknowli
edges the baseness of his own soul, and the base
ness of the cause which he meanly wishes to sus-
tain. And is this the glory slavery wreaths on the
temples of her friends ? Let them wear their lau
rels. I am glad that the temples of the Senator
from Ohio have won garlands of a far different
kind, which time can never wither, and which
death will render immortal. In the future histo
ry of our country, when iniquity shall no longer
be established by law, how will the labored effort
of Mr. Clay to soothe and uphold the infamous
system of slavery wither and die, when placed by
the side of the glowing, burning, scorching speech
of his neighbor from Ohio? Surely the race is,
not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. These
speeches will gp down to posterity ; and what
will be the decision of future ages ? Can any man
doubt ? They will be brought to view in that day
when the secrets of every heart will be disclosed,
and the oppressor must meet the oppressed before

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